Both parties were very solicitous for my declaring myself openly; but

besides my discovering that they were both head-strong, my happiness

prompted me to wish for the annihilation of the Constitution, as the

King’s repose so much depended on it.

I proposed to Lewis XV. that he should forbid all his subjects, as well

ecclesiastics as seculars, to pronounce the words _Bull_, _Jansenist_,

or _Molinist_, on pain of being severely punished; and to sentence such

priests as should be convicted of having refused the administration of

the sacraments, to perpetual imprisonment. But the goodness of his heart

would not allow him to exercise any methods that had an air of violence

or despotism. He wanted to be obeyed; but then, only by moderate and

gentle means.

While it was debated what method to pursue, to terminate these disputes,

a courtier said to the King, “Sire, there is but one resource, which is,

to renew the _Vingtieme_, and examine the ecclesiastical revenues; the

bishops will forget the _Bull Unigenitus_, when they are reminded that

they must give money to the state.” In effect, this new object diverted

their attention from the other.

The arrival of the Infanta of Parma completely dissipated that lowring

disposition which the _Constitution_ had spread at court. Nothing was

thought of but entertaining the Princess. I advised the King to give a

ball and an opera. In these diversions I strove rather to amuse the

King, than to divert this sovereign Princess his daughter.

The ministers of state, whom I often saw, told me that they were very

much occupied. The war had thrown them into arrears for ten years. The

King had given M. d’Argenson a coadjutor in the war department. This was

the Marquis de Paulini, a very able and intelligent man; but arts and

literature engaged part of that time which might have been employed for

the benefit of the state.

He knew more than a learned man need to have done, and he was

unacquainted with more things than a minister should have been ignorant

of. The King had sent him to examine the military state of France. He

had just visited the southern parts to reconnoitre the fortresses, and

the troops quarters. When he made his report to the King, he added,

that he had seen the protestants of Languedoc, and that at a time they

were suspected of taking up arms, they were assembled to offer up

prayers to heaven for the recovery of the Dauphin. This intelligence

greatly affected the King. It gives peculiar pleasure to sovereigns to

find all their subjects attached to them. This, perhaps, is the most

tender point of self-love in princes.

Though the King, by an effect of that goodness which is so natural to

him, often laid aside his disposition to make our conversation

agreeable, the progress of melancholy was very rapid upon my mind. At

certain moments every thing was insipid to me. I was convinced of the

propriety of what Madam de Maintenon once said, that in every state of

life there is a dreadful vacuum. What increased my anxiety was, that I

was obliged to put on a gay appearance, at the very time that the most

gnawing grief preyed upon me.

Here will I say, to the scandal of human greatness, that notwithstanding

the favour I possessed, and the brilliant elevation of my fortune, I

several times resolved upon quitting the court--Ambition alone doubtless

with-held me, for we sacrifice all things to our predominant passion. It

was this same ambition that, having raised me to the pinnacle of

grandeur, made me pass more unhappy days than those which would have

glided away, if I had remained in a less distinguished state. Every body

envied my fate, and no one thought but that I was the happiest of women:

but the state of my felicity was far from corresponding with the idea

the world entertained of it.

Those who aspire to a more elevated sphere than that wherein virtue has

placed them, fancy that riches, rank, grandeur and titles, contribute to

happiness, and that in these imaginary advantages felicity centers.

This is a fallacious opinion; when once we are accustomed to these

things, they seldom afford us any gratification. The idea which we frame

of them, pleases us more than possession itself. Neither magnificent

palaces, superb furniture, nor the most valuable jewels in Europe, which

I possessed, could make me happy.

The Count de Maurepas, who had compelled me to request the King to grant

him an exile, signified to some persons about me, that he should like to

obtain leave to reside in common at Pontchartrain. This castle is

situated near Versailles, and he was expressly forbid, upon leaving

court, to reside there. I voluntarily took upon myself to obtain this

permission for him. I asked it of the King, who said to me, in granting

it,--“Indeed, Madam, I admire your noble soul; the Count de Maurepas

has grievously offended you, and you, nevertheless, interest yourself in

his behalf.”

When the Count’s friends found that the King so easily granted what was

requested in his favour, they spoke to me about his recall to court: But

I refused to employ my credit to obtain this fresh indulgence. This was

the only thing wherein Lewis XV. possessed unshakeable fortitude. I do

not know, that notwithstanding all this Prince’s favour, with which I

was honoured, I could in this have succeeded. The attempt might have

been dangerous to myself: We should never expose ourselves to a refusal:

it is the first step that leads to indifference.

It was then publicly said, that this minister was indebted for this

favour to the Cardinal de la Rochefoucault and the Duke de Nivernois,

his relations, who at that time had some interest at court: but the

truth is, that neither the one or the other had any share in it.

The King was always surrounded with remonstrances from his parliaments.

I complained to the gentlemen of the gown, of the disturbances which

they themselves created in the state, by their obstinacy. They always

answered me, that they laboured for the glory of the King, the welfare

of the state, and the happiness of the people. It is, in my opinion, a

great abuse of the administration in France, that private individuals,

born in obscurity, and almost constantly without any other merit than

that of having purchased an employment for two or three thousand louis

d’ors, should consider themselves as part of the monarchy, and be

continually struggling with the royal authority. Marshal Saxe, before he

died, told the King, “Sire, I advise you to reimburse your parliaments;

for it is from the value of their employment, that these people derive

their consequence.”

These disputes brought religion into contempt. An author, who, supposing

that the _Bull Unigenitus_ was entirely destroyed, as the parliament

wanted to compel the curates to administer to sick people, suspected of

Jansenism, published a performance under this title, “_The funeral

oration of that most high and powerful Princess, the Bull UNIGENITUS_.”

It has been observed, that such books as these corrupt the morals more

than heresy itself. The parliament, who would not submit to the King,

said, that they opposed the schism. The Jansenists, who were refused the

administration of the sacraments, maintained with all their might, that

the gates of heaven were shut against them, in opposing the will of God;

which was a schism in this doctrine, as they allowed of no flexibility

in Providence: wherefore Mr. Maillebois, the father, said, that the

Jansenists were guilty of heresy against their own sect; for they wanted

to force predestination, after having taught that it was immutable.

This scene, which continued for several years, made France quite

ridiculous. The protestants of the kingdom, who were forbidden to speak,

said nothing: but those in foreign countries avenged their brethren’s

taciturnity, by publishing the most poignant satires against those

disputes, without considering that the same principles amongst them

produce the same divisions.

Engraving was made a party in this affair; a plate was dedicated to me,

wherein the hall of the parliament of Paris represented the school of

the Sorbonne. All the presidents and counsellors were dressed like

doctors, who instructed the King and the bishops of France in points of

religion, and these were depicted as scholars.

These sarcasms, which afflicted the King, embittered my days. I spoke

upon this subject to the first president, complained to the bishops, and

had some curates introduced to me, to talk with them about it; but these

measures procured me no relief, this dispute having given importance to

these people, in the opinion of the world, which they would not

otherwise have obtained.

Whilst a proper medicine was sought to appease these troubles, the

clergy came to ask justice of the King, for the attack the parliament

had made. This body had issued arrets in regard to matters that were

more connected with theology than policy.

The King appointed a commission to take cognizance of this affair. The

deputies of the bishops required preliminaries to be settled, before

they entered upon a negociation. They demanded, 1. The annulling of a

certain arret, as an attack upon the authority of the church. 2. The

establishment of bills of confession. 3. A reparation of honour from the

parliament to the archbishop, for having accused him of favouring a

schism. The King granted the deputies partly what they asked, and

refused them the other part. He annulled the arret, not only because it

infringed the rights of the clergy, but because it attacked his own

authority; “inasmuch, said the declarations, as the parliament have not

a right to make regulations; and that in case they should have any to

make, they should apply to the King, to ask him leave.”

In the same arret it was set forth, that no case could occur, wherein a

priest was entitled to refuse the sacraments on account of the _Bull

Unigenitus_. It was therefore added, “that with respect to spiritual

administration, the lay judges had no right to take any cognizance,

unless a law-suit ensued.”

These distinctions did not restore peace, but war continued. They fought

as before with the weapons of remonstrance. The parliament, who were

desirous of interfering as a party in the affair relating to the

administration of the sacraments, would not content themselves with

being only judges. New satyrical writings made their appearance: they

spared neither church nor state; and the King was greatly mortified by

them. I often entreated him to pay no regard to these wretched

pamphlets, whose low obscure authors were more deserving of contempt

than chastisement. But I could never prevail upon him to take this

revenge, which is the only one that should gratify sovereigns, with

respect to these unfortunate scribblers.

To convince him what sort of animals these authors were, I sent for one

into my apartment at Versailles, after having promised him pardon for

the book he had wrote, and also my protection. The King saw him, and

spoke to him for some time; after which he said to me, in raising his

shoulders, “Indeed, Madam, you are right, those folks deserve more to be

pitied than hated.”

Though Europe enjoyed a state of tranquility in 1753, this was a period

of troubles and divisions in France.

The nobility of Brittany shewed themselves equally turbulent as the

bishops, the clergy, and the parliament. They protested in a very high

stile, against what had been determined by arret, during the assembly of

the states. They had no such right. This assembly in a body represent

the royal authority; so that their deliberations are above the

protestations of any individuals that compose it. Louis XV. had several

letters de cachet dispatched, which exiled the bishops in their

dioceses, and the gentlemen in their estates.

Marshal Belleisle said, that “Letters de cachet in France were the only

specific for curing the disorder of disobedience: but that they were so

often used, that it was to be feared, they would at length produce no

effect?” But this remedy is not always made use of by the King;

ministers oftener apply it than the Prince: this is what renders the

French administration so odious to foreigners. I have, nevertheless,

heard a man of great sense applaud the use of them. He pretended that

_order_ was produced by this _disorder_. “It is said, continued he, that

the King of England has no authority to arrest the lowest of his

subjects. This is very well in England, where a republican spirit keeps

every one within the bounds prescribed to him by the constitution; but,

in France, where nobody is acquainted with the laws, where the climate

and society excite every man’s desire of speaking, all would be lost, if

the administration had not the authority of stopping this natural

impetuosity of Frenchmen, &c. &c.

“This authority lodged with the sovereign is, perhaps, necessary amongst

us; without it the great bodies politic would infringe too much upon the

rights of the crown. We have often seen in France, the clergy, the third

estate, and parliaments, endeavouring to rule over the rights of the

King. If the sovereign had not then the power of stopping the

proceedings of these bodies, all government must have subsided; for it

cannot be imagined, that those, who represent the church and the people,

would rule with a spirit of moderation and patriotism. In every state

of life, man is animated with ambition, and the most dangerous kind of

ambition is that which has for its pretext the glory of God, and the

happiness of the people.”

The same year gave us one example of this, with respect to the

parliament of Paris, to whom the court paid too great deference, and who

were so daring as to speak to the King in these words, in one of their

remonstrances.

“If those persons, who abuse your Majesty’s confidence, pretend to

reduce us to the alternative, either of failing in our duty, or

incurring your disgrace, we declare to them, that we feel ourselves

possessed of courage to become the victims of our fidelity.”

M. de Belleisle, who personally attended at this last representation,

said to the King, that after this _coup d’eclat_ (bold stroke) the

parliament must either be dissolved, or the administration of the

kingdom given up to them. Lewis XV. banished them to Pontoise; but this

did not increase their docility: chastisement came too late; they had

been accustomed to withstand the government. From the extremity of their

exile they braved the authority of the King, who upon this occasion

testified less fortitude than the parliament did weakness. They were

exiled to punish them for having interfered with the bills of

confession; and they were no sooner at Pontoise, than he decreed the

seizing of a priest, for having refused the administration of the

sacraments.

Two marriages took place, which in some measure diverted these

parliamentary broils. That of the Prince de Conde with Madamoiselle

Soubise. There were at first some difficulties raised, with respect to

the titles of the house of Soubise; for this was a ticklish period, when

obstacles were started on every hand; but the King found out a

modification, by granting to both the houses of Bouillon and Soubise the

quality of serene highnesses.

Mademoiselle de Soubise brought the Prince of Conde a portion of five

millions of livres in land, without reckoning her jewels and other

expectancies, at the death of her father. The Princess whom Lewis XIV.

wedded, and the lady with whom Lewis XV. shared his throne, were not by

far so rich.

The second marriage was that of the Duke of Gisors, son to Marshal

Belleisle, with Mademoiselle de Nivernois. The court is the region of

metamorphose: the _procureur-general_ Fouquet, condemned to death by

nine judges, and banished France for his malversation in the finances,

would never have imagined that his grandson would become the

father-in-law to the daughter of the duke of Nivernois.

This duke was at that time embassador at Rome, and I frequently saw him

upon his return. He was, in my opinion, one of the foremost in merit

among the lords at court. The characters of the great are generally

composed of good qualities and defects, whereby they are less

distinguished by their virtues than their vices. This nobleman was

exempt from those foibles which tarnish superior talents. He was an

active, vigilant, indefatigable minister; a great statesman; a profound

politician; uniting with the sublime qualities of a negociator all those

which make a man amiable in society, being a good husband, a good

father, and a good friend--in a word, an honest man. Interest, that

passion which vilifies the great, found no refuge in his heart. I could

willingly compare him to Prince Charles of Lorrain, for the virtues of

his mind; and to one of the greatest geniuses that do honour to the

age, for the qualities of his head:--he may not, perhaps, be so

brilliant, but, then he has more solidity.

These two marriages were necessary to free us from that languid state,

in which those mournful disputes had immersed us. It was in vain for me

to attempt giving the King a gay turn of mind; those unhappy affairs

constantly brought him back to his melancholy state. Besides, I did not

now, as I have already said, possess myself that gaiety and chearfulness

which, before my residence at Versailles, so greatly characterized me;

and it is difficult to transmit to others what we no longer enjoy

ourselves.

Lewis XV. who, in his lively moments, took a good deal of pleasure in

reproaching me with this change of disposition, said to me one day,

“_Methinks, Madam, that you throw a great share of gravity into your

behaviour. If this continues, I must play my part to make you laugh; I

must sing little couplets to divert you_.” This was precisely the means

I had used to dispel that gloom which overwhelmed him: upon my arrival

at Versailles I understood his meaning, and I endeavoured to get the

better of my pensive disposition.

The parliament still continued in disgrace: the Prince of Conti

endeavoured to restore them to favour. He exerted himself greatly to

compass this design. This prince, who had retired from Versailles,

troubled himself very little with the perplexities of the court. When

the King was informed of the task he had undertaken, his Majesty said,

_It is surprising that the Prince of Conti who has hitherto never

meddled with any thing, should give himself the trouble to bring such

head-strong people back to their duty_.

His efforts were fruitless; they would not submit to this Prince’s

reasons, and he said upon his return to the isle of Adam, “If the King

had sent me plenipotentiary to some prince at enmity with France, I

should have terminated the war; but I cannot negociate between him and

his parliament.”

The King set out for Compiegne, where the Court was very brilliant. All

the Princes of the blood and the nobility of the kingdom repaired

thither. It is by custom established, that the subjects eat with the

King at Compiegne; in consequence of which several lords regaled the

monarch. Among those who gave feasts to his Majesty, one Marquis Regnier

de Guerchy, lieutenant general, and colonel of the King’s regiment,

distinguished himself the most. Methought he had taste and judgment; for

both are necessary to treat a King of France with splendour and

delicacy. This colonel’s table at Compiegne usually consisted of two

hundred covers, and it happened more than once in this journey, that he

had upwards of three hundred guests. It was said of this

lieutenant-general, that he had served his country very well, which,

according to me, is the greatest elogium that can be given to a military

man.

When the King was at Compiegne, he was less taken up with the disputes

about religion and the parliament. Hunting and encampments entirely

engaged his attention, which gave him an air of contentment, that he

lost when he came to Versailles.

The year 1753 was the epocha of remonstrances. The comedians turned

their representations into state affairs. The opera of Paris, who saw

with regret the success of the other theatres, finding that the French

comedians had constantly full houses, thought proper to forbid their

performing ballets. The comedians made application to the government, to

obtain an edict of council to permit them to have dances. There was

something whimsical in their remonstrances to the King; for it is

difficult for a set of people, who by their profession are destined to

excite laughter, to acquire sufficient gravity to preserve such a

serious stile as is requisite in a piece dedicated to a supreme

tribunal. One of the deputies said to me, “Madam, the modern productions

are so very bad, that the greater part of them cannot be supported

without ballets. Capering is a great auxiliary to declamation, I foretel

you, Madam, that if we are not allowed to dance, words will be of no

signification.” The King laughed when I related to him this slight.

Nevertheless these same French comedians shut up their theatre, and

haughtily declared that they could not act, unless they were allowed to

dance. This theatrical vacation, which appeared trifling, was really an

affair of state. Dramatic performances prevent an infinite number of

vices which idleness creates.

The parliament, who were always in part exiled, no longer officiating,

it occasioned great detriment to public affairs. The King ordered them

to resume their vocations; they did not obey. The great chamber sent a

deputation to Versailles; they made fresh remonstrances, and here things

remained.

Happily for France, the Dauphiness was brought to bed, and those

disputes, which had spread such a general gloom at court and in the

city, were immediately forgot. Public rejoicings inspired such gaiety as

dispelled this universal cloud. Frenchmen are seldom long bereft of

their chearfulness. A marriage, or recovery, restores to them their

natural sprightliness. I do not know whether this continual transition

from grief to joy, is not preferable to that pensive disposition of the

English, which inspires them with a melancholy, from which no secondary

cause can retrieve them. A Spanish Ambassador said to me, _that the

French have some moments of existence, but that the English are in a

continual state of mortality_.

The new-born Prince was named Duke of Aquitaine. The King forsook

business to give an entire loose to pleasure, for which this happy event

gave him a relish. It made a sensible change in my disposition, as it

inspired our conversation with gaiety, and renewed our satisfaction.

Versailles was now the scene of festivity; when all the nobility

belonging to court signalized themselves, and the courtiers upon this

occasion seemed transported with joy at an event, which in reality must

have been a matter of indifference to them.

Such resources as these were necessary to rescue us from that languid

state, wherein the sameness of amusement immersed us. I had employed

the greatest refinements of art to dissipate the King’s melancholy; but

every thing is at length exhausted. Custom destroys even that novelty,

which alone can make impression on our senses.

The Duke of Richelieu, who was often of our parties in the little

apartments, afforded us great amusement. He related every thing with

that insinuating art that so happily pleases; but even his wit betrayed

too much of the courtier. One might read in his very looks his desire of

success; never did any mortal sacrifice more to fortune; he was for

grasping all favour, and disposing of the state as an absolute matter.

He publickly said, that he had done all for me, and I had done nothing

for him. But if I did not do better for him, he should blame his genius

for intrigue, and his ambitious desires, which he had not always the

power to moderate. Complaints were frequently made against him, which I

appeased. Several courtiers who had resolved to destroy him, had

prejudiced Lewis XV. against him, and I restored him to favour. But I

was not willing that he should see the King too often; for I knew his

scheme was to gain his confidence, and afterwards to estrange from court

all those who had too great an ascendant over him.

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