“The uncertainty that was introduced with regard to the foundation

of the legitimacy of faith, hath been the means employed by impiety

to insinuate into people’s minds its mortal poison. What advantage

hath it not derived from the melancholy circumstances wherein we

saw the holy fathers, who had passed their lives in exercising the

laborious functions of the ministry to which they were

consecrated? enlightened doctors, still more recommendable for

their piety than their understanding: pious maidens, who, in their

recluse retreat entirely engaged with God and their salvation,

passed their time in the most austere works of repentance, treated

like refractory members of the church, deprived with ignominy of

the benefits it dispensed to its children, without its being known

what truths decided by the church, these children refused to

believe, or what errors prescribed by it, they refused to condemn!

“The ostentatious philosopher, who foolishly jealous of the

divinity itself, sees with regret the homage that is paid to him,

judged this to be the favourable moment for producing his monstrous

system of incredulities.

“This system promulgated abroad, has unhappily made but too rapid

a progress. A torrent of writings, infected with these detestable

errors, rushed forth; and to complete the misfortune, they have

insensibly crept into those schools defined to form proper

defenders of faith and religion. Strange calamity for a most

christian King! Error gains ground, and is not removed; the

principal ministers of religion are employed only in exacting the

acceptance of a decree, which offering nothing certain, alarms

timid consciences by the consequences that may be drawn from it

against the salutary doctrine, and whilst they with the greatest

rigour prosecute those, who, by at least a pardonable, if not a

well grounded scruple, refuse subscribing to it; they neglect what

is essential, and let religion be shaken to its very foundation.

“The impious become more resolute, and audacity is carried to its

greatest height; and it was reserved for us to be eye-witnesses of

a public thesis being maintained without opposition, in the first

university of the christian world, whereby all the false principles

of incredulity are systematically established[A].

“Your parliament, Sire, who by the authority you have conferred

upon them, should principally attend to whatever regards the

religion of the state, are moved at the sight of so scandalous a

proceeding. They have summoned the agents of the university. The

attention of the magistrates has called the faculty back to their

duty, has awakened the zeal of the pastors; and soon after appeared

the censures of the Thesis, accompanied with the most dishonourable

sentence, with which he, who had the audacity to maintain it, was

branded[B].

“Such are the wounds that the growing schism has from its birth

given to religion. What may we not fear it has to suffer in the

sequel; and can we view it without being penetrated with

affliction? With some it will be totally destroyed, and if others

preserve it, the spirit will be entirely lost.

“Hatred, animosity, and persecution, seize upon their hearts; those

divine characters of union and charity, which distinguish the

catholic church, are no longer to be known; and religion will be

almost universally destroyed, either in the mind, or in the heart.

“But, Sire, if your parliament owe their first attention to the

interest of religion, they are equally engaged by the fidelity

they have sworn to you, to guard the preservation of those great

maxims which constitute the essence of your sovereignty.

“And how could they avoid opposing with all their might, the

progress of a scheme framed by some ministers of the church, to

erect the constitution _Unigenitus, as a rule of faith_. This

enterprize, inasmuch as it is prejudicial to religion, is contrary

to the principles of public right, upon which the independency of

your authority is founded. When this bull came into France, your

parliament acquainted Lewis XIV. with all the danger of the

condemnation which was therein pronounced against the proposition

that relates to the matter of excommunication.

“_Hence will follow_, we told him, _that unjust excommunications,

that even the menaces of an unjust censure, may suspend the

accomplishment of the most essential and indispensible duties: and

what might be the consequence? The liberties of the Gallican

church, the maxims adopted by the kingdom upon the authority of

kings, upon the independency of their crown, upon the fidelity that

is due to them from their subjects, might be annihilated, or at

least suspended in the minds of the people, solely by the

impression made on them by a menace of excommunication, though

unjust_.

“Lewis XIV. was sensible of the importance of these reflections.

The bull was not received but with such modifications, as are not

so much modifications as an absolute assertion of the condemned

proposition.

“These wise precautions, the ramparts of our liberty, judged

necessary by the late King, confirmed by your Majesty upon every

occasion, carefully repeated in the declarations you made to

establish the authority of the bull, conformable to the sentiments

of the bishops, who gave their explanations in 1744, and

corroborated by the formal decision of the Sorbonne, as they

solemnly declared it verbally, by their Syndic in 1732; how are

these to be reconciled with the eminent character that is now

wanted to be given this bull, in erecting it into _a rule of

faith_?

“Dogmas of faith are not susceptible of modification; so that

giving to the bull the qualifications or effects of a _rule of

faith_, and exacting its pure and simple acceptance upon this

foundation, is by a necessary consequence destroying the

modifications which have been opposed to it, subverting the great

principle of your absolute independence of all other power

whatever; it is endeavouring to obtain the acknowledgment of an

authority, capable of annihilating or suspending the rights of

your sovereign authority.

“Your Majesty, convinced of this truth, however favourably you may

have expressed yourself upon the bull, has never allowed it to be

denominated _a rule of faith_. All those writings which have

appeared, wherein it has been endeavoured to represent it in that

light, have been proscribed by judgments which you yourself have

given: and when your parliament represented to you in 1733, their

uneasiness at the conduct of some ecclesiastics, in various

dioceses, who appeared to give this character to the bull; your

Majesty reproached them for having foreseen that it could happen,

that the spiritual authority should desire to erect into a dogma of

faith, propositions contrary to the inviolable maxims of France.

“Your Majesty told us that such an undertaking would not revolt

less against the church of your kingdom, than against the

magistrates; and that we might have been in security by the

precautions which the bishops took in 1714, for the preservation of

maxims, with regard to the ninety-first condemned proposition.

“But, Sire, of what signification are these precautions taken by

some bishops of your kingdom, if the others do not adhere to them,

if they exact the pure and simple acceptation of the bull, if they

look upon those as out of the pale of the church who do not declare

their submission to it, without any restriction or reserve, and if

they pretend to exclude them upon this foundation from the

participation of all sacraments?

“There are few amongst them, it is true, who have openly declared

themselves, by saying, that the constitution is _a rule of faith_;

but by giving it the effects of _a rule of faith_, is not that

saying that it is a _rule of faith_? In matters of doctrine, none

but those who err in a point of faith, can be excluded the

participation of the sacraments of the church; therefore a refusal

of the sacraments to whosoever does not submit to the constitution,

is making the constitution a rule of faith.

“The condemnation that the constitution has pronounced against the

ninety-first proposition, is manifestly contrary to the great

maxims of the kingdom, and is absolutely incompatible with the

observance of these maxims. Therefore, when we see the ministers of

the church, when we see the bishops establish the constitution as a

rule of faith, we see that by a fatality, which, Sire, your

goodness could not presume, that they want to erect into dogmas the

faith of opinions, contrary to the most inviolable maxims of

France.

“They in vain protest their attachment to our liberties. Their

conduct belies the sincerity of their words: Or, if it is really

nothing more than an extravagant zeal for the bull that actuates

them, they teach us how dangerous it is for them to decide

arbitrarily in causes that may exclude the participation of the

sacraments. Their pretended zeal becomes a passion that blinds

them; prejudice shuts their eyes to the consequences of their

conduct. Add to this, that if this tyranny were once introduced, we

should soon see it by a still greater abuse, if possible, extending

itself over matters entirely foreign to the dogma, and purely

temporal. The point would not then only be what might relate to

conscience; they would make themselves arbiters of the state, and

of the form of the citizens, and would render the admission of the

sacraments just as conditional as they pleased.

“These are not vain fears that agitate us. We know but too well,

that even in this case, nothing could conquer the obstinacy of an

unjust refusal; and that neither the most respectable birth, nor

the most pure, constant, and exemplary virtue, would be sufficient

titles to claim, at the point of death, these sacred benefits, the

dispensation whereof cannot depend upon human motives, and which by

right belong to the faithful[C].

“Your parliament, Sire, strangely surprised at so many abuses,

daily committed before their eyes, have been made still more

strongly sensible of the danger, when having sent a deputation to

the archbishop of Paris, with regard to the fresh refusal of the

sacraments, by the curate of St. Etiénne du Mont; this prelate,

without making any reply, imperiously declared, that this was done

by his orders. What reflections must the mind make at such a

declaration! We shall now suppress them out of respect.

“It will be sufficient to say, that your parliament have judged it

to be their indispensable duty to act with rigour against this

curate, in order to teach the inferior ministers of the church,

that whatever orders they may have received from their superiors,

they are answerable for putting them in execution, when these

orders tend to disturb the public tranquility, and particularly

when they are liable to foment a schism, the consequences of which

cannot be considered without horror.

“May we be permitted, Sire, to supplicate you to take into

consideration the remonstrances which your parliament had the

honour of presenting you last year. You will there find it

demonstrated, that the error in the representation of a bill of

confession, which the curate of St. Etiénne du Mont alledged for

the reason of his refusal, cannot be a legal cause for refusing the

_holy viaticum_ to a dying person, and that the exaction of this

bill is only a vague pretence for refusing the sacraments to those

who are suspected of not accepting the constitution.

“May we be allowed to recal to your memory, the principles

established in the representations which your parliament made

previously to you in 1731, and 1733, upon the first refusal of the

sacraments that came to their knowledge. The _Bull Unigenitus_ is

not a rule of faith. The church alone could give it this supreme

character, and the church has not given it. This bull is even of

such a nature that it cannot be a rule of faith. It offers nothing

certain. The different qualifications it gives to the propositions

which it condemns, and this indetermination, absolutely oppose its

ever being a dogma of faith: These maxims of France, which form the

basis of our liberties, would otherwise soon be destroyed.

“Will you, then, Sire, permit the torch of schism to be lighted up

in the heart of your kingdom, on account of the acceptance that is

exacted of this bull. There is nothing more menacing to an empire,

than divisions in religious matters: They become still more fatal

when the cause is unjust. Let them not be introduced into your

kingdom, stifle them in their birth, and to that end let your

parliaments act. They alone can restore a calm, by the vigilant

exertion of their institution. A dying person may at every instant

have recourse to the magistrate, to claim the benefits that may be

inhumanly denied him.

“If you reserve to yourself the care of making provision in this

case, however favourable your intentions may be, the distance of

places, the importance of your occupations, the difficulty of

gaining access to the foot of your throne, will prevent their

effect.

“Severity will not so effectually suppress the designs that veil

the schism, as dispatch. Its progress is to be dreaded. Preachers

already arise, who endeavour to disturb the people’s minds, and

make our churches echo with their seditious sermons. If the fire

encreases, it is to be feared that the flames will spread to such a

degree, that no authority will be sufficiently powerful to stop

the conflagration.

“Let us call to mind in the history of past ages, those bills of

association; those extorted declarations in the tribunal of

penance; those scandalous sermons which spread the alarm in

timorous consciences; those bloody wars carried to such an excess,

that shook even this throne.

“Struck with dread at the sight of these great misfortunes, we

shall not cease, Sire, to rise up against all such proceedings as

tend to schism; and we shall not cease to lay before you their

shocking consequences. To prevent our acting, to stifle our voices,

we must be annihilated. And if by an event which we should consider

ourselves as almost guilty to foresee, it should happen that our

constancy to support the rights of your crown, those of the state

and of religion, we should draw upon ourselves your Majesty’s

disgrace, we should lament without altering our conduct.

“Incapable of betraying our duty, we should have nothing to offer

you in homage but our tears, till time should convince you how

advantageous it is for you, that your parliament at no period

swerve from the inviolable fidelity they owe to religion, to their

country, and to their King; and that in their archives may be found

the uninterrupted tradition of conduct and maxims, which secure the

tranquility of your kingdom, and the independance of your

sovereignty.

“Such, Sire, are the most humble and respectful remonstrances which

the counsellors in parliament assembled, have the honour of

presenting to your Majesty.

“Done in parliament, this

13th of April, 1752.

“Signed,

“DE MAUPEOU.”

This fine discourse, written with energy, did not proclaim peace, but

was, on the contrary, a declaration of war, founded in appearance upon

the exigencies of the police, and the tranquility of the state; the

spirit of party was, however, its only dictator: The parliament being

composed almost entirely of Jansenists, wanted to destroy the Molinist

cabal. Each pursued his private prejudices, and no one thought of the

advantage of the state.

The King, in answer to these representations, declared, that he should

take upon himself to punish such priests as gave offence to the state,

by refusing the sacraments, and forbad the parliament interfering in the

matter: but this court took care not to obey. So far from submitting,

they published an arret, expresly ordering the priests to ask no bills

of confession from the sick people, and to administer the sacraments to

them, without interrogating them in any shape upon the subject. As

ordonnances are generally of greater latitude than they should be, this

body, having become all at once Theologists, availed themselves of this

opportunity to forbid the preachers using certain expressions, and they

specified the terms in which their sermons should be conceived.

Idle people, who deride every thing, even the most serious affairs,

turned this arret into ridicule. The wits of Paris said that the

parliament had pared the preachers nails in such a manner, that they

could not scratch the Jansenists any more.

Such sick people as wanted to commune, purchased an arret, which they

presented instead of a bill of confession. The retailers of bon-mots

said, “That the parliament of Paris were going to establish a communion

office at Paris, where the Jansenists might furnish themselves with

each sacrament, at the rate of forty-two sols tournois, for an arret.”

The court issued another ordonnance in favour of the _Bull Unigenitus_;

but the parliament, without paying attention to it, sent forth decrees

against the priests who refused to administer. The two parties became

inveterate, by their reciprocal obstinacy.

The Dauphin’s illness, which happened at the height of this dispute,

produced some short truce. This Prince found himself indisposed, as he

retired to his apartment on the first of May, 1752, at night. His

disorder was the smallpox, as was visible from the usual symptoms. He

happily recovered from it; and the King, who was at first alarmed,

testified great joy upon this Prince’s recovery.

Louis XV. is very fond of his children; and particularly the Dauphin:

never did a father sympathise so much at the vicissitudes of his

family. He pays remarkable attention to all those who belong to him.

Whenever the Queen is the least indisposed, he flies to her apartment,

and never leaves her till she is better.

All France congratulated him upon the recovery of the presumptive heir

to the crown. Each body of the state demonstrated their joy by some

particular rejoicings, and the people displayed theirs by general

festivity.

I resolved in turn to testify my satisfaction at this happy event, by an

analogous feast; but I would do nothing without consulting the King. I

imparted to him my design, which he approved of, and my plan, which he

applauded.

Every one that has heard my name mentioned, knows that I obtained

BELLE-VUE, where I had exhausted the refinements of art to make an

agreeable receptacle for the King. These kinds of feasts must be

allegorical, otherwise they do not express the subject of the rejoicing.

My decoration represented various dens surrounded with a piece of water,

in the middle of which was seen a luminous dolphin. Several monsters

attacked it, in vomiting flames; but Apollo, who was its protector,

hurled his thunder at them from above, and a large quantity of fireworks

compleated their destruction, as well as that of their residence. The

scene then instantly changed, and became the brilliant palace of the

sun, where the dolphin re-appeared, in all its splendor, by means of a

magnificent illumination, which lasted all night.

Scarce had the Dauphin recovered from his disorder, before the

parliament and the bishops engaged a-new the attention of the court and

the city. It was the peace that gave sufficient leisure to attend to

these disputes. In time of war, they would have had other objects to

engage their attention than bills of confession. The court would have

despised such an affair; and the parliament would not have allowed it to

be mentioned.

The obstinacy of the parliament, and the stubbornness of the curates in

refusing the sacraments, increased the King’s melancholy. I endeavoured

to multiply the amusements of his private parties, in order to remove

that state of languor which business had brought upon him. I detained

him with me at night as late as I possibly could, and did not let him

retire, till I had dissipated the clouds of his mind, by every method

that I thought would produce the effect. Music was a great assistant to

me; Rameaux was very useful to me in this respect. The King had a taste

for light airs, and this musician excelled in this kind of composition,

Jelliot executed still better than Rameaux composed. He was unrivalled

in giving life to expression, and grace to sound. I may venture to say,

that this performer, by the gaiety that he spread over the King’s mind,

was often the mediator of the most important affairs of Europe.

We know that all our resolutions spring from the actual disposition of

the soul. A monarch that refuses every thing when his mind is seized

with a certain melancholy, grants every thing when this vapour is

dissipated.

This disposition, the usual effect of secondary causes, and which

derives its origin from an harmonious sound, a wink, and most frequently

from the temperature of the air, does not always pursue the rule of

justice. It is unhappy for the people to be governed by mortals subject

to a machine susceptible of every kind of impression. It would be for

the good of mankind if they were governed by angels. I often repeated,

that Lewis XV. was extremely affected by these religious disputes. I

often heard him say, he would prefer being at war with princes rather

than with Theologians, because with those the treaty of peace terminates

the quarrel; whereas with these even the spirit of reconciliation

contributes to encrease it.

Marshal Saxe formerly said to me, that if he were to have gained an

advantage over the Tartars, he would have given them quarter; but that

if he had conquered an army of Theologians, he would have exterminated

them without mercy.

A man of wit, and a great politician, was of opinion, that the

universities should be shut up, and their theses forbidden upon pain of

death. He shewed me a manuscript work, whereby he pretended to prove

that all the wars, and all the crimes that had been committed in Europe

since the establishment of christianity, derived their origin from

religious disputes.

This is easy to believe, he added, if we consider that the spirit of

contention, which springs from dogmas, spreads itself through every

class, and that it is this general spirit that forms the genius of

nations.

The war relating to the _Constitution_ still continuing,

plenipotentiaries were appointed: these were commissaries, who were to

decide, whether the curates had a right to let the King’s subjects die

without communing. The Bishops said, this was the business of a council;

but the parliament were of opinion, that the Bull Unigenitus was in

subordination to the police of the state. These commissaries assembled

very regularly; but they took care to come to no determination.

The Prince of Conti, who was always in a passion when this affair was

mentioned before him, said, it should be decided by a court martial.

To this kind of tragedy some comic scenes were united. A curate who was

compelled to administer to a sick person, said to him in a loud voice,

_I commune you by order of the parliament_. Another expressed himself

thus to a dying man: _It is in consequence of an arret of the great

chamber, that I bring you God Almighty_.

The body of the clergy, who till now had appeared neuter in the affair,

entered the lists. The bishops asked justice of the King, for the

attempt of the parliament, who interfered in what did not relate to

them; and the reason they assigned was, that only God, the Pope, the

bishops, and the curates, had the right of administering. They pretended

that the great chamber should make reparation to the archbishop of

Paris, for having accused him of favouring a schism.

The King was very far from granting them what they required, as he could

not obtain of the parliament what he asked of them. Here again it was

necessary to issue arrets, to prevent licentious writings, and order

certain books to be burnt by the hand of the hangman. These were so many

fresh attacks upon the King’s constitution, and what spread an

additional gloom over his temper, already too grave.

Of all the royal family, the King was the only one who took this matter

to heart. The Queen had accustomed herself to lay all the vicissitudes

of this world at the foot of the crucifix: the King’s daughters would

not allow the _Bull Unigenitus_ to be mentioned: the Dauphin only said

that he could not speak, but that if he were King, he should know what

he had to do; the Princes of the blood despised these disputes; the

courtiers wanted to be meddling, but they knew nothing of the matter.

It was happy for France that old Marshal Belleisle was no Theologian,

for he would have embroiled matters still more. His highest ambition was

to fathom these things; but his age and vocations did not allow him to

signalize himself upon this occasion. He nevertheless, engaged in a

dispute upon predestination, to seem as if he was acquainted with what

he was entirely ignorant of.

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