CHAPTER V.

SECOND ENGLISH SIEGE OF BADAJOS.

[Sidenote: 1811. May.]

There is no operation in war so certain as a modern siege, provided

the rules of art are strictly followed, but, unlike the ancient

sieges in that particular, it is also different in this; that no

operation is less open to irregular daring, because the course of

the engineer can neither be hurried nor delayed without danger.

Lord Wellington knew that a siege of Badajos, in form, required

longer time, and better means, than were at his disposal, but he

was forced to incur danger and loss of reputation, which is loss of

strength, or to adopt some compendious mode of taking that place. The

time that he could command, and time is in all sieges the greatest

point, was precisely that which the French required to bring up a

force sufficient to disturb the operation; and this depended on the

movements of the army of Portugal, whose march from Salamanca to

Badajos, by the pass of Baños, or even through that of Gata, could

not be stopped by general Spencer, because the mouths of those

defiles were commanded by Marmont’s positions. It was possible

also at that season, for an army to pass the Tagus by fords near

Alcantara, and hence more than twenty days of free action against the

place were not to be calculated upon.

Now the carriages of the battering guns used in Beresford’s siege

were so much damaged, that the artillery officers asked eleven days

to repair them; and the scanty means of transport for stores was much

diminished by carrying the wounded from Albuera to the different

hospitals. Thus more than fifteen days of open trenches, and nine

days of fire could not be expected. With good guns, plentiful stores,

and a corps of regular sappers and miners, this time would probably

have sufficed; but none of these things were in the camp, and it was

a keen jest of Picton to say, that “lord Wellington sued Badajos in

forma pauperis.”

The guns, some of them cast in Philip the Second’s reign, were of

soft brass, and false in their bore; the shot were of different

sizes, and the largest too small; the Portuguese gunners were

inexperienced, there were but few British artillery-men, few

engineers, no sappers or miners, and no time to teach the troops

of the line how to make fascines and gabions. Regular and sure

approaches against the body of the place, by the Pardaleras and

the Picurina outworks, could not be attempted; but it was judged

that Beresford’s lines of attack on the castle and Fort Christoval,

might be successfully renewed, avoiding the errors of that general;

that is to say, by pushing the double attacks simultaneously, and

with more powerful means. San Christoval might thus be taken, and

batteries from thence could sweep the interior of the castle, which

was meanwhile to be breached. Something also was hoped from the

inhabitants, and something from the effect of Soult’s retreat after

Albuera.

This determination once taken, every thing was put in motion with the

greatest energy. Major Dickson, an artillery officer whose talents

were very conspicuous during the whole war, had, with unexpected

rapidity, prepared a battering train of thirty twenty-four-pounders,

four sixteen-pounders, and twelve eight and ten-inch howitzers

made to serve as mortars by taking off the wheels and placing

them on trucks. Six iron Portuguese ship-guns were forwarded from

Salvatierra, making altogether fifty-two pieces, a considerable

convoy of engineer’s stores had already arrived from Alcacer do

Sal, and a company of British artillery marched from Lisbon to be

mixed with the Portuguese, making a total of six hundred gunners.

The regular engineer-officers present, were only twenty-one

in number; but eleven volunteers from the line were joined as

assistant-engineers, and a draft of three hundred intelligent men

from the line, including twenty-five artificers of the staff corps,

strengthened the force immediately under their command.

Hamilton’s Portuguese division was already before the town, and on

the 24th of May, at the close of evening, general Houston’s division,

increased to five thousand men, by the addition of the seventeenth

Portuguese regiment, and the Tavira and Lagos militia, invested San

Christoval. The flying bridge was then laid down on the Guadiana, and

on the 27th Picton’s division, arriving from Campo Mayor, crossed

the river, by the ford above the town, and joined Hamilton, their

united force being about ten thousand men. General Hill commanded the

covering army which, including the Spaniards, was spread from Merida

to Albuera. The cavalry was pushed forward in observation of Soult,

and a few days after, intelligence having arrived that Drouet’s

division was on the point of effecting a junction with that marshal,

two regiments of cavalry and two brigades of infantry, which had

been quartered at Coria, as posts of communication with Spencer, were

called up to reinforce the covering army.

While the allies were engaged at Albuera, Phillipon, the governor

of Badajos, had levelled their trenches, repaired his own damages,

and obtained a small supply of wine and vegetables from the people

of Estremadura, who were still awed by the presence of Soult’s army;

and within the place all was quiet, for the citizens did not now

exceed five thousand souls. He had also mounted more guns, and when

the place was invested, parties of the townsmen mixed with soldiers,

were observed working to improve the defences; wherefore, as any

retrenchments made in the castle, behind the intended points of

attack, would have frustrated the besiegers’ object by prolonging the

siege, lord Wellington had a large telescope placed in the tower of

La Lyppe, near Elvas, by which the interior of the castle could be

plainly looked into, and all preparations discovered.

In the night of the 29th, ground was broken for a false attack

against the Pardaleras, and the following night sixteen hundred

workmen, with a covering party of twelve hundred, sank a parallel

against the castle, on an extent of eleven hundred yards, without

being discovered by the enemy, who did not fire until after daylight.

The same night twelve hundred workmen, covered by eight hundred men

under arms, opened a parallel four hundred and fifty yards from San

Christoval, and seven hundred yards from the bridge-head. On this

line one breaching, and two counter-batteries, were raised against

the fort and against the bridge-head, to prevent a sally from that

point; and a fourth battery was also commenced to search the defences

of the castle, but the workmen were discovered, and a heavy fire

struck down many of them.

On the 31st the attack against the castle, the soil being very soft,

was pushed forward without much interruption, and rapidly; but the

Christoval attack, being carried on in a rocky soil, and the earth

brought up from the rear, proceeded slowly, and with considerable

loss. This day the British artillery company came up on mules from

Estremos, and the engineer hastened the works. The direction of

the parallel against the castle was such, that the right gradually

approached the point of attack by which the heaviest fire of the

place was avoided; yet, so great was the desire to save time, that

before the suitable point of distance was attained, a battery of

fourteen twenty-four-pounders with six large howitzers was marked out.

[Sidenote: 1811. June.]

[Sidenote: French Register of the Siege, MSS.]

On the Christoval side, the batteries were not finished before the

night of the 1st of June, for the soil was so rocky, that the miner

was employed to level the ground for the platforms; and the garrison

having mortars of sixteen and eighteen inches’ diameter mounted

on the castle, sent every shell amongst the workmen. These huge

missiles would have ruined the batteries on that side altogether,

if the latter had not been on the edge of a ridge, from whence most

of the shells rolled off before bursting, yet so difficult is it to

judge rightly in war, that Phillipon stopped this fire, thinking it

was thrown away! The progress of the works was also delayed by the

bringing of earth from a distance, and woolpacks purchased at Elvas,

were found to be an excellent substitute.

In the night of the 2d, the batteries on both sides were completed,

and armed with forty-three pieces of different sizes, of which

twenty were pointed against the castle; the next day the fire of the

besiegers opened, but the windage caused by the smallness of the

shot, rendered it very ineffectual at first, and five pieces became

unserviceable. However, before evening the practice was steadier, the

fire of the fort was nearly silenced, and the covering of masonry

fell from the castle-wall, discovering a perpendicular bank of clay.

In the night of the 3d the parallel against the castle was prolonged,

and a fresh battery for seven guns traced out at six hundred and

fifty yards from the breach. On the 4th the garrison’s fire was

increased by several additional guns, and six more pieces of the

besiegers were disabled, principally by their own fire. Meanwhile the

batteries told but slightly against the bank of clay.

At Christoval, the fort was much injured, and some damage was done

to the castle, from one of the batteries on that side; but the guns

were so soft and bad that the rate of firing was of necessity greatly

reduced in all the batteries. In the night the new battery was armed,

all the damaged works were repaired, and the next day the enemy

having brought a gun in Christoval to plunge into the trenches on

the castle side, the parallel there was deepened and traverses were

constructed to protect the troops.

Fifteen pieces still played against the castle, but the bank of

clay, although falling away in flakes, always remained perpendicular.

One damaged gun was repaired on the Christoval side, but two more had

become unserviceable.

In the night the parallel against the castle was again extended,

a fresh battery was traced out, at only five hundred and twenty

yards from the breach, to receive the Portuguese iron guns, which

had arrived at Elvas; and on the Christoval side some new batteries

were opened and some old ones were abandoned. During this night the

garrison began to entrench themselves behind the castle breach,

before morning their labourers were well covered, and two additional

pieces, from Christoval, were made to plunge into the trenches

with great effect. On the other hand the fire of the besiegers had

broken the clay bank, which took such a slope as to appear nearly

practicable, and the stray shells and shots set fire to the houses

nearest the castle, but three more guns were disabled.

On the 6th there were two breaches in Christoval, and the principal

one being found practicable, a company of grenadiers with twelve

ladders were directed to assault it, while a second company turned

the fort by the east to divert the enemy’s attention. Three hundred

men from the trenches were at the same time pushed forward by

the west side to cut the communication between the fort and the

bridge-head; and a detachment, with a six-pounder, moved into the

valley of the Gebora, to prevent any passage of the Guadiana by

boats.

FIRST ASSAULT OF CHRISTOVAL.

The storming party, commanded by major M‘Intosh, of the 85th

regiment, was preceded by a forlorn hope under Mr. Dyas, of the

51st, and this gallant gentleman, guided by the engineer Forster, a

young man of uncommon bravery, reached the glacis about midnight,

and descended the ditch without being discovered. The French had,

however, cleared all the rubbish away, the breach had still seven

feet of perpendicular wall, many obstacles, such as carts chained

together and pointed beams of wood, were placed above it, and

large shells were ranged along the ramparts to roll down upon the

assailants. The forlorn hope finding the opening impracticable, was

retiring with little loss, when the main body, which had been exposed

to a flank fire, from the town as well as a direct fire from the

fort, came leaping into the ditch with ladders, and another effort

was made to escalade at different points; the ladders were too short,

and the garrison, consisting of only seventy-five men, besides

the cannoneers, made so stout a resistance, and the confusion and

mischief occasioned by the bursting of the shells was so great, that

the assailants again retired with the loss of more than one hundred

men.

[Sidenote: Lamarre’s Sieges.]

Bad success always produces disputes, and the causes of this failure

were attributed by some to the breach being impracticable from the

first; by others to the confusion which arose after the main body

had entered. French writers affirm that the breach was certainly

practicable on the night of the 5th, but repaired on the 6th; that

as the besiegers did not attack until midnight, the workmen had

time to clear the ruins away and to raise fresh obstacles, and the

bravery of the soldiers, who were provided with three muskets each,

did the rest. But it is also evident, that whether from inexperience,

accident, or other causes, the combinations for the assault were not

very well calculated; the storming party was too weak, the ladders

few and short, and the breach not sufficiently scoured by the fire of

the batteries. The attack itself was also irregular and ill-combined,

for the leading troops were certainly repulsed before the main body

had descended the ditch. The intrepidity of the assailants was

admitted by all sides, yet it is a great point in such attacks that

the supports should form almost one body with the leaders, because

the sense of power derived from numbers is a strong incentive to

valour, and obstacles which would be insurmountable to a few, seem to

vanish before a multitude. It is also to be recollected that this was

a case where not loss of men, but time was to be considered.

During this night the iron guns were placed in battery against the

castle, but two more of the brass pieces became unserviceable, and

the following day three others were disabled. However, the bank of

clay at the castle at last offered a practicable slope, and during

the night captain Patton of the engineers examined it closely; he

was mortally wounded in returning, yet lived to make his report that

it was practicable. Nevertheless the garrison continued, as they

had done every night at both breaches, to clear away the ruins, and

with bales of wool and other materials to form defences behind the

opening. They ranged also a number of huge shells and barrels of

powder, with matches fastened to them, along the ramparts, and placed

chosen men to defend the breach, each man being supplied with four

muskets.

In this order they fearlessly awaited another attack, which was soon

made. For intelligence now arrived that Drouet’s corps was close

to Llerena, and that Marmont was on the move from Salamanca, and

hence lord Wellington, seeing that his prey was likely to escape, as

a last effort resolved to assault Christoval again. But this time

four hundred British, Portuguese, and French men of the Chasseurs

Britanniques, carrying sixteen long ladders, were destined for the

attack; the supports were better closed up; the appointed hour was

nine instead of twelve, and a greater number of detachments than

before were distributed to the right and left to distract the enemy’s

attention, to cut off his communication with the town, and to be

ready to improve any success which might be obtained. On the other

side Phillipon increased the garrison of the fort to two hundred men.

SECOND ASSAULT OF CHRISTOVAL.

The storming party was commanded by major M‘Geechy; the forlorn

hope, again led by the gallant Dyas, was accompanied by Mr. Hunt, an

engineer officer, and a little after nine o’clock the leading troops

bounding forward, were immediately followed by the support, amidst a

shattering fire of musketry which killed major M‘Geechy, Mr. Hunt,

and many men upon the glacis. The troops with loud shouts jumped

into the ditch, but the French scoffingly called to them to come on,

and at the same time rolled the barrels of powder and shells down,

while the musketry made fearful and rapid havoc. In a little time

the two leading columns united at the main breach, the supports also

came up, confusion arose about the ladders, of which only a few could

be reared, and the enemy standing on the ramparts, bayonetted the

foremost of the assailants, overturned the ladders, and again poured

their destructive fire upon the crowd below. When a hundred and forty

men had fallen the order to retire was given.

An assault on the castle breach might still have been tried, but the

troops could not have formed between the top, and the retrenchments

behind the breach, until Christoval was taken, and the guns from

thence used to clear the interior of the castle; hence the siege was

of necessity raised, because to take Christoval, required several

days more, and Soult was now ready to advance. The stores were

removed on the 10th, and the attack was turned into a blockade.

OBSERVATIONS.

1º. The allies lost, during this unfortunate siege, nearly four

hundred men and officers, and the whole of their proceedings were

against rules. The working parties were too weak, the guns and stores

too few, and the points of attack, chosen, not the best; the defences

were untouched by counter-batteries, and the breaching batteries were

at too great a distance for the bad guns employed; howitzers mounted

on trucks were but a poor substitute for mortars, and the sap was not

practised; lastly, the assaults were made before the glacis had been

crowned, and a musketry fire established against the breach.

2º. That a siege so conducted should fail against such a brave and

intelligent garrison is not strange; but it is most strange and

culpable that a government, which had been so long engaged in war as

the British, should have left the engineer department, with respect

to organization and equipment, in such a state as to make it, in

despite of the officers’ experience, bravery, and zeal, a very

inefficient arm of war. The skill displayed belonged to particular

persons, rather than to the corps at large; and the very tools with

which they worked, especially those sent from the storekeeper’s

department, were so shamefully bad that the work required could

scarcely be performed; the captured French cutting-tools were eagerly

sought for by the engineers as being infinitely better than the

British; when the soldiers’ lives and the honour of England’s arms,

were at stake, the English cutlery was found worse than the French.

3º. The neglect of rules, above noticed, was for the most part

a matter of absolute necessity; yet censure might attach to the

general, inasmuch as he could have previously sent to England for a

battering train. But then the conduct of the Portuguese and British

governments when lord Wellington was in the lines, left him so little

hope of besieging any place on the frontier, that he was hourly

in fear of being obliged to embark: moreover, the badness of the

Portuguese guns was not known, and the space of time that elapsed

between the fall of Badajos and this siege, was insufficient to

procure artillery from England; neither would the Portuguese have

furnished the means of carriage. It may however at all times be taken

as a maxim, that the difficulties of war are so innumerable that no

head was ever yet strong enough to fore-calculate them all.

History of the war in the Peninsula and in the south of France from the year 1807 to the year 1814, vol. 4 · 第 5 / 14 章