1469-1522
There is no more delightful literary task than the justifying a hero or
writer, who has been misrepresented and reviled; but such is human
nature, or such is the small progress that we have made in the knowledge
of it, that in most instances we excuse, rather than exculpate, and
display doubts instead of bringing forward certainties. Machiavelli has
been the object of much argument, founded on the motives that impelled
him to write his celebrated treatise of the "Prince," which he declares
to be a manual for sovereigns, and Rousseau has named the manual of
republicans. The question of whether he sat down in cold blood, and as
approving them, or whether he wrote in irony, the detestable maxims he
boldly and explicitly urges, has been disputed by many. Voltaire has
joined in the cry against him, begun by our countryman cardinal Pole. It
is a curious question, to be determined only by the author himself. We
must seek in the actions of his life, and in his letters, for a solution
of the mystery. Ample materials are afforded, and if we are unable to
throw a clear light on the subject, at least we shall adduce all the
evidence, and, after summing it up impartially, leave the jury of
readers to decide.
The family of Machiavelli carried back its origin to the ancient
marquesses of Tuscany, and especially to a marquis Ugo, who flourished
about the year 850, who was the root whence sprung various nobles, who
possessed power over territories, which the growing state of Florence
speedily encroached upon. The Machiavelli were lords of Montespertoli;
but preferring the rank of citizens of a prosperous city, to the
unprofitable preservation of an illustrious ancestry, they submitted to
the laws of Florence, for the sake of enjoying the honours which the
republic had to bestow. The Machiavelli belonged to that portion of the
Guelph party which abandoned their native town in 1260, after the defeat
of Monteaperti. Being afterwards re-established in their country, they
enjoyed thirteen times the rank of gonfaloniere of justice, an office
corresponding to the better known one of doge, except that it was an
annual magistrature; and fifty-three different members of the family
were elected priors, another of the highest offices of government.
[Sidenote: 1469.]
Niccolò Machiavelli was born in Florence on the 3d of May, 1469; his
father was jurisconsult and treasurer of the march, and by aid of these
offices, maintained in some degree the lustre of his family, which was
obscured by the poverty into which it had fallen. His mother Bartolomea,
daughter of Stefano Nelli, was equally well descended. Her family
derived itself from the ancient counts of Borgonuovo of Fucecchio, who
flourished in the tenth century, and her ancestors had been elected to
the highest offices in the Florentine state. She had been previously
married to Niccolò Benizzi, and was distinguished for her cultivated
understanding and talent for poetry.
Nothing is known of the childhood and education of Machiavelli. Paul
Jovius wishes to prove that he scarcely understood Latin, but this
opinion finds no credit: Paul Jovius is a writer, whose celebrity is
founded on his unblushing falsehoods and baseless calumnies[111]: he was
sold to the Medici, and attacked without scruple, and with a total
disregard for truth, those persons who were inimical to them.
[Sidenote: 1494.
Ætat.
25.]
At the age of five and twenty, Machiavelli was placed as secretary under
Marcello di Virgilio de' Adriani, or, as he is commonly called,
Marcellus Virgil, whose pupil he had formerly been. Marcellus Virgil had
been at one time professor of Latin and Greek, and was now one of the
chief officers of the Florentine court of chancery. Paul Jovius gives
Machiavelli the name of his clerk and copyist, and adds, that, from this
master, he obtained those flowers of ancient learning which are
interspersed in his works. Nothing is at once more base and futile than
these attempts to degrade celebrated men, by impeaching their station in
society, or adventitious acquirements. It only serves to display the
detractor's malice, and to render more conspicuous the merit which could
triumph over every disadvantage.
There is no trace of Machiavelli's taking any part in the political
disturbances of Florence at this time. The city was then agitated by the
pretensions and turbulence of the prophet Salvanorola. There is a letter
extant of his, which gives some account of the preaching and
denunciations of the ambitious friar, which shows that, if he did not
belong to the party opposed to him, he was, at least, not duped by his
impostures[112]:--"In my opinion," he says, "he temporises and gives to
his falsehoods the colour of the occasion."
[Sidenote: Mar.
8.
1497.
Ætat.
28.]
The disposition of Machiavelli was observing and industrious; his
ambition was under the rule of judgment, and his hopes fixed on the
favour secure from the heads of government. For five of the best years
of his life he was content to exercise the unostentatious functions of
secretary to an officer of chancery, nor were any of his writings
composed at this period: they were the fruits of thought and experience,
and there is nothing to tell us, that, as a young man, he was warmed by
that self-confidence and restless aspiration, which he displayed in
maturer life. It may be supposed, however, that his employer, Marcellus
Virgil, distinguished his talents and recommended them to observation,
as they were both promoted at the same time, Marcellus being elected
high chancellor, and Machiavelli preferred over four other candidates,
to the post of chancellor of the second court.
A month afterwards he was named secretary to 1498. the council of ten
(the chief council of the state), which situation he retained till the
revolution, which, fourteen years afterwards, overthrew the government
he served.
[Sidenote: 1498.
Ætat.
29.]
During this period. Machiavelli pursued an active career: he was
continually employed on missions to various sovereigns and states. His
letters to his government on these occasions are published, and he wrote
besides brief surveys of the countries to which he was sent. His active
and enquiring mind was continually on the alert, and he stored up with
care the observations and opinions that resulted from the personages and
scenes with which he was brought into contact.
[Sidenote: 1492.]
Italy was at this time in a state, of convulsion, torn by foreign armies
and domestic quarrels: the peace of the peninsula had died with Lorenzo
de' Medici. That sagacious statesman saw the safety of his country in
the preservation of the balance of power among its several rulers. It
was his endeavour to check the encroachments of the king of Naples and
the pope, who ruled southern Italy, by the influence of the duke of
Milan, and of the Venetian republic; while these again were prevented
from attempting war with Florence, or trespassing on the smaller states
of Romagna, by the jealousy of the sovereigns of the south. For many
years no foreign army had crossed the Alps, and the battles of the
condottieri became more and more innoxious.
This fine system of policy fell to the ground on the death of Lorenzo.
His son Piero, who succeeded him, was a rash, impolitic, and feeble
statesman, defying dangers till they were close at hand, and then
yielding weakly to them. He had not feared to make an enemy of Ludovico
Sforza, who reigned over Milan in the name of his nephew Giovan
Galeazzo, the rightful duke. Ludovico wished to play the old part of his
wicked uncle, and to supplant the youthful prince; but he feared to be
prevented by the king of Naples. To occupy and weaken him, he invited
Charles VIII. of France into Italy, instigating him to assert his right
to the Neapolitan crown, which he claimed through Rene, who inherited
it, together with the counties of Anjou and Provence. This was the
origin of all the evils which overwhelmed Italy, crushed its spirit of
liberty, destroyed its republics, and after making it a field of battle
for many years, caused it in the end to become a mere appanage to the
crowns of Germany, Spain, or France, according as these kingdoms enjoyed
alternately the supreme power in Europe.
[Sidenote: 1493.]
The entrance of the French into Italy caused great commotion in the city
of Florence. It was considered by Lorenzo to be the policy of the
Florentines to keep allies of the king of France: but Piero acted a
thoughtless and unstable part; he at first opposed the French, and then
threw himself into their hands. The Florentines were enraged at the
sacrifices he made to pacify an enemy which he had brought upon himself,
and the result was his expulsion from the city, and the overthrow and
exile of the Medicean family.
Charles VIII. overran Italy, and possessed himself of the kingdom of
Naples without drawing a sword, except to massacre the defenceless
people. The Italians were accustomed to a mild system of warfare; they
carried on their military enterprises by condottieri, or captains of
independent bands of soldiers, who hired themselves to the best bidder.
These condottieri consisted of foreign adventurers, who came into Italy
on the speculation of turning their military talents to profit, or of
the minor native princes, or lords of single towns, who augmented their
consequence and revenue by raising troops, commanded by themselves, but
paid by others. These mercenaries were inspired by no spirit of
patriotism or party; they fought for pay and booty; they changed sides
at the beck of their captain, who was influenced by the highest offer.
They fought to-day side by side with men whom the next they might attack
as enemies: they fought, therefore, in a placid spirit of friendly
enmity; often not a single soldier fell upon the field of battle. Add to
this, they were very indifferently provided with fire-arms. The ferocity
of the French, their artillery, discipline, and massacres, filled the
unwarlike population with alarm and horror. They fled, or submitted
without a blow. But Charles lost his conquest almost as soon as he
gained it; he returned to France, and the crown of Naples fell from his
head at the same moment.
His death followed soon after; and his successor, Louis XII., on turning
his eyes to Italy, rather fixed them on the duchy of Milan, to which he
had pretensions by right of inheritance.
[Sidenote: 1498.]
His conquest of this dukedom was speedy and complete, and he then
proceeded to possess himself of Naples. The king then reigning, Frederic
of the house of Aragon, called in the Spaniards to his aid, and he was
crushed in the collision of the two warlike nations. He was banished
Naples and confined in France, while Louis and Ferdinand at first
amicably divided, and then hostilely fought for, the possession of his
kingdom.
[Sidenote: 1501.
Ætat.
32.]
Meanwhile the first entrance of Charles VIII. into Italy had left the
seeds of discord and disaster in Tuscany. Pisa was at that time under
the rule of Florence, but repining at its servitude. When Charles
entered Pisa, its citizens implored him to restore to them their
independence: he promised to comply; and though afterwards he made
treaties to a contrary effect with Florence, the Pisans profited by his
secret inclination in their favour, and the sympathy afforded them by
the officers and men that composed his army, to shut their gates against
their Florentine governors, and to assert their liberty. From this time
it became the ardent desire of Florence to subdue the rebel city; they
exhausted all their resources in prosecution of this favourite object.
Each year they attacked the walls, and destroyed the crops, of the
unfortunate but resolute Pisans; and, in each treaty they made with
France, the chief article was a promise of aid in this desired conquest.
[Sidenote: 1500.
Ætat.
31.]
At one time they formed the siege of Pisa, and solicited Louis XII. to
supply them with troops and artillery. That politic sovereign, who
wished to strengthen himself in Italy, sent them double the force they
required. These auxiliaries, composed of Swiss and Gascons, pillaged
both friends and foes, quarrelled with the Florentine commissaries, came
to a secret understanding with Pisa, and, finally, on a pretence of a
delay of pay, raised the siege. The king of France accused Florence of
being the cause of this affront sustained by his arms; and, to appease
him, and to obtain, if possible, further assistance, the republic
deputed Francesco della Gaza, and Machiavelli, as envoys to the French
court.
A year before Machiavelli had been employed on a mission to Caterina
Sforza, countess of Forli, with regard to the terms of engagement
offered to her son, for serving Florence as condottiere; but the
legation to France was of greater importance. The commissions, or
instructions of the government to Machiavelli, and his letters to the
state during this and all his other missions, are published. They are
long and minute, but far less tedious than such correspondences usually
are; and the reading them is indispensable to the forming a just notion
of his character, and a view of the actions of his life. There is
something curiously interesting in the style of his instructions on the
present occasion; they display a civic simplicity of manners and
language, and a sagacity in viewing the personages and events in
question, combined with true Italian astute policy. Guicciardini
observes, that when the French first entered Italy, they were astonished
and disgusted by the want of faith and falsehood which prevailed in
their negotiations with the native princes and states. In this
commission the Florentine government gave instructions to their envoys
savouring of the prevalent vice of their country. The commander of the
French forces before Pisa, Beaumont, had been appointed at their own
request: he failed without any fault of his own, through the
insubordination of the troops under him. The state of Florence
instructed its envoys:--"According to circumstances you may accuse him
violently, and cast on him the imputation of cowardice and corruption;
or free him from all blame, and, speaking honourably of him, throw all
the fault upon others. And take care how you criminate him, as we do not
wish to lose his favour, without gaining any thing elsewhere by such a
proceeding."
Machiavelli and his fellow envoy remained in France three months,
following the king and his court to Montargis, Melun, Plessis, and
Tours. They were faithful and industrious in fulfilling their duties,
especially Machiavelli; Francesco della Caza being taken ill, and
spending the greater part of his time at Paris. They failed in their
object: the king wishing Florence to engage troops from him on the same
terms, of paying all the expenses, and the Florentines wishing to induce
him to form the siege at his own risk, reimbursing him only in case of
success. Machiavelli meanwhile was very desirous to return home;
"because," he writes, "my father died only a month before my departure,
and since then I have lost a sister, and all my affairs are in disorder,
so that I am injured in many ways." Towards the end of October, Florence
sent an ambassador with greater powers to the French court, and the
envoys returned to Italy.
His next legation was to Cæsar Borgia. It is necessary to enlarge upon
this mission. The great doubt that clouds Machiavelli's character
regards the spirit in which he wrote the "Prince,"--whether he sincerely
recommended the detestable principles of government which he appears to
advocate, or used the weapons of irony and sarcasm to denounce a system
of tyranny which then oppressed his native country. The example he
brings forward most frequently in his treatise, is that of Cæsar
Borgia: his mode of governing his states, and the artifice and
resolution with which he destroyed his enemies, are adduced as worthy of
applause and imitation. We must, therefore, not only enquire what the
deeds of this man were, but endeavour to discover the real sentiments of
Machiavelli, the opinion that he formed upon his conduct, and the
conclusions which he drew from his success. We may also mention that the
secretary has been accused of being Borgia's confidant in his plots. Mr.
Roscoe has lightly adopted this idea; but the course of the present
narration will easily disprove it.
Soon after the death of Lorenzo de' Medici, died Innocent VIII.; and
Roderigo Borgia, a native of Valentia in Spain, and one of the most
ancient of the cardinals, was chosen pope in his room. His election was
carried by force of bribery and intrigue, to the horror and amazement of
the whole Christian world; since not only the methods by which he rose
were known, but also the character and actions of the man thus
exalted.[113] The new pontiff assumed the name of Alexander VI. "He was
a man," to use the words of Guicciardini, "of singular prudence and
sagacity; endued with great penetration, and marvellous powers of
persuasion, and always acting with extreme forethought and policy. But
these good qualities were darkly clouded by the worst vices. His
depraved life, his total want of shame, his contempt for good faith,
religion, and truth, his matchless deceit, insatiable avarice, barbarous
cruelty, and unbounded desire to exalt his numerous offspring, who were
not less dissolute and unprincipled than himself, stained his character,
and marked his reign with inexpressible infamy."
Cæsar Borgia, his younger son, had been educated for the church; and,
despite his illegitimate birth, was raised to the rank of cardinal. But
Caesar disliked the sacerdotal profession, and was jealous of his elder
brother, the duke of Candia, whom his father was desirous of raising to
the highest temporal rank, both because of his success in arms, and also
on account of the preference shown him by their sister Lucretia. Incited
by these criminal passions, he one night caused the duke to be waylaid,
murdered, and thrown into the Tiber. The pope was at first overwhelmed
with grief on his son's death, and made great show of repentance and
reformation; but soon after he cast aside all thoughts of this kind, and
returned with renewed eagerness to his former pursuits and projects.
Cæsar gained the point at which he aimed. He was permitted to abdicate
the cardinal's hat; and, in reward for the dispensation which the pope
granted Louis XII. to divorce his first wife, and to marry Anne of
Britany, he obtained the duchy of Valence in France, and henceforth was
commonly called by the name of the duca Valentino, or Valentian duke.
It was the chief ambition of this new temporal noble to form a
principality in Italy. The territories of the marquisate of Savoy, of
the duchy of Milan, and of the Venetian republic, embraced the greater
portion of the peninsula north of the Apennines. To the south, the
kingdom of Naples, Rome, and the republic of Florence, were the
principal states; but other territories remained, a sovereignty over
which was claimed by the popes, but which obeyed a variety of petty
lords, whose families had for centuries enjoyed the rule. The various
cities of Romagna to the east, Bologna to the north, Piombino to the
west, and Perugia to the south, formed the chief: of these Cæsar Borgia
resolved to possess himself, extending a prophetic eye to the future
conquest of Tuscany. Already he had acquired dominion over Romagna: he
dispossessed the duke of Urbino and the prince of Piombino of their
states, and now he turned his eyes towards Bologna. Giovanni Bentivoglio
had long been lord of this wealthy city; good fortune, rather than
talents or a spirit of enterprise, had raised him, and he spared no
blood in confirming his power. Cæsar Borgia was supported in his
encroachments by an alliance with Louis XII. In vain was it represented
to this monarch[114], "that it ill became the splendour of the French
crown, and the title of most Christian king, to show favour to an
infamous tyrant, the destroyer of many states; a man who thirsted for
human blood, and was an example to the whole world of perfidy and
inhumanity; who, like a public robber, had broken faith with and
murdered so many princes and nobles; one stained with the blood of his
nearest kindred, and whose crimes of poisoning and stabbing were
unequalled in a Christian country." Louis favoured him, not so much from
his own inclination, as at the instigation of the cardinal d'Amboise,
who was desirous of currying favour with the pope; and who, by
protecting his son, obtained the high office of legate to France.
At the moment of the commencement of his attack on Bologna, while
running a full career of success, Cæsar Borgia received a check from
the revolt of his chief condottieri. Like all the other princes of
Italy, the army of the duke of Valence consisted of various bands,
independent of each other, and obeying several distinct captains. The
chief among these were Vitellozzo Vitelli, lord of Città Castello,
Oliverotto da Fermo, in the March, and Paolo Orsino, who was master of a
large portion of the patrimony of St. Peter, and the duke of Gravina,
also of the Orsini family. These men assembled at Magione, near Perugia;
they were joined, in their consultations by cardinal Orsini, chief of
the family, and then at enmity with the pope; Giovanpaolo Baglioni, lord
of Perugia, Hermes Bentivoglio, who represented his father, lord of
Bologna, and Antonio da Venafro, minister of Pandolfo Petrucci, lord of
Siena. These last-named nobles feared the encroachments of Borgia, and
gladly availed themselves of an opportunity to seduce away his captains,
and to check his enterprises. It is to be remembered that the
individuals thus conspiring were men stained with the crimes of
treachery and assassination, then so rife in Italy--men whose aim was
power, and who thought every method that led to it justifiable. For
Cæsar ran no new career of crime: he travelled in the same path with
many of his contemporaries, while he excelled them all in resolution,
intrepidity, and remorseless cruelty: his abilities were greater, his
conscience more seared. Inhuman, stern, and treacherous, he was yet
sagacious, eloquent, courteous, and plausible. It was a common saying at
Rome, that the pope never did what he said, and that his son never said
what he did.[115] Prudence and success meanwhile gained for him the
respect even of those by whom he was abhorred.
The conspirators at Magione were at once aware of the character of the
man with whom they had to deal, and the small faith they could repose in
each other; but they saw their destruction in the fulfilment of Borgia's
ambitious schemes; and this served as a common bond between them. They
took care to gather together their troops, and, occupying the country
between Romagna and Rome, they hoped to prevent Caesar from receiving
aid from his father. The duke of Urbino, whose duchy Borgia had lately
seized, joined the league, and suddenly appearing at the head of some
forces, repossessed himself of his territories, in which he was greatly
beloved. Borgia was at Imola with but few troops when he heard of the
loss of Urbino, and the revolt of his captains. These men invited the
Florentines to join them. The republic feared Borgia, but they hated yet
more the conspirators, as there existed between them various and urgent
motives of enmity: they feared also to displease the king of France by
taking part against his ally. They discountenanced, therefore, the
advances of the captains, and sent Machiavelli to the duke at Imola, to
inform him of this circumstance, and to assure him in general terms of
their continued amity; and, moreover, to watch the progress of the
conspiracy, and to learn what hope Borgia entertained of repelling the
menaced injury.
[Sidenote: 1502.
Ætat.
33.]
Machiavelli approached without any feeling of abhorrence, a man honoured
and protected by the king of France. He had no sympathy with the
conspirators, but rather hated them, as the enemies of his country, and
as traitors. Borgia commanded more respect. He was a man of greater
powers of mind; a high and commanding spirit, running a prosperous
career, who had hitherto overcome every obstacle to his
advancement.[116] It was a curious study to observe the methods he would
use to crush the nest of traitors in league against him.
Machiavelli arrived at Imola on the 7th of October, and was instantly
admitted to an audience with the duke. Borgia received him with every
show of courtesy and kindness. He was in high spirits, declaring that
the stars that year were inimical to rebels, and that the revolt was a
piece of good fortune, since it enabled him to distinguish his friends
from his foes, at a critical moment. He declared that his clemency had
been the cause of this disaster, and frankly entered into details
concerning the progress made by the confederates.
From day to day Machiavelli continued to see and converse with Borgia,
who exerted the grace of manner for which he was renowned, and a show of
cordiality, to win the suffrage of the yet inexperienced secretary. "I
cannot express to you," Machiavelli writes to his government, "the
earnest demonstrations he makes of affection towards the republic, and
how eagerly he justifies himself with regard to his threatened attack
last year, throwing the blame upon Vitellozzo Vitelli." Borgia's chief
endeavour at this moment was to influence the secretary to persuade his
government to give some public testimonial of its attachment to him. He
spoke with the utmost confidence of his ultimate success; assuring
Machiavelli, that among the many fortunate events that had befallen him,
this conspiracy was most lucky of all, as it had caused his more
powerful friends to declare for him.
Meanwhile, though he thus "vaunted aloud," he was acting with consummate
prudence and caution. His object was to gain time. He wished to remain
inactive till he had gathered together a sufficient number of troops to
insure success. He was at one time thwarted in this purpose by two
Spanish captains in his pay, whom he had summoned to Imola; who,
fancying that a good opportunity presented itself of attacking the
enemy, had themselves been vanquished and put to flight. Borgia kept
this disaster as secret as possible; he expected troops from France and
Switzerland, and gathered together all the _broken-off lances_ in the
country. A lance was a term used to signify a mounted cavalier with five
or six followers; and the condottiere formed a greater or less number of
lances into a troop. But often single cavaliers with their followers
broke off from the band to which they belonged, and were thence called
_Lande Spezzate._
Besides these more evident methods of defending himself, Borgia hoped
that dissention might be introduced among the confederates; that he
should be able to entice away a portion, and then, by policy and
artifice, bring them to terms. His hopes were not deceived. About the
middle of October, Paolo Orsino sent to say, that if the duke would send
a hostage in pledge for his safety, he would repair to Imola. Caesar
eagerly seized on this opening for negotiation; cardinal Borgia was put
into the hands of the confederates, and Paolo Orsino arrived at Imola on
the 25th of October. Machiavelli watched with intense interest the
progress of this visit, and the subsequent proceedings. "No military
movement is made on either side," he writes to the signoria of Florence,
"and these treaties for reconciliation benefit the duke, who readily
entertains them; but I cannot judge with what intentions." He goes on to
state the difficulties that must stand in the way of the renewing of
amity; "so that," he continues, "I do not find any one who can guess how
the reconciliation can be effected. Some people think that the duke will
entice away a part of the confederates; and when they no longer hold
together, he will cease to fear them. I incline to this opinion, having
heard him let fall words that have this tendency to his ministers. Yet
it is difficult to believe that so recent a confederacy can be broken
up."
Borgia took great pains to preserve Machiavelli's prepossession in
favour of his good fortune and success. He pressed him to bring his
government to decisive measures in his favour. He caused his ministers
to urge those topics which would come more gracefully through a third
person. These men besieged the secretary's ear with confidential advice.
They assured him that Florence was losing an admirable opportunity for
securing the duke's friendship; they represented what a fortunate,
high-spirited man he was, accustomed to success, and despising his
present dangers. Machiavelli sent minute details of these conversations
to his government, addings "Your lordships hear the words which the duke
uses, and, knowing who it is that speaks, you will draw conclusions with
your accustomed prudence." On another occasion he recounts a long
conversation he held with Borgia, who showed him letters received from
France, which assured him of the friendship of its powerful monarch. "I
have often told you," Cæsar continued, "and again I say, that I shall
not be without assistance. The French cavalry and the Swiss infantry
will soon arrive, and the pope will supply me with money. I do not wish
to boast, nor to say more than that it is probable that my enemies will
repent their perfidy. As to your masters, I cannot be more satisfied
with them than I am; so that you may offer them on my part all that it
is in my power to do. When you first came, I spoke in general terms,
because my affairs were in so bad a condition that I did not know on
what ground I stood, and I did not wish your government to think that
danger made me a large promiser. But now that I fear less, I promise
more; and when my fears are quite at an end, deeds shall be added to my
words, when there is call for them."
"Your lordships," continues Machiavelli, hear the duke's words, of which
I do not put down one half; and, knowing the manner of man, can judge
accordingly. Since I have been here, nothing but good has happened to
him; which has been caused by the certainty that every one feels that
the king of France will help him with troops, and the pope with money."
Machiavelli was evidently filled with high admiration of Borgia's
talents, and won by his persuasive manners. There is abundant proof,
however, that he did not possess his confidence. He was perpetually
soliciting to be recalled:--"For the time is past," he writes, "for
temporising, and a man of more authority than I is needed to conclude
this treaty. My own affairs are also in the greatest disorder, nor can I
remain here without money." The Florentine government thought otherwise;
they determined to await the development of events before they
concluded any treaty.
These were hastening onwards to a catastrophe. Borgia by this time had
collected a considerable force together of French, Swiss, and Italians;
but he was willing to overcome his adversaries by other arts than those
of war. The confederates, from weakness or fear, or by force of Borgia's
persuasive eloquence, were won to agree to a treaty of reconciliation.
After some parley, it was signed early in the month of November: the
terms consisted principally of renewed professions of perpetual peace,
concord, and union; with a remission and forgetfulness of injuries; the
duke promising a sincere renewal of friendship, and the confederates
pledging themselves to defend the duke. He was to continue to them their
engagements as condottieri, and they were to assist him to recover the
duchy of Urbino. It was agreed that one only of the confederates at a
time should be called on to remain in the duke's camp, and in his power;
but they promised to deliver to him their children and near relatives as
hostages, whenever they should be demanded. Such is a sketch of a treaty
which dissolved a confederacy so formidable to Borgia, and placed him,
without drawing a sword, in a position as favourable as when his enemies
first assembled at Magione.
Machiavelli could not be deceived by this apparent reconciliation; and
he was eager to discover Borgia's secret views. Far from being consulted
concerning his plans, he now found it very difficult to obtain an
audience:--"For," he writes, "they live here only for their own good,
and for that which appears to them to contribute to it. Paolo Orsini
arrived yesterday, bringing the articles ratified and subscribed by
Vitellozzo and all the other confederates; and he endeavours, as well as
he can, to persuade the duke, that they all mean to be faithful, and to
undertake any enterprise for him. The duke appears satisfied. Vitellozzo
also writes grateful and submissive letters, excusing himself and making
offers; and saying, that if he had an opportunity to speak to him, he
could fully justify himself, and show that what he had done was without
any intention of injuring him. The duke listens to all; and what he
means to do no one knows, for it is very difficult to penetrate him.
Judging by his words and those of his chief ministers, it is impossible
not to expect evil for others, for the injury done him has been great;
and his conversation, and that of those around him, is full of
indignation against Vitellozzo.[117] One spoke to me yesterday, who is
the man nearest the duke, saying, 'This traitor has stabbed us, and now
thinks to heal the wound with words, but children might laugh at the
articles of this treaty.'"
The treaty being ratified, it was debated what action the duke should
put the captains upon. After a good deal of discussion, it was agreed
that they should go against Sinigaglia, a town belonging to the duke of
Urbino. While this enterprise was under consideration, Borgia left
Imola. Machiavelli writes, on the 10th of December, "The duke left this
place this morning, and is gone to Forli with his whole army. To-morrow
evening he will be at Cesena; but it is not known what he will do after
that; nor is there any one here who fancies that he can guess. I shall
set out to-morrow, and follow the court--unwillingly, because I am not
well; and, in addition to my indisposition, I have received from your
lordships fifty ducats, and I have spent seventy-two, having only seven
left in my purse. But I must obey necessity."
On the 14th of December, Machiavelli writes, from Cesena, "As I before
wrote, every one is in suspense with regard to the duke's intentions,
who is here with all his forces. After many conjectures, they conclude
that he means to get possession of the persons of those who have so
deeply injured, and nearly deprived him of his dominions: and although
the treaty he has made contradicts this notion, yet his past actions
render it probable; and I am of this opinion from what I have heard and
reported in my letters. We shall see what will happen; and I will do my
duty in acquainting you with all that passes while I remain here: which
cannot be long; for, in the first place, I have only four ducats left in
my purse; and in the second, my further stay is of no utility. To speak
to your lordships with the truth which I have always practised, it would
be better if you sent a person of more reputation to treat of your
affairs: I am not fit, as they need a more eloquent man--one more known,
and who knows the world better than I." It would seem as if Machiavelli
tremblingly foresaw the tragedy at hand, and wished to withdraw; in
fear, perhaps, of being used as an instrument by Borgia, or suspected of
any participation in his crimes.
On the 23d of December, he reports that the duke had suddenly dismissed
all his French troops. He had requested an audience, to discover the
cause of this movement; but received only an evasive answer,--that the
duke would send for him when he wanted him. It soon became evident that
the ease with which the confederates fell into Borgia's snares, rendered
useless the armed force he had gathered together for their destruction;
and he dismissed an army, the maintaining of which might excite
suspicion.
Again Machiavelli writes, from Cesena, on the 26th of December, "I have
not been able to obtain an audience of the duke, his excellency being
engaged in reviewing his infantry, and in his pleasures, preparatory to
Christmas. As I have before repeated, this prince is most secret; nor do
I believe that any one except himself is aware of what he is going to
do. His principal secretaries have assured me that he never communicates
any thing till the moment of execution; and he executes on the instant:
so I hope you will not accuse me of negligence, in not being able to
tell any thing; as I know nothing myself."
The catastrophe was now at hand. The captains sent Borgia word that they
had taken Sinigaglia, but that the fortress still held out; nor would
the castellan deliver the keys to any but the duke in person; and they
advised him, therefore, to come to receive them. Thus invited by the
captains themselves, Borgia thought it an excellent opportunity to
approach them without exciting suspicion. With great art he persuaded
Vitelli and Paolo Orsino to wait for him at Sinigaglia, saying that
their suspicion and timidity would render their reconciliation unstable
and short-lived. Vitellozzo felt how unsafe it was, first to injure a
prince, and then to put trust in him: but he was over-persuaded to
remain by Orsino, whom the duke had corrupted by promises and gifts.
Borgia left Fano on the 30th of December, and on the following day
repaired to Sinigaglia; and on the evening of the last day of that
month. Machiavelli wrote a short note to his government from that town,
containing these words only:--"I wrote, the day before yesterday, from
Pesaro, all I had heard concerning Sinigaglia.[118] I removed yesterday
to Fano. Early this morning, the duke departed with all his troops, and
came here to Sinigaglia, where were assembled all the Orsini and
Vitellozzo, who had taken the town for him. He invited them to come
around him; and, the moment he entered the town, he turned to his guard,
and caused them to be taken prisoners. Thus he has secured them all, and
the town is being pillaged. It is now twenty-three o'clock.[119] I am in
the greatest anxiety, not knowing how to forward this letter, as there
is no one to take it. I will write at length in another. In my opinion,
they will not be alive to-morrow. All their people are also taken; and
the official notice distributed about, says that the traitors are
arrested."
In another place. Machiavelli gives the details of the mode in which
these men were deluded into trusting themselves in the hands of one so
notorious for perfidy and sanguinary revenge.[120] "On the 30th of
December," he says, "on setting out from Fano, the duke communicated his
design to eight of his most faithful followers. He committed to their
care, that, when Vitellozzo, Paolo Orsino, the duke of Gravina, and
Oliverotto da Fermo should advance to meet him, two of his friends
should take one of them between them; and that they should thus continue
to guard them till they reached the house where the duke was to lodge.
He then stationed his troops so as to be near enough to support him,
without exciting suspicion. The confederates, meanwhile, to afford room
for the soldiery which Borgia brought with him, had caused their own to
retire to various castles six miles distant, Oliverotto alone retaining
his hand of 1000 foot and 150 horse. Every thing being thus arranged,
Borgia proceeded to Sinigaglia. Vitellozzo, Paolo Orsino, and the duke
of Gravina came out to meet him, mounted on mules, and accompanied by a
few followers on horseback. Vitellozzo was unarmed; and his desponding
countenance seemed prophetic of his approaching death. It was said that
he took, as it were, a last leave of his friends when he left the town;
recommending the fortunes of his family to the chief among them, and
bidding his nephews bear in mind the virtues of their race. These three
were received cordially by the duke, and immediately taken in charge, as
had been arranged. Perceiving that Oliverotto da Fermo was not among
them--he having remained with his troop to receive Borgia in the
market-place--he signed to one of his followers to devise some means to
prevent his escape. This man went instantly to Oliverotto, and advised
him to order his men to repair to quarters immediately, otherwise their
lodgings would be occupied by the band accompanying the duke. Oliverotto
listened to the sinister counsel, and, unaccompanied, joined Borgia and
the rest on their entrance into the town. As soon as they arrived at the
duke's palace, the signal was given, and they were made prisoners."
Machiavelli's anticipations were fulfilled nearly to the letter.
Vitellozzo and Oliverotto were strangled in prison the same night. Paolo
Orsino and the duke of Gravina were kept alive till Borgia heard that
the pope had seized on the persons of the other chiefs of the Orsini
family; when, on the 18th of the January following, they were also
strangled in prison.
On the very day of the execution of this treacherous and cruel act of
revenge. Machiavelli had an audience with its perpetrator. He writes,
"The duke sent for me at the second hour of night[121], and with a most
cheerful countenance congratulated himself and me on his success, saying
that he had alluded to it to me the day before, but not fully explained
himself: which is true. He added many prudent and very affectionate
expressions concerning our city; alleging all those reasons which made
him desire your friendship, if you entertain the same feelings towards
him; all of which filled me with exceeding surprise. He concluded by
bidding me write three things to you. First, that I should congratulate
you on his having put to death the enemies alike of the king of France,
you, and himself, and destroyed every seed of dissention which had
threatened to ruin Italy; for which you ought to be obliged to him.
Secondly, he begged me to entreat you to make manifest to the world that
you were his friends, and to send forward some troops to assist his
attack on Castello or Perugia."
On the 8th of January, Machiavelli uses expressions in his letter most
characteristic of Italian policy and morals at that period. "It excites
surprise here," he writes, "that you should not have written nor sent to
congratulate the duke on the deed which he has lately executed, which
redounds to your advantage, and on account of which our city ought to
feel grateful; they say that it would have cost the republic 200,000
ducats to get rid of Vitellozzo and the Orsini, and even then it would
not have been so completely done as by the duke. It is doubtful what his
success will be at Perugia: as, on one side, we find a prince gifted
with unparalleled good fortune, and a sanguine spirit, more than human,
to accomplish all his desires; and, on the other hand, a man of extreme
prudence, governing a state with great reputation." The secretary adds,
with praiseworthy diffidence, and considerable self-knowledge, "If I
form a false judgment, it arises not only from my inexperience, but also
from my views being confined to what is going on here, on which I am led
to form the opinions I have expressed above."
The republic now thought it time to replace Machiavelli by an ambassador
of more authority; and the secretary returned to Florence at the end of
the month of January.
[Sidenote: 1503.]
It is evident from this detail, taken from Machiavelli's own letters,
that he was not intrusted with the secret of a prince, who, he says,
never revealed his purposes to any one before the moment of execution.
Yet it is also plain that, at last, he began to suspect the tragedy in
preparation; and that neither the anticipation nor the fulfilment
inspired him with abhorrence for the murderer; while his contempt of the
confederates, and admiration of the talents and success of their
destroyer, is every where apparent: nor was this a short-lived feeling.
Without mentioning the "Prince," in which this act of Borgia is alluded
to with praise, he is mentioned with approbation in several of his
private letters. He wrote "A Description of the Method used by the
Valentian Duke in putting to death Vitellozzo Vitelli, &c." This is
purely narrative, and contains no word of comment or censure. There is
besides a poem of his, entitled "The Decenal," in which he proposes to
relate the sufferings of Italy during ten years: in this he mentions the
crime of Borgia. "After the duke of Valence," he says, "had exculpated
himself to the king of France, he returned to Romagna, with the
intention of going against Bologna. It appears that Vitellozzo Vitelli
and Paolo Orsino resolved not to assist him; and these serpents, full of
venom, began to conspire together, and to tear him with their talons and
teeth. Borgia, ill able to defend himself, was obliged to take refuge
behind the shield of France; and to take his enemies by a snare, the
basilisk whistled softly, to allure them to his den. In a short time,
the traitor of Fermo, and Vitellozzo, and that Orsino who had been so
much his friend, fell readily into his toils; in which the Orsino
(_bear_) lost more than a paw; and Vitelli was shorn of the other horn
(_alluding to his brother's death at Florence as one horn_). Perugia and
Siena heard the boast of the hydra, and each tyrant fled before his
fury: nor could the cardinal Orsino escape the ruin of his unhappy
house, but died the victim of a thousand arts."
It must be mentioned that, notwithstanding individual acts of ferocity
of which Cæsar Borgia was guilty, he was an equitable
sovereign--favouring the common people, and restraining the nobles in
their sanguinary quarrels and extortionate oppression. His subjects
were, therefore, much attached to him. There is an anecdote relating to
his system of government, narrated in the "Prince," which may be quoted
as exceedingly characteristic. It is one of the examples brought forward
by Machiavelli in his treatise, to show how a prince can prudently
consolidate his power in a newly acquired state. "When the duke had
taken Romagna, he found it governed by feeble lords, who had rather
robbed than corrupted their subjects, and sown discord rather than
preserved peace--so that this province was the prey of extortion,
lawlessness, and all other kind of oppression. He judged it necessary to
govern it strictly, and to reduce it to obedience and tranquillity. For
this purpose he set over it Ramiro d'Orco, a cruel and resolute man, to
whom he confided absolute power. He soon established order in the
province. The duke then judged that so despotic an authority might
become odious; and he set up a civil court in the middle of the
province, with an excellent president, at which each city had its
advocate. And because he knew that the former rigor had generated
hatred, to conciliate and win this people, he wished to prove that the
cruelties that had been practised did not emanate from him, but from the
severity of his minister; and seizing Ramiro, he caused him one morning
to be placed on a scaffold in the market-place of Cesena, divided in
two, with a wooden block and bloody knife at his side. The horror of
which spectacle caused the people to remain for some time satisfied and
stupid."
This act took place under the very eyes of Machiavelli, when he was at
Cesena with Borgia. He thus mentions it in his public
correspondence:--"Messer Ramiro was found this morning divided in two in
the market-place, where he yet is, and all the people can behold him.
The cause of his death is not well known, except that it seemed good to
the prince, who shows that he knows how to make and unmake men at will,
according to their merits."
To us, who cannot sympathise with the high spirit and good fortune of
Borgia, it is consolatory to know that his triumph was short-lived, and
his ruin complete. It fell to Machiavelli to witness the last scene of
his expiring power, being sent on a legation to Rome at the time of his
downfall.
[Sidenote: 1503.]
The duke of Valence was still enjoying the complete success of his
enterprises: courage and duplicity, united, rendered him victorious over
all his enemies. He was at Rome, carrying on a negotiation with the king
of France, which was to extend and secure his power, when suddenly, one
afternoon, the pope was brought back dead from a vineyard, whither he
had gone to recreate himself after the heats of the day; and Cæsar was
also brought back soon after, to all appearance dying.
[Sidenote: Aug.
28.]
The story went that they were both poisoned, having drunk by mistake
some wine prepared by themselves for the destruction of one of their
guests.[122] The pope's body was exposed in St. Peter's on the following
day, according to custom; it was swollen, discoloured, and frightfully
disfigured. Cæsar's youth, and the speedy use he had made of an
antidote, saved his life; but he remained for a long time in a state of
great suffering and illness. He told Machiavelli, about this time, that
he had foreseen and provided against every reverse of fortune that could
possibly befall him, except his father dying at a time when he should
himself be disabled by disease. He could now enter but ineffectually
into the intrigues necessary to ensure the election of a pope favourable
to himself. Indeed, the death of Alexander was so sudden, that none of
the persons interested found time to exert their resources; and a
cardinal was raised to the pontifical throne, whose sole merit consisted
in his great age and decrepitude. Francesco Picolomini, nephew of Pius
II., was proclaimed pope on the 22d of September, under the name of Pius
III.
He did not deceive the hopes of the cardinals;--he reigned twenty-eight
days only; and his death, which occurred on the 18th of October, left
the throne again vacant. The cardinals, during this interval, had
prepared their measures, and looked forward to a greater struggle and
more important choice.
[Sidenote: 1503.
Ætat.
34.]
The government of Florence thought it right to send an envoy, on this
occasion, to watch over its interests, and to influence consultations
which would be held concerning the future destination of Borgia. He had
already lost the greater part of his conquests: Piombino and Urbino
revolted to their former lords; and nothing remained to him but Romagna,
whose inhabitants he had attached by the firm system of government
before mentioned. The nobles, however, who had formerly governed its
various towns, were trying to regain possession of them; and Venice eyed
it as an easy prey. The popes believed, that by right, it belonged to
them; and Borgia had reigned over it as vassal to the church: this clash
of interests led him to believe that he could induce any future pope to
side with him. The neighbourhood of the cities in question to Tuscany,
rendered it imperative to Florence to watch over their fate.
Machiavelli was sent by them just before the cardinals entered into
conclave--where, without hesitation or a dissentient voice, they elected
Julian da Rovera, cardinal of San Pietro in Vincola, who assumed the
name of Julius II. This prelate had been all his life at open enmity
with Alexander VI.: his disposition was ambitious, restless, fiery, and
obstinate; and during the struggles against the papal power in which he
had been engaged all his life, he had offended many, and excited the
hatred of a number of powerful persons. Above all, it was to be supposed
that Cæsar Borgia would oppose him; and he exercised great influence
over the Spanish cardinals. But the duke had to contend with much
adversity, so that he had but a choice of evils before him. During this
interval, even Romagna had fallen from him, with the exception of its
fortresses, of which he possessed the keys. Julian da Rovera made him
large promises; and in an age when duplicity flourished far and wide, he
had been celebrated for his veracity and good faith; even his old enemy,
Alexander VI., declared that the cardinal di San Pietro in Vincola was
sincere and trusty.
As soon as the new pope was elected, it was projected to send Borgia
with an army to Romagna, to conquer it in the name of the holy see.
Machiavelli had frequent interviews with the fallen prince at this time,
and appears to have thrown off that admiration which his success and
spirit had formerly inspired; and he testifies no sympathy or regret in
his misfortunes. Borgia complained of the little friendship shown him by
Florence; and declared that he would relinquish every other hope, for
the sake of attacking and ruining the republic. The secretary reports
his angry expressions to his government, and adds the words of cardinal
d'Amboise, who exclaimed that "God, who never left any crime unpunished,
would not let this man escape with impunity!"
The career of this bad hero was now drawing to a close. In the month of
November, he set out in the middle of the night for Ostia, to the great
satisfaction of all Rome, for the purpose of embarking for Spezia, with
a troop of five hundred men, and then of proceeding to Romagna. But the
pope, who had hitherto given no mark of an intention to break his
promises, suddenly determined to violate that good faith which had
formerly adorned his character, and sent the Tuscan cardinal of Volterra
(who was of course Borgia's hitter enemy) after him, to demand an order
to the officers who held the castles in Romagna, that they should be
given into the pope's hands. Borgia refused to comply with a requisition
which deprived him of the last remnant of his power; on which he was
arrested and placed on hoard a French galley. "It is not yet known,"
Machiavelli writes to his government on the 26th of November, "whether
the duke is still on hoard the vessel, or brought here. Various things
are reported. One person told me that, being yesterday evening in the
pope's chamber, two men arrived from Ostia, when he was immediately
dismissed; but, while in the next room, he overheard these men say that
the duke had been thrown into the Tiber, as the pope had commanded.[123]
I do not quite believe in this story, but I do not deny it; and, I dare
say, if it has not already happened, it will happen. The pope, it is
evident, is beginning to pay his debts honourably, and cancels them with
a stroke of his pen. Every one, however, blesses this deed; and the more
he does of the like, the more popular will he be. Since the duke is
taken, whether he be alive or dead, no account need be made of him.
Nevertheless, when I hear any thing certain, you shall have
intelligence."
The pope, however, had not yet learnt wholly to despise the force of
promises and oaths. Borgia was brought back to the Vatican, and treated
honourably. It was supposed at one time that he would be proceeded
against legally: and Machiavelli several times pressed his government to
send him the papers necessary to institute any accusation on their part.
At length, the duke gave the order to his castellans to surrender the
fortresses in question to the pope, and was set at liberty. He instantly
repaired to Naples, possessed of nothing more than a sum of money which
he had deposited with the Genoese bankers, but happy in having recovered
his personal freedom. His ambitious mind quickly conceived new schemes;
and he tried to persuade the Spanish general at Naples, Consalvo, to
assist him in his project of throwing himself into Pisa, and of
defending it against Florence. Consalvo listened and temporised, till he
received the directions of his sovereign, which he immediately obeyed.
In conformity with these, Borgia was arrested and sent on board a
galley, which conveyed him to Spain. On his arrival, he was confined in
the fortress of Medina del Campo, there to remain during his life. He
continued a prisoner, however, for two years only. In 1506, with great
audacity and labour, he let himself down from the castle by a rope, and
fled to the court of John king of Navarre, who was his wife's brother;
where he lived for some years in a humble state, the king of France
having confiscated his duchy of Valence, and forbidding him to enter
France. Finally, having gone out with the forces of the king of Navarre
to attack Viana, an insignificant castle of that kingdom, he was
surprised by an ambush, and killed.
We have anticipated a little, to conclude the history of this man, who
figures so prominently in Machiavelli's writings, and now return to the
secretary himself. We have not space to dilate with the same minuteness
on his succeeding embassies; and there is nothing in them of peculiar
interest. His letters are always full of keen observation; and show him
to have been sagacious, faithful, and diligent. The republic kept him
actively employed; and the end of one legation was the beginning of
another.
[Sidenote: 1504.
Ætat.
35.]
He left Rome, after Borgia's arrest, in December; and, in the January
following, went to France, to ask the protection of Louis against the
dangers which Florence imagined to threaten them from the Spanish army
at Naples.
[Sidenote: 1505.
Ætat.
36.]
A peace, concluded between France and Spain, dissipated these
fears; and the secretary, after a month's residence at Lyons, returned
to his own country. After this, he was sent on four insignificant mission
to Piombino, Perugia, Mantua, and Siena. His next employment was to
raise troops in the Florentine territories.
[Sidenote: 1506.
Ætat.
37.]
Machiavelli was too clear-sighted and well-judging, not to perceive the
various and great evils that resulted from the republic engaging
condottieri to fight its battles. He endeavoured to impress upon the
signoria the advantages that would arise from the formation of a native
militia; and, at length, succeeded. A law was passed for the enrolling
the peasantry, and he was charged with the execution. His proceedings
were conducted with patience and industry: his letters contain accounts
of the obstacles he met from the prejudices of the people with whom he
had to deal, the pains he took to obviate them, and the care he was at
to select recruits who might be depended on.
Pope Julius, at this time, had conceived the project of reducing to
obedience to the holy see all those towns which he considered as
rightfully belonging to it. He obtained promises of aid from France;
demanded it from Florence; and then set out on an expedition against
Giovanni Bentivoglio, lord of Bologna. The Florentines were anxious,
from economical motives, to defer sending their quota as long as they
could; and they delegated their secretary to the court militant of Rome,
to make excuses, and to watch over the progress of its arms. Machiavelli
joined the court at Cività Castellana, and proceeded with it to Viterbo,
Perugia, Urbino, and Imola.
[Sidenote: 1506.]
His letters during this legation are highly interesting; presenting a
lively picture of the violence and impetuosity of Julius II., whose
resolute and intelligent countenance Raphael has depicted on canvas in
so masterly a manner. When Bentivoglio sent ambassadors to him, he
actually scolded them--addressing them in public, and using, as the
secretary says, the most angry and venomous expressions. Machiavelli
adds: "Every one believes that, if he succeeds with regard to Bologna,
he will lose no time in attempting greater things; and it is hoped that
Italy will be preserved from him who attempted to devour it (meaning the
king of France).--Now, or never." Bentivoglio made some preparations to
fortify Bologna; but, on the arrival of troops from France in aid of his
enemy, his heart failed him and he entered into a treaty, by which he
preserved his private property; and then, with his wife and children, he
abandoned the city he had so long reigned over, and took refuge in the
duchy of Milan.
It was apprehended, at this time, that the emperor Maximilian would
enter Italy with an army; and its various states sent ambassadors to
him, to make favourable terms. The emperor had applied to Florence for
money; and the republic sent Francesco Vettori to treat concerning the
sum.
[Sidenote: 1507.
Ætat.
38.]
They afterwards sent Machiavelli with their ultimatum. Both ambassador
and secretary remained some time at Trent, waiting on the imperial
court.
[Sidenote: 1508.
Ætat.
39.]
Machiavelli employed himself in making observations on the state
of the country, which he reduced to writing, in a brief "Account of
Germany," on his return.
He had before drawn up a similar account of the state of France.
The favourite object of Florence continued to be the reduction of Pisa.
They purchased permission to attack it, from the kings of France and
Spain, for a large sum of money.
[Sidenote: 1509.
Ætat.
40.]
They besieged the town, dividing their army into three divisions, which
blockaded it on three sides. The camps were each commanded by
commissaries; and Machiavelli was sent thither to advise with and assist
them. He passed from one camp to the other, to watch over the execution
of the measures concerted for the siege; and, at one time, went to
Piombino, to meet some deputies from Pisa, to arrange a treaty; but it
came to nothing, and he returned to the army. He was much trusted by his
government; and one of the commissaries, in writing to the signoria,
observes, "Niccolò Machiavelli left us to-day, to review the troops of
the other camp. I have directed him to return here, as you order; and I
wish for nothing so much as to have him with me."
After a blockade of three months, Pisa surrendered. The Florentine
republic behaved with the greatest generosity and humanity, and kept
terms faithfully with a people who had injured them deeply, and were now
wholly at their mercy.
Late in the same year, Machiavelli was employed to convey to Mantua the
money composing a part of the subsidy of Florence to the emperor. After
having discharged this office, he was ordered to repair to Verona, "or,"
as his instructions say, "wherever it seems best, to learn and
communicate intelligence of the actual state of affairs. You will
diligently write us word of every thing that happens worthy of notice,
changing the place of your abode each day." That part of Italy was, at
that time, the seat of a cruel and destructive war carried on between
the emperor and the republic of Venice.
There existed a great spirit of enmity between Louis XII. and the pope.
Julius II. was a violent and implacable man: his former suspicions
against the French monarch were changed into excessive hatred. He was
animated, also, by the desire of acquiring the glory of liberating Italy
from the barbarians.[124] He sent troops against Genoa, which belonged
to the king; Florence had been unable to refuse a safe passage for them
through their territory: at the same time, fearing that this concession
had offended Louis, they despatched Machiavelli to make their excuses.
[Sidenote: June,
1510.
Ætat.
41.]
His letters, during this mission, disclose a curious system of bribery
with regard to the ministers of the king. Cardinal d'Amboise had always
shown himself friendly towards the republic; but this friendship had
been purchased by gold. He died a month before the arrival of the
secretary, who writes thus to the signoria:--"I had a long conversation
with Alessandro Nasi concerning the donations, that I might understand
how I ought to regulate myself with regard to them. He promised the
chancellor Robertet and the marshal Chaumont d'Amboise to pay what is
due to them, during the ensuing month of August. He told me, that he did
not think that the 10,000 ducats, which were sent here for the cardinal
d'Amboise, and which were not paid, on account of his death, could be
saved for the city, except in one way; which was, by distributing them
between the chancellor and marshal, as a portion of what is due to
them."
He had an audience with the king at Blois. There was no Florentine
ambassador at this time at the French court; Machiavelli was merely an
envoy, with his title of secretary: the king, therefore, treated him
with little ceremony; but he received him kindly, declaring his belief
in the friendship of Florence, but desiring some further proof of it.
"Secretary," he said, "I am not at enmity with the pope, nor any one
else; but as new friendships and enmities arise each day, I wish your
government to declare at once what they will do in my favour: and do you
write word to them, that I offer all the forces of this kingdom, and to
come in person, to save their state, if necessary."[125]
It was a difficult part for Florence, between France their ancient ally,
and the stern vindictive pope. Some time before, during their
difficulties, the republic had in some degree changed their form of
government, and elected a gonfaloniere or doge for life, instead of
changing every year; their choice had fallen on Pietro Soderini, a man
of integrity, but feeble and timid. The king of France, pushed to the
utmost by the pope, determined to call together a council, to dethrone
him. Florence offered him the city of Pisa, for it to be held; and then,
terrified by the menaces of Julius II., sent Machiavelli to Louis, to
endeavour to recall this offer, but in vain.
[Sidenote: 1511.
Ætat.
42.]
The council met, and the secretary was sent to attend upon it; it came
to nothing, however. Only four cardinals met, they were ill treated by
the people, discountenanced by the Italian clergy, and dissatisfied with
themselves: after holding two sessions at Pisa, they transferred
themselves to Milan.
The result of this open attack of Louis upon the power of the pope
animated the latter to renewed endeavours to expel the king from Italy:
he formed a league with Spain and Venice against the French power, and a
disastrous war was the consequence.
[Sidenote: 1512.
Ætat.
43.]
At one time the French obtained a victory at Ravenna, which was
detrimental to them, since Gaston de Foix and 10,000 of their
bravest soldiers were left on the field of battle. Florence remained
neuter during this struggle, but the republic was accused of a
secret partiality for France, and its punishment was resolved upon
at the diet of Mantua.
The Medici family still hovered round Florence, desirous of reinstating
themselves in their ancient seats, and of reassuming the power enjoyed
by their forefathers. Piero de' Medici had fallen in the battle of the
Gariglano, some years before; he left a son named Lorenzo, and a
daughter, Clarice. His brother the cardinal Giovanni had, while he
perceived his cause hopeless, quitted Italy, and visited many parts of
France and Germany, nor returned to Rome till the elevation of Julius
II.: from that time he took an important part in the public affairs of
Italy, and was appointed legate during the war. His influence was
exerted during the diet of Mantua, and the punishment of Florence was
decreed to consist in the overthrow of the existing government, and the
restoration of the Medici. The details of the expedition of the allies
against the republic are related by Machiavelli in a private letter,
which, though highly interesting, is too long to extract.[126] The
gonfaloniere Soderini exerted some energy at the commencement of the
struggle, but was unable to hold out long. The army, under the command
of the viceroy of Naples, entered Tuscany, and taking Prato by assault,
massacred its inhabitants without respect for age or sex. The
Florentines were alarmed by this cruelty, and resolved to submit.
Soderini and his partisans quitted the city and repaired to Siena, and
the Medici entered Florence. The cardinal was at their head, accompanied
by his younger brother Giuliano, his nephew Lorenzo, son of Piero, and
his cousin Julius de' Medici, descended from the brother of Cosmo.
Thus fell a government which Machiavelli had served faithfully for
fourteen years. His labours had been great during this period, the
honours he enjoyed of no conspicuous nature, and his emoluments were
very slender. When on his various missions, he was allowed only a
trifling addition to his salary as secretary, which frequently was not
commensurate to his increased expenditure, and afforded no room for
luxury or display. "It is true," he writes to the signoria from Verona,
"that I spend more than the ducat a day that you allow me for my
expenses; nevertheless, now, as heretofore, I shall be satisfied with
whatever you please to give." There was nothing mercenary in
Machiavelli's disposition, and he seems perfectly content with
continuing in the office he enjoyed, without rising higher. He went on
his legations always in the character of envoy, at such times when the
republic thought it best to treat by means of a delegate less costly and
of less authority than an ambassador. Thus his letters often ask to be
replaced by a minister entrusted with more extensive powers. Evidently,
throughout his active career, he had the good of his country only at
heart. He was steady, faithful, and industrious: he recommended himself
to the powers to whom he was sent by his intelligence and his want, of
pretension. Up to the moment of Soderini's exile, he acted for the
Gonfaloniere and his council. His last office was to gather the militia
together, for the purpose of checking the advance of the viceroy through
the passages of the Apennines. He was too late, and his forces were too
scanty; for Pietro Soderini, timid and temporising, did not give credit
to the extent of danger that menaced him till the last moment. His fear
of appearing ambitious, and making himself obnoxious to his fellow
citizens, prevented him from taking those resolute measures necessary
for his safety: but Machiavelli continued faithful to him, till the
moment he quitted the city. Then he turned his eyes to the new
government and the Medici, who, though introduced under had auspices,
showed no disposition to tyrannise over their fellow-citizens. He was
poor, and had a large family; and, though a lover of liberty, was not
personally attached to the fallen Gonfaloniere. The forms of government
continued the same, and he was still secretary to the Council of Ten. He
desired and expected to continue in office, and to exercise functions,
which could not be otherwise than beneficial to his country.
His hopes were deceived: he was considered by the Medici as too firm an
adherent of the adverse party. He was deprived of his place, and
sentenced not to quit for one year the territory of the republic, nor to
enter the palace of government. But this was not the end, it was only
the beginning, of his disasters. Shortly after, the enemies of the
Medici conspired against them: the conspiracy was discovered, and two of
the chief among them were beheaded. Machiavelli was supposed to be
implicated in the plot: he was thrown into prison, and put to the
torture. No confession could be extorted from him, and it is possible
that he was entirely innocent of the alleged crime. He was soon after
comprised in the act of amnesty published by the new pope. On the death
of Julius II., cardinal de' Medici was elevated to the pontifical
throne; he assumed the name of Leo X., and signalised his exaltation by
this act of clemency. On his liberation Machiavelli wrote to his friend
Francesco Vettori, the Florentine ambassador at the papal court, who had
exerted himself in his favour, in these terms:--"You have heard from
Paolo Vettori that I am come out of prison, to the universal joy of this
city. I will not relate the long story of my misfortunes; and will only
say, that fate has done her utmost to bring them about; but, thank God,
they are at an end. I hope to be safe for the future, partly because I
intend to be more cautious, and partly because the times are more
liberal and less suspicious."
[Sidenote: 1513.
Ætat.
44.]
Francesco Vettori, on hearing of his liberation, had already written,
and their letters crossed on the road. "Honoured friend," he wrote, "I
have suffered greater grief during these last eight months than I ever
endured during the course of my whole life before: but the worst was
when I knew that you were arrested, as I feared that, without cause or
fault of yours, you would be put to the torture, as was really the case.
I am sorry that I could not assist you, as you had a right to expect;
but as soon as the pope was created, I asked him no favour except your
liberation, which I am glad to find had already taken place. And now,
dear friend, I have to entreat you to take heart during this
persecution, as you have done on other occasions: and I hope, as things
are now tranquil, and their (_the Medici_) good fortune transcends all
imagination, that you will soon he permitted to quit Tuscany. If I
remain here, I wish you would come to me, for as long a time as you
like."
"Rome, 15th of March, 1513.