Notwithstanding the neglect which he experienced at Rome, Ariosto was

now enjoying ease and dignity at the court of Alfonso, compared with the

servitude, or rather the servility, which Hippolito formerly exacted of

his retainers. During this prosperous period of his life, he was

appointed by his patron to a post of honour and difficulty, if not of

emolument, which required the exercise of certain politic talents rarely

possessed by poets, but which he must have possessed in no

inconsiderable measure, judging by the trusts so repeatedly reposed in

him. Graffagnana, a mountainous district lying between Modena and Lucca,

and which had been wrested some years before by the pope from the duke

of Ferrara, threw off the yoke, and returned to its former lord, upon

the demise of Leo X. This tract of debateable land was occupied by a

people proverbially rude, factious, and turbulent among themselves, as

well as refractory towards the ill-established authorities set over them

from time to time by their temporary sovereigns. Hence the woodlands and

glens on the Apennine slopes, where their country was situated, were

infested with banditti; and the inhabitants were embroiled in perpetual

lawsuits before tribunals where little justice was to be obtained, or

else at open variance with their own bands, determining right by might.

To that dreary province, in such a hideous state of affairs, Ariosto was

sent to redress grievances, restore quiet, and advance the

semi-barbarians a step or two in civilisation. This task,--on the face

of it more fitted to the talents of an Orpheus or Amphion, than those of

a modern minstrel; unless, like the one, he was master of the lost art

of teaching stones to build themselves into temples and palaces, or,

like the other, could draw rocks and forests, with their population of

lions and tigers, after him, by the enchantment of his lyre,--he seems

to have accomplished with moderate success among a tribe already

acquainted with his romantic poetry, and prepared to honour the author.

Sir John Harrington says, that "he so orderly governed, and so well

quieted," these riotous hordes by his wisdom and equity, that "he left

them all in good peace and concord; winning not only the love of the

better sort, but also a wonderful reverence of the wilder people, and a

great awe even in robbers and thieves." The latter phrase alludes to a

story which has been differently told, but may be received as

substantially true, of a rencontre which he had with some of his more

uncouth neighbours. One day traversing a forest, accompanied by five or

six horsemen, the little party was startled by the appearance of a body

of armed men breaking cover, and coming suddenly upon them; these

belonged to one of the gangs of brigands, which, under two audacious

leaders--Domenico Marotto and Philippo Pachione--divided the peace of

the country between them, allowing none to each other, and depriving

every one else of it. The expected assailants, however, after curiously

eying the governor and his train, permitted them to pass; which his

excellency was very willing to do, though, as chief magistrate, he had

found a whole nest of outlaws. Having formerly signalised himself in the

river fight with the Venetians, and there being no occasion to exercise

any other than "the better part of valour--discretion"--in this affair,

Ariosto felt his honour as safe as his life, in riding on without

offering molestation where he experienced none. But the captain of the

band, being struck with his superior presence, demanded of the hindmost

of his attendants what was his master's name. "Ludovico Ariosto,"

replied the other: whereupon, galloping up to him, the freebooter hailed

the poet (who expected a very different salutation) with the most

profound respect and courtesy, introducing himself as Philippo Pachione,

and regretting that, from not having previously known his person, he and

his troop had not done due honour to him in passing. He then launched

out into vehement praises of the "Orlando Furioso" (a poem likely enough

to be the delight of such adventurers), and with all humility and

frankness offered his most devoted services to its author. Baretti's

version of the anecdote is to the following effect:--Ariosto one morning

happened to take a walk in his night-gown and slippers beyond the castle

where he resided, fell into a fit of thought, and forgot himself so

much, that step after step he found himself, when he recovered, already

far from home, and surrounded on a sudden by a troop of desperadoes; who

certainly would have ill used, and perhaps murdered him, had not his

face been known by one of the gang, who, informing his comrades that it

was signor Ariosto, the chief of the banditti addressed him with

intrepid gallantry, and told him, that since his excellency was the

author of "Orlando Furioso," he might be sure that none of his company

would injure him, but would see him, on the contrary, safe to the

castle. This they did, entertaining him all the way with the passages

which they most admired in his poem." Ariosto himself seems to allude to

some such circumstance in the Epistle to S. Maleguccio (Satire V.),

written during his residence in Graffagnana.

"Saggio chi dal castel poco si scosta."

"He's wise who strays but little from the castle."

Two of his epistolary Satires are dated from that province; where he

seems to have been as little at home as Ovid in Pontus. In that first

quoted, to Sigismondo Maleguccio, at the end of the first year of his

honourable exile, he says,--

"This is the earliest note, in all the time,

Which I have warbled to the nymphs that guard

The tree, whose leaves I once so long'd to wear:

Such is the strangeness of the place to me,

That I am like a bird, whose cage is changed,

And many a day refrains his wonted song:

My cousin, wonder not that I am mute;

The wonder's greater that I'm not dead with spleen--

Shut as I am, a hundred miles and more,

By Alps and snow, and streams and woods, from her

Who holds alone the reins of my affection."

_Satire V._

Sancho Panza, in his island of Barataria, neither administered justice

more wisely, nor was interrupted more provokingly in his personal

indulgences, than Ariosto in his government of Graffagnana; and,

unfortunately for his comfort, the stronghold of Castelnuovo was not

stormed at midnight by some friendly enemy, nor himself ejected by

violence, to his heart's content. The poet's miserable reign lasted

three long years; while the squire of Don Quixote had the happiness to

be relieved from the cares of state in less than as many days. How unfit

for the management of a brute people he deemed himself, may be judged

from the story with which he closes this epistle.

"Methinks that I resemble the Venetian

To whom the king of Portugal presented

A noble steed of Mauritanian blood;

Who, to do justice to the royal gift,

Nor once considering, that to turn a helm,

And draw a bridle, are two different things,

Mounted aloft, and with both hands held fast

As at a rudder; then in either flank

Cast anchor with his spurs, and bravely mutter'd,

'I'll warrant ye don't fling me overboard.'

The horse, thus handled, bolted off full speed;

Whereat the gallant seaman pull'd the harder,

And deeper struck the rowels sharp as spears,

Till mouth and reins were tinged with blood and foam.

The beast, not knowing which to obey--the points

That urged him on, or curb that held him back--

With a few desperate plunges rid himself

Of his strange rider; who, with shatter'd ribs,

Crack'd collar-bone, head broken, all begrimed

With mud and dirt, and pale with fright, crawl'd off

In no good humour with his majesty,

And, far away, bewail'd his horsemanship.

Well had it been for him, and well for me,

If for his charger he, I for my province,

Had said,--'O king! O duke! I am not worthy

Of such high honour; graciously bestow

Your bounty on some other.'"

While he was here, M. Bonaventura Pistolfo, secretary to Alfonso, wrote

to invite Ariosto to accept a third embassy to Rome; not on a perilous

and temporary errand, but to reside there as the representative of his

sovereign, "for a year or _two_," at the court of Clement VII. The poet,

however, had sagacity enough to decline putting himself again in the way

of Fortune, where, instead of taking him by the hand, on former

occasions, she had only splashed him with the mud from her wheel as it

rolled through the streets, encumbered with aspiring asses in every

stage of transmigration.[106] His correspondent having intimated that,

besides complying with the duke's pleasure at Rome, he might stand a

chance of obtaining great and fat preferments by favour of a member of

the house of Medici, with which he had been so long and courteously

acquainted, then filling the papal chair; since it was more probable

that he should catch, if he fished in a great river, than in an ordinary

stream; he thus replies, in the seventh Satire:--"I thank you, that the

desire is ever fresh with you to promote my interest, and to change me

from a plough-ox into a Barbary steed. You might command me with fire

and sword to serve the duke, not in Rome only, but in France, Spain, or

India; but if you would fain persuade me that honour and riches may be

got in the way you propose, you must find a different bait, to lure your

bird into that net. As for honour, I have already as much as my heart

could wish: it is enough for me that, at home, I can see more then half

a dozen of my neighbours doff their caps when they meet me, because they

know that I sometimes sit at table with the duke, and obtain a trifling

favour which I seek for myself or a friend. Then, if I have honour

enough to satisfy me, I should have abundance of wealth also; and my

desires, which sometimes wander, would be at rest, if I had just so much

that I could live, and be at liberty, without having to ask any thing of

any one: more than this I never hope to attain. But, since so many of my

friends have had the power to do thus much for me, and I still remain in

poverty and dependence, I will not let her[107], who was so backward to

fly out of the box of the imprudent Epimeteus, to lead me by the muzzle

like a buffalo." Towards the close of this epistle, he intimates that it

is some unconfessed affection which draws him so tenderly and

irresistibly towards his native nest; and adds--"It is well for me that

I can hide myself among these mountains, and that your eyes cannot run a

hundred miles after me, to see whether my cheeks be pale or red at this

acknowledgment. Certainly, if you saw my face at the moment I am

writing, far away as I am, it would appear to you as deeply crimsoned as

that of the father canon was, when he let fall, in the market-place, the

wine-flask which he had stolen from a brother, besides the two that he

had drunk. If I were at your elbow, perhaps you would snatch up a cudgel

to bastinado me, for alleging such a crazy reason why I wish not to live

at a distance from you."

The attachment insinuated in the enigmatical lines, of which the above

is a prose version, is with equal ambiguity alluded to in the fourth

Satire, addressed to Annibale Maleguccio, where, excusing himself from

going abroad, on the ground that he preferred pursuing his studies at

home, and confining his voyages and travels, though they extended all

over the world, to the maps and charts of Ptolemy, he breaks off

thus:--"Methinks you smile and say, 'Neither the love of country nor

study, but of a lady, is the cause why you will not move.' I frankly

confess it: now shut your mouth; for I will neither take up sword nor

shield to defend a fib." This jest has been taken in earnest, though no

man in his senses would swear on the word of a poet so uttered. Be that

as it may, it is generally understood that his life was sufficiently

dissolute to warrant his correspondent's suspicion; and to require him,

when so charged, to escape with a pleasantry, though it were accompanied

by a blush.

After three years, being released from the cares of his government,

Ariosto returned, with entire devotion of his time and talents, to the

"sacred college of the Muses;" perfecting his "Orlando" by almost daily

touches, the fruits of habitual meditation upon its multifarious

subjects, to the last year of his life. He likewise revised several

comedies written in his youth, turning them from prose into metre; and

composing others. These were so much admired, that they were often acted

in the court of Alfonso; persons of the highest rank representing the

characters. His earliest and his latest works, therefore, were dramatic,

but certainly not his best: that, indeed, could not be expected;

theatrical performances being comparatively new in Italy, and, in

general, exceedingly crude or exceedingly pedantic. It is said that

Ariosto's plays are yet read with delight by his countrymen: the titles

of them are,--the "Menechini," borrowed from Plautus; "La Cassaria," "I

Suppositi," "La Lena," "Il Negromante," and "La Scholastica;" of which

latter, his brother Gabriele furnished the concluding act, Ludovico

having left it incomplete. A curious anecdote is told of him when a

youth, which is characteristic at once of his phlegm and his acuteness

in the practice of his art.--His father, being displeased by some

juvenile inadvertence, very severely reprimanded him in the presence of

the rest of the family. Ludovico bore the infliction with perfect

composure, neither expressing contrition, nor attempting to justify

himself. When Nicolo had retired, his brother Gabriele remonstrated with

him, both on the imputed fault, and his apparent insensibility of shame

or rebuke. Thereupon the poet so promptly and effectually cleared his

conduct, that his brother, in great astonishment, asked him why he had

not given the same explanation of it to their father. "Because," said

the young dramatist, "I was so busily thinking, all the while, how to

make the best use of what my father said, in my new comedy, in which I

have just such a scene of an old man scolding his boy, that in the

ideal, I forgot the real incident."

His seven Satires were also composed during the latter years of his

life; but, on account of their irreverence towards high personages both

in church and state, they were not published till a convenient time

after his death. They are in the form of epistles; and, in fact, were

written as such, on real occasions, to the several friends addressed in

them. These pieces allude so much to personal and family circumstances,

that Ariosto's biographers are more indebted to them than to any other

equally authentic source for their materials; and it has been for the

like reason, principally, that such copious extracts have been made from

the same valuable documents in the foregoing pages. In these remarkable

effusions of spleen and pleasantry, there is nothing gaudy or

superficial, to attract ordinary readers; nothing forced or unnatural,

to produce ostentatious effect. The thoughts are thick-sown; the diction

seems to be without effort (the result, no doubt, of consummate art),

being pungent and simple, like the best style of conversation, except

when the subject, at rare intervals, becomes poetical--when at once the

swan of Castaly launches upon the stream, swells into beauty, and rows

in gallant state till the water runs shallow again. There is none of the

stern indignation of Juvenal, nor the harshness and obscurity of

Persius, in these productions; yet, lively, sarcastic, and urbane as

they are, there is almost as little resemblance in them to those fine

but high-toned compositions of Horace, which were, unquestionably, our

author's models--though less for imitation than for rivalry. Like every

other species of literature which Ariosto tried, how much soever he may

have adorned all, these bosom-communications to his intimate friends are

not exempt from occasional obscenities, so repulsive and abominable,

that they cannot be commended and dismissed without this mark of infamy,

which no merits can efface.

Whether Ariosto, who, according to all accounts, and the lewdness of his

writings, led no very chaste life, were married or not; and, if married,

to whom; are questions which have puzzled his biographers, and are now

of little moment to be settled: no proof of marriage would redeem his

character, or purify his most beautiful poems from the moral defilement

that cleaves to them. His Muse had the plague, and all her offspring are

diseased. An author is not answerable to posterity for the evil of his

_mortal_ life, but for the profligacy of _that_ life which he lives

through after ages, contaminating by irrepressible and incurable

infection the minds of millions--it may be, till the day of

judgment,--he is amenable even in his grave. It is not necessary to

enter further into judgment with the offender before us in this place.

Married, or not married, Ariosto had two sons, whom he not only openly

avowed as such, but faithfully and affectionately educated them,

according to his knowledge and views of what is good and honourable in

society, for scholars and gentlemen, as he intended them to be. His

epistle to cardinal Bembo (the sixth Satire) is highly creditable to his

parental solicitude for the welfare of his children in this respect:

indeed, he seems to have been exemplary in every relationship of life,

except that which requires personal purity,--a virtue little regarded

either by laymen or ecclesiastics in his day; and, judging by the deeper

taint of their writings, as well as the evidence of their lives, often

held in less esteem by the latter than the former.

Towards the close of the year 1532, Ariosto was seized with illness,

brought on, it was said, by agitation, when the sumptuous theatre

erected by the duke of Ferrara, for the exhibition of his comedies, was

consumed by fire; or, as his physicians, with more probability,

conjectured, by indigestion, from the habit of eating fast, and bolting

his food almost unmasticated. Whatever might have been the cause, the

disorder terminated in his death about the midsummer following.

In the same year that he was thus mortally stricken, he had put his last

hand to the "Orlando Furioso," and left the poem in that form in which

it appears, in forty-six cantos; the five additional ones, which have

always been deemed unworthy of such a connection, having been published

for the first time in 1545, twelve years afterwards. Among what may be

deemed the apocryphal traditions concerning Ariosto, it has been

affirmed and contradicted, with very questionable evidence on either

side, that he received the laurel from the hands of the emperor Charles

V., in the city of Mantua, twelve months before his death. The very

circumstance of a reasonable doubt being raised respecting a fact,

which, if it had occurred, must have been known throughout all Italy,

Germany, France, and Spain, seems almost sufficient to invalidate the

story. One of his biographers (Minchino) says, that when Ariosto felt

the crown upon his brows, placed there by so august a personage, he went

beside himself for joy; and ran about the streets as much out of his

wits, for the time, as his own hero. It may be remarked, that nothing

could have been more out of character than such extravagance in a person

of Ariosto's temperament, who (whatever licence he granted to his Muse

in his writings, or to his passions in secret), in public, always

maintained a dignity and manliness of demeanour, which commanded

respect, and showed that he never forgot his honourable birth, or waved

the consciousness of intellectual superiority; though he was careful

that neither of these advantages should encroach upon the jealous or

vindictive sensibility of others.

Ariosto in person was tall and strong-boned, but stooping a little, and

slow in his gait as well as in all his motions. His countenance, judging

from Titian's portrait,--the lofty forehead a little bald, the black

curled locks behind, and corresponding beard upon a jutting chin, the

elevated brows above the dark bright eyes, the Roman nose, lips

eloquently moulded, teeth "passing even and white," thin cheeks,

complexion slightly olive, long visage, well-proportioned neck, and

shoulders square,--his countenance, with features such as these, might

altogether have been deemed the _beau idéal_ which the first painter

had conceived of the first poet of the age, had not contemporary

testimonies assured us that the whole was not more happily than

correctly copied from the living model.

There is little of tenderness, and less of stern sublimity, in any of

his poems; and yet it is uniformly affirmed that his aspect and manner

were grave, melancholic, and contemplative,--from habit, probably, more

than from nature; for in company he was affable, and his conversation

peculiarly captivating to women, whom, no doubt, he laid himself out to

please, and with whom he was no small favourite. So far, also, as they

could appreciate his merit, and endure that aristocracy of mind which

pressed hard upon the heels of hereditary rank, or mushroom vanity

raised from stercorarious heaps in ecclesiastical hotbeds, his society

was courted by the greatest personages in church and state, including

popes, cardinals, and sovereign princes. Unassuming, but not indifferent

to slights or wrongs from the highest with whom he was associated, he

led, on the whole, a feverish life between resolute poverty and

precarious dependence, with the continual temptation to rise to wealth

by means which he abhorred, and for which he must have abhorred himself

had he stooped to employ them.

Of persons of the other sex, who, from time to time, caught his

wandering affections, the names of two (whether real or disguised) have

been preserved--Alexandra and Guenevra. It is understood that the former

(to whom he may have been privately married) was the mother of his two

sons,--Giambattista, who devoted himself to a military life, and

Virginio, who obtained distinction in literature. For the other lady,

his passion might be no more than a poetical one--she being married, and

a mother, in an honourable family of Florence akin to his own. Finding

her one day adorning a silk coat for one of her children, so as to

resemble armour by the devices--the ground silver, and the embroidery

purple--against a festival spectacle, at which the lad was to figure in

it on Midsummer Eve, he was so inspired by the hand and the needle, that

he celebrated their performance in the twenty-fourth book of the

"Orlando Furioso;" where, describing a wound, "not deep but long,"

received in combat with Mandricardo by Zerbino, from which the blood

trickled over his splendid panoply, the poet introduces the following

admired but frigid simile:--

"Le lucide arme il caldo sangue irriga

Per sino al piè de rubiconda riga.

"Cosi talora un bel purpureo nastro

Ho veduto partir tela d' argento,

Da quella bianca man più ch' alabastro,

Da cui partire il cor spesso mi sento."

"The warm blood, with a crimson rivulet,

Down to the foot his shining armour wet.

"So have I seen a beauteous purple zone

Divide a web of silver, by the art

Of that white hand, outvying Parian stone,

Which oft I feel dividing thus my heart."

This is much more in the strain of fanciful passionless ideality (like

Petrarch's mistress, and his praises of her), than warm, ingenuous,

honest love, "whose dwelling is the heart of man," and whose language is

that of nature, which all may understand who ever knew affection. In the

same vein of ingenious artificial compliment and conceit (often, indeed,

elegant and captivating to the mind at ease, and amusing itself with

love in idleness) are the Elegies, Sonnets, and Madrigals of

Ariosto;--all calculated more to set off the beauties of his Muse than

of his mistress; and rather to command admiration of himself, than to do

honour to her, whom, though a divinity in song, and adored with

magnificent rites, he worships with nearly as little devotion as an idol

deserves. Of the following sonnet (the nineteenth in the series), Paolo

Rolli says, "_non è stata mai scritta poesia più sublime_,"--"poetry

more sublime was never written." It would be hard to persuade any

Englishman of this.

"Chiuso era il Sol da un tenebroso velo,

Che si stendea fino all' estreme sponde

Dell' orizonte, e mormorar le fronde

S' udiano, e tuoni andar scorrendo il cielo.

Di pioggia, in dubbio, o tempestoso gelo,

Stav' io per gire oltre le torbid' onde

Del fiume altier che il gran sepolcro asconde,

Del figlio audace del Signor di Delo:--

"Quando apparir sull' altra ripa il lume

De bei vostr' occhij vidi, e udij parole

Che Leandro potean farmi quel giorno.

E tutto a un tempo i nuvoli d'intorno

Si dileguaro, e si scoperse il Sole,

Tacquero i venti, e tranquillossi 'l fiume."

"The sun was shrouded with a gloomy veil

That reach'd the dim horizon's utmost bound,

The forest leaves were heard to murmur round,

And distant thunder peal'd along the gale.

In doubt I stood, of rain or pelting hail,

By the proud river, rapid and profound,

Wherein Apollo's daring son was drown'd[108],

Afraid to dip the oar or hoist the sail:

"When, from the farther bank, the light I saw

Of your fair eyes, and heard a voice, of power

To make Leander of me in that hour.

At once the clouds their dark array withdraw,

The sun brake forth, the rainbow climb'd the hill,

The winds were silent, and the waters still."

The foregoing version has been rendered as little paraphrastic as might

be (though the eighth line is interpolated); but all rhymed translations

from the Italian, in the same number of lines as the original, must be

encumbered either with additional thought or verbiage--our language

being altogether more brief in syllabic composition.

The society of Ariosto was courted by the learned and the polite; not

for his wit and intelligence only, but for the privilege of hearing his

latest compositions, as they came warm from his mind, or were gradually

wrought to perfection by that patient labour for which he was

distinguished, and to which he is indebted for as much of his glory as

to the creative energy of his genius itself. For when he had originated,

by force of invention, his most admired performances, he never ceased to

improve them afterwards by touches innumerable, exquisite, and

undiscerned by ordinary eyes, till the art which effected the changes at

length disappeared in its own consummation, and those seemed to be the

first thoughts in the first words, which were really the last

transmigrations of the former through the latter. No poet of any age has

more inseparably identified his conceptions with his language than

Ariosto; in fact, his ideas themselves are so vernacular, that they can

scarcely be made to speak any other than their native tongue; they defy

translation. Nothing, indeed, can be easier than to render the literal

meaning in dictionary terms; yet nothing less resembling the original in

all that constitutes its prime excellence--grace, freedom, and

simplicity--can be imagined than these. Of the "Orlando Furioso" there

are three English versions: that by sir John Harrington, in the reign of

queen Elizabeth, is coarse, careless, and unfaithful; that of Hoole,

about fifty years ago, tame, diffuse, and prosaic; the recent one by W.

S. Rose, esq., elegant, spirited, and probably as true to the text as

any readable paraphrase can be under the difficulties aforementioned.

While this magnificently wild and sportive work was in progress, and

after its first publication, during the refining process through which

it was continually passing till the last year of his own life, the poet

was accustomed to read, at the courts of Hippolito and Alfonso, and in

other favoured circles, the cantos as they were produced, revised, or

had received their final polish. This accounts partly for the manner in

which the hundredfold story is told,--not as recorded in a book, but as

delivered spontaneously before princes and prelates, scholars and

gentry, assembled to listen to the marvellous adventures of knights and

ladies, giants and enchanters, from the lips of the gifted narrator.

Ariosto excelled in the practice of reading aloud, whether the subjects

were his own, or those of his illustrious predecessors or

contemporaries; to which his melodious voice, distinct utterance, and

versatile spirit gave peculiar emphasis and animation. This

accomplishment was of great value after the revival of letters, when

books were scarce, and authors depended, for pecuniary recompence, more

upon the gratuities of patrons, than upon honourable profits from

extensive sales of their writings. But though he was thus master of the

rarest art of speech,--good reading, especially of verse, being seldomer

attained (perhaps because it is less duly appreciated) than eloquent

declamation,--he was never forward either to begin, by obtruding it upon

his friends for his own gratification, nor slow to leave off when he had

wearied himself for others. As his ear was nice, and his taste pure in

this respect, he was proportionately offended by indifferent, vulgar, or

boisterous recitation. The story is told of him, that one day, passing a

potter's shop, he heard the unlettered artisan singing, in harsh and

ill-accented numbers, a stave of the "Orlando." According to sir John

Harrington, it was the thirty-second in the first canto[109],--and this

will do as well as any other in a questionable tale,--in which Rinaldo

tries to catch his horse, with as little success as many a groom and

gentleman has done before and since. The poet, as little able to keep

his temper as his hero on the occasion, rushed among the crockery,

smashing now one piece, then another, on the right hand and on the left,

with his walking-stick. The potter, half paralised and half frantic,

hastily, yet hesitatingly, enquired why the gentleman should thus injure

a poor fellow who had done him no harm? No harm, man?" replied the

enraged author, "I am scarcely even with thee yet: I have cracked three

or four wretched jugs of thine, not worth a groat, and thou hast been

mangling and murdering a stanza of mine worth a mark of gold!" Unluckily

for the credit of this sally of professional petulance, the same

anecdote has been told of Camoens, the Portuguese, who lived half a

century later; and something like it of Philoxenus, who lived nearly

2000 years earlier. Yet the tradition concerning Ariosto may be true;

who, remembering the classic precedent, might choose to follow it in a

case where no redress could be looked for, except from taking the law

into his own hands. At the worst, such an outrage must have been a piece

of caustic pleasantry; and it may be taken for granted, that the

sufferer was well compensated for having afforded the poet no very

disagreeable opportunity of indulging his humour; since, however the

learned may pretend to despise the opinions of the multitude, there is

scarcely any proof of fame more flattering to the proudest aspirant,

than a cross-wind of popular applause. Cervantes, who well understood

the secrets of a poet's breast, goes farther, and, with consummate

propriety, makes the student, whose verses had been commended to the

skies by Don Quixote, say within himself,--"How sweet is praise, even

from the lips of a madman!"

Of Ariosto's personal habits, some whimsical peculiarities have been

mentioned, not worth repeating, except to gratify the very natural

curiosity--call it impertinent who will--which most readers feel to

learn all that they can about a favourite author. He himself confesses

that he could scarcely distinguish the different kinds of food; and it

has been already seen that he was in the practice of eating

voraciously.--A friend, who had invited him to an entertainment for the

diversion of the company, ordered a roasted _kite_ to be palmed upon him

for a _partridge_. By the blunder of a servant, the carrion was set

before a nicer guest, who smelled the joke, if he did not relish it, and

the poet escaped the savoury snare.--A stranger, calling upon him once

when he had just sat down to dinner, Ariosto eagerly ate up all the

"short commons" which had been provided, while the other was

entertaining him with most excellent discourse. Being afterwards

reproved by his brother for lack of hospitality, he coolly

replied,--"The loss was the gentleman's own; he should have taken care

of himself." His rudeness and hurry at table were attributed principally

to fits of rumination or absence of mind; and if he sometimes

over-satisfied his appetite, he did not usually indulge it with more

than one meal a day.

Quite in consonance with the poet's reveries were his raptures of

execution. After wandering in a day-dream of thought, he would suddenly

sit down and disburthen his overcharged brain with effusions of song,

that seemed as spontaneous as spring showers that fall in gusts through

broad sunshine, though they have been long collecting in the zenith; or,

he would start from "a brown study" at midnight, and call upon his

servant Gianni to bring pen, ink, and paper immediately, that he might

fix, before they vanished for ever, the imaginations which had charmed

him in his trance. The "Orlando" thus appeared to come to him, canto by

canto, as the Koran to Mahomet; and no doubt the one was as truly

inspired as the other. His early reading had so filled and fertilised

his mind, that he subsisted in thought almost exclusively on the

inexhaustible harvests perpetually produced from the remembrances of

that; and in his latter years was so indolent, or so indifferent a

searcher of the writings of others, that he frequently passed weeks

without turning over the pages of any except his own,--in which, like

the spider, he seemed to have a personal existence; so diffusing himself

through them, that it might be said of him, that, not with a touch only,

"exquisitely fine," he could "feel the whole thread," but also "live

along the line."

In his last hours, he is represented as maintaining his philosophical

tranquillity,--neither affecting stoical sternness, nor the hideous

jocularity of some, who, to hide their misgivings, die "as a fool

dieth." He professed to leave the world without much regret--having

never, indeed, been very well satisfied with his portion in it; and,

believing that in a future state men would know each other, he observed,

that he should be happy to meet many whom he loved, and who had gone

before him. How content to die in the dark are men of the highest

faculties, and otherwise of the most inquisitive minds, who have never

known, or who have rejected, the truth of that Gospel by which life and

immortality were brought to light!

As might be expected on the demise of one so celebrated for genius,

sonnets, elegies, and epitaphs in abundance were composed and published

to his honour. His body was buried in the church of the Benedictines at

Ferrara, when the monks of that order, contrary to their usual reserve,

accompanied the funeral procession: a plain slab of marble being laid

over the grave, was presently over-run with Greek, Latin, and Italian

verses, as the natural products of so poetical a spot. His son Virginio

afterwards prepared a chapel and sepulchre for his parent, in the garden

of the house which he had himself built, and where he had spent many of

his last and happiest days. But the good fathers had such reverence for

the relics of a poet, who certainly was any thing rather than a saint,

and whom no pope would canonise, that they would not allow their

removal. In process of time. Agostino Mosti, a man of letters, who in

early life was a disciple of the deceased, seeing no memorial worthy of

his master's fame erected, at his own expense caused a tablet (worthy at

least of himself) to be placed in the aforesaid church of the

Benedictines, with a bust upon the tomb beneath, and a Latin inscription

by Lorenzo Fiesoli. A monument more superb was erected, nearly a century

later, by Ludovico his grand-nephew, bearing also a Latin inscription.

Neither of these, nor even that which the poet composed in the same

language for himself, need be inserted here; the two former being in the

common-place style of posthumous panegyric, and the latter quaint and

puerile, though of sufficient significance to have been imitated by

Pope, with reckless profaneness, in the ribald lines which he wrote for

himself.

"Under this stone, or under this sill," &c.

The house which he built (as formerly mentioned), with its humble

inscription, is yet shown as a monument more interesting to the eye of

the enthusiastic admirer of the poet, than any marble effigies, however

gorgeously or exquisitely wrought, could be: it brings the spectator

into personal contact with himself, by local and domestic association.

But in this respect, the chair in which he was wont to meditate; and the

inkstand from which he filled his pen to disburthen his thoughts, when

they flowed, as they did at times, like the juice of full ripe grapes

from their own pressure,--if these relics are genuine,--must be

incomparably the most touching and inspiring memorials of his life and

his labours.

Of Ariosto's grand performance, it would be vain to sketch the outline,

or enter into formal criticism here: sufficient indications of the

present biographer's estimate of the author's powers and style of

composition have been already given. It would be idle and hopeless to

censure or carp at particulars, where little can be commended beyond the

talent with which a web of wonders and horrors (the easiest and cheapest

products of invention) has been so skilfully woven into poetical

tapestry, as not only to invest the most preposterous fictions with the

vividness of reality, but to charm or conciliate readers of all classes,

from those of the severest taste to those most akin to mere animal

appetite; disarming the indignation of the former by exquisite

playfulness, and transporting the latter by that marvellous intrepidity

of fibbing to which many a minstrel and romancer was formerly indebted

for his popularity. The fact is, that though, with inimitable gravity,

Ariosto tells story after story (or rather story within story),

deserving no better appellation than that which his patron Hippolito

bestowed upon his fictions when he asked, "_Messer Ludovico, dove avete

cogliate tante coglionere?_" "Where, master Ludovico, have you picked up

so many fooleries?" yet Cervantes himself had not a keener sense of

ridicule, nor in his happiest sallies was he more expert in humour or

irony, than this "prince of liars," as the curate in "Don Quixote"

designates a certain traveller. He describes, indeed, every scene,

event, and character throughout his world of nonentities, as they might

have been described, had they been actual and not imaginary: yet it is

frequently manifest, that, while he appears to be writing romance, he is

composing satire; and though he delights in prodigies for their own

sake, yet, wherever they exceed the _probable of the marvellous_, he is

not only alive to their absurdity, but rejoices to expose it, and turn

extravagance itself into pleasantry.

In canto XXVI., Rinaldo, Ricciardetto, and Ruggiero, assisted by

Marphisa (whom, in her martial accoutrements, they do not perceive to be

a woman of war), massacre, without let or hindrance, two bodies of Moors

and Magauzes, whom they surprise at market together. This, in plain

prose, is the style in which the butchery is described:--"Marphisa, as

she fought by their side, often turned her eyes towards her companions

in arms; and witnessing with wonder their rival achievements, she

extolled them all in turn: but the stupendous prowess of Ruggiero,

especially, appeared to her without example in the world; so that she

was ready to imagine him Mars, who had descended from the fifth heaven

to that quarter. She beheld his terrible strokes; she beheld them

falling never in vain: it seemed as though, against Balisarda (his

sword), iron was paper, and not hard metal; for it split helmets and

strong cuirasses; it cleft riders down to their saddles, throwing one

half of the man on the right hand, the other on the left; and not

stopping there, the same blow slew the horse with his lord. Heads from

their shoulders it hurled into the air, and often cut sheer the trunk

from the loins; five, and even more, with one motion it sometimes

despatched; and if I did not fear that truth would not find credit, but

be taken for a lie, I could tell greater things: it is, therefore,

expedient rather to tell less than I might. The good archbishop Turpin,

who knows very well that he speaks the truth, and leaves every one to

believe it or not as he pleases, relates such marvellous feats of

Ruggiero, that, hearing them repeated, you would say they were

falsehoods. Before Marphisa, every warrior seemed to be ice, and she

consuming flame: nor did she less attract the eyes of Ruggiero towards

herself, than he had won hers to him; and if she deemed him to be Mars,

he might have thought her to be Bellona, had he as well known her to be

a lady as her appearance indicated the contrary. Perhaps the emulation

then begotten between them, was no good thing for those miserable

people, on whose flesh, blood, bones, and sinews, proof was made how

much each could do."

Now, what sympathy can be felt in such unequal conflicts? No more,

verily, than with the fate and fortunes of the elephants and castles,

the kings, queens, bishops, knights, and commonalty on a chess-board, in

a game between an adept and a novice, which is up in a few moments,

neither exalting the winner nor disparaging the loser, nor affecting

life, limb, character, or feeling in regard to one of the puppets

employed in the play. Of the same class are all the combats between

invulnerable heroes, and those who wield weapons of enchantment: the

irresistible spear of Bradamante, that unhorsed every antagonist whom it

touched; the magic horn of Astolpho, that routed armies with a blast;

Ruggiero's veiled shield, the dazzling splendour of which, when suddenly

disclosed, struck with blindness and astonishment all eyes that beheld

it. Of the latter, the author himself grows weary or ashamed, and makes

his hero so too; though, with remarkable dexterity, he turns into a

glorious act of heroic virtue, the voluntary riddance of it by the

indignant Ruggiero, who throws it into a hidden well, in a nameless

forest in an undiscovered land, after having won too cheap a victory by

its accidental exposure. In these two instances (and many others might

be quoted), Ariosto laughs at his own extravagances, with as much

pleasantry as Cervantes himself at those of others: and it may, perhaps,

be affirmed that he does it with more tact and good sense, for it must

be acknowledged that few outrages upon nature in the tales of chivalry,

which the Spaniard justly ridicules, are felt by the reader to be more

improbable than the crazy imitations of them by the knight of La Mancha,

whose pranks could only be attempted by one absolutely insane, and

therefore were as little a fair mark for satire as for censure. Ariosto

has this advantage over Cervantes,--that whatever is great, glorious, or

admirable in romance, he can seriously set forth in all the pomp and

eloquence of verse of the highest species; while whatever is mean,

farcical, or monstrous, he can exhibit in strains of facetiousness, at

once as grave and as poignant as those in which the celebrated assault

on the windmills, the rout of the sheep, or the gross sensuality of

Sancho Panza, are given, without descending into caricature; though no

small portion of his whole poem belongs to the grotesque, and happily

the plan admits of every variety of style from Homer to Lucian.

Neither the dulness nor the licence of allegory can be pleaded in

extenuation of those unnatural circumstances, in which absurdity is at

once exemplified and ridiculed, as though the caprice of genius

delighted as much in the offence against taste as in the castigation of

it. Allegorical, indeed, some of his fancies notoriously are; but those

who have attempted to "moralise" the "fierce wars and faithful loves" of

his song, as many have done (and few more egregiously than sir John

Harrington, in the quaint essay annexed to his barbarous translation),

might have employed their time as profitably in raking moonshine out of

water, which flies off into millions of sparkles the moment it is

disturbed, but is no sooner let alone than it subsides into the quiet

and beautiful image of the orb above, which it showed before. It cannot

be said of Ariosto, as Addison, in a miserable couplet, says of

Spenser--

"His long-spun allegories tiresome grow,

While the dull moral lies too plain below."

The moral may be there, but it would require a diviner's rod to detect

its presence, and the skill of him who set himself to extract sunbeams

from cucumbers, to draw it thence.

The "Orlando Furioso" of Ariosto is a continuation of the "Orlando

Innamorato" of Boiardo, lord of Scandiano, his contemporary, but elder,

the latter having died in the year 1494. The relative circumstances of

the two poems form one of the most curious chapters in the history of

literature. Boiardo's work, in the original, is comparatively little

known, and less read, even in Italy; but it has been made famous

throughout the world, by having given birth to its more illustrious

successor. Whatever were the defects of the one author, or the

excellences of the other, Ariosto was undoubtedly indebted to his

forerunner, not only for many of the most powerful and captivating

fictions of his poem, but for its intelligibility and popularity from

the beginning. The latter was an immense advantage: half of the success

in a race depends upon a good start; the eagle himself cannot rise

from flat ground as from the rock, whence he launches at once into

mid-air. By the "Morgante Maggiore" of Pulci, the legends and songs of

the Provençals, and the pretended chronicle of archbishop Turpin, the

public mind had been familiarised with the traditions concerning Arthur

and his knights of the round table; of Merlin the British enchanter, and

the Lady of the Lake; and of Charlemagne and his peers. Yet it was the

intense interest and curiosity excited by Boiardo's magnificent but

uncompleted plot, which (so far as the principal personages are

concerned), like

"The story of a bear and fiddle,

Begins, but breaks off in the middle"--

it was these which had prepared the eager and delighted multitude of

readers, or rather listeners, for any sequel to his "tales of wonder,"

which should keep up the spirit of the original, and bring it to a

crowning conclusion. These, therefore, with transport proportioned to

their surprise, hailed the appearance of Ariosto's production, when,

after having been long promised, they found that it not only exceeded

their expectations, but eclipsed in splendour, beauty, and variety, the

prototype itself. This was so remarkably the case, that one of the

wittiest and most ingenious of his contemporaries recomposed the whole

of Boiardo's poem; imitating, with farcical extravagance, the fine

raillery and unapproachable humour of Ariosto; and falling in the same

ratio beneath him in elegance, majesty, and grace, when the themes

admitted or required adornment. Thus, by an unexampled fatality, the

"Orlando Innamorato" was outshone by a sequel, and superseded by a

_rifacimento_ (we have no English word to express the renovating

process). Authors themselves have almost universally failed in _second

parts_ to their most successful performances; and as rarely have they

re-written such works, so as to take place of the first form in which

they obtained public favour[110]; yet here, on the one hand, is a second

part, by an imitator, that leaves the original in obscurity, yet covers

it with glory--like Butler's description of die moon's veil--

"Mysterious veil! of brightness made,

At once her lustre and her shade;"

while, on the other hand, we have the example of a new gloss of that

original, by a meddler becoming the substitute for it, like the new skin

of a serpent when the old slough is cast aside.

The mischances of Boiardo's poem ended not here. It was not published

during the author's life, except by oral communication among his

friends; what he had composed, had not received the corrections due to

its worth and his own talents; and the work itself being left imperfect

at the ninth canto, one Nicolo degli Agostini took up the strain there,

and added so much matter as brought the various subjects involved in it

to a consistent termination. A fourth experiment was made upon this

polypus production, which multiplied its vitality the more, the more it

was mangled. Ludovico Dominici recomposed the whole, and printed the

metamorphosis at Venice in 1545: of this, several editions appeared; but

it neither supplanted Berni's, nor even rivalled the original in

popularity. Thus the love and madness of Orlando was conceived, and

partly executed, by one mind; continued to a certain point by another;

new-modelled and incorporated with his own inventions by a third;

re-written by a fourth; but, above all, imitated, completed, and

excelled by a fifth.

The felicity of fortune which distinguished Ariosto's poem, was not less

rare than the eccentric transmigrations to which Boiardo's was

condemned. The "Orlando Furioso" was both an imitation and a sequel of

the "Orlando Innamorato;" yet, contrary to all precedent, and without

example in subsequent literature, the imitation surpassed the original,

and the sequel the first draught. It was the offspring of one mind; it

was produced entire by the inventor, and never altered by any hand but

his own. Yet, after its first completion, it underwent a process of

revisal nearly as long and laborious as that of composition; like a

bird, it arrived not at the perfection of its song, or the full glory of

its plumage, in the breeding season, nor till after its first moulting.

It is strange, that, with all these advantages, there should still

remain several glaring inconsistencies, which one hour's pains would

have removed, had the author been aware of what any ordinary reader

might detect.

The poem consists of the contemporaneous adventures of many knights,

ladies, and other personages, travelling in all lands, known and

unknown, of the old continent, the moon, hell, and purgatory; those of

each individual, in fact, forming a distinct story, begun, dropped,

renewed, or concluded according to the pleasure of the narrator, who

excites and keeps up, by every species of provoking artifice, the

tortured yet unwearying curiosity of his hearers. And these materials,

anomalous as they may seem, and as they are, he moulds and mixes with

inimitable skill, and bodies them forth, as by magic, into such

captivating forms, by varying, interweaving, disentangling, and cutting

short the numberless threads of his many-coloured web, that he fails not

to produce a present effect in every passage, with little recollection

on the reader's part of its agreement with the past, as little regard to

its connection with any thing but itself, and no care whatever about its

future influence on the issue of the whole. The fable is a hydra, of

which the Orlando, whose name it bears, is only one of the heads; and no

otherwise entitled to pre-eminence, than as the hero of some of the most

stupendous, amusing, and puerile events in a series not less

heterogeneous or tragi-comic than the changes and chances of a holiday

pantomime. It cannot be denied that the poem has a beginning and an end,

with a prodigious quantity of action between, as the succession of

pages, and the number of cantos, evince; but to prove that it has a

necessary beginning, a decided progress, and a satisfactory end, would

be a task which the author himself would have laughed to see a critic

employed upon.

A hundred rivers springing from one well-head upon a mountain-top above

the clouds; descending, as the slope broadens, in as many directions;

and varying towards the lowlands with such sinuosities, that whoever

traces one stream, will find it suddenly disappearing under ground;

another emerging at that very point, traversing the surface in a

contrary direction for a while, then dipping in like manner; while a

third, a fourth, a fifth, and onward to the hundredth, in succession, do

the same; each, in the track of the untiring explorer, showing itself

and vanishing again and again, till utterly lost;--such are the

vagaries of this romance of imagination, yet conducted in such organised

confusion, that the mind is bewildered but for a moment, when a fresh

"change comes o'er the spirit of the (poet's) dream," and the reader is

absorbed, borne away, and contented to float along the tide of the tale,

unfinished before, then newly taken up, and never flagging in interest,

nor eventually impaired by all its abrupt discontinuances.

Incoherent, however, as the whole tissue of this and every other romance

of chivalry must be, there is a moral interest in such fables, that lies

deeper than any affected allegory, or the innocent gratification which

marvellous stories will ever supply to human minds, loving and grasping

at whatever is beyond their reach; an appetite for the great, the

glorious, and the unknown, which intimates their spiritual nature, and

their immortal destiny, by desires towards things out of the body,

independent of the material universe, and contrary to the results of

ordinary experience. These fictions, notwithstanding their unnatural and

impossible details, picture real manners, characters, and events, such

as were peculiar to the transition-age of modern society, in the most

civilised regions of the Old World, when the blood of Goths and Vandals

from the north, Greeks and Romans from the south of Europe, Moors from

the west of Africa, and Arabs from the east of Asia, mingled in

confluent streams round the shores of the Mediterranean; when, often

engaging in war, commerce, or political alliances, they gradually

associated their races, and originated new nations according to their

respective localities. Hence the superstitions, customs, languages, and

habits of life among the most heterogeneous tribes, bordering on the

fallen empire of the Cæsars (their common prey), were engrafted upon

those of the refined and intellectual people whom luxury had effeminated

and prepared for subjugation by more enterprising and energetic, though

at best but semi-barbarian, conquerors. Hence we frequently find, in

chivalrous records, the most gross and incongruous stories of Oriental,

African, or Scandinavian growth, allied to archetypes in classical

mythology, or derived from ancient history; and only modified, enriched,

distorted, or aggravated in grandeur, complexity, or terrible beauty, by

those who adopted them,--the rhymers and romancers, even in the rudest

periods, blending all together, or borrowing from each, according to

their fancy. There is scarcely an image, a monster, or an incident in

all their raving chronicles--wild as the dreams of lunatics, or

beautiful as those of infants are supposed to be--which cannot be traced

to Homer, Virgil, Ovid, Lucan, or Statius; so narrow is the range of

human invention; and so inextricably connected with what we have heard,

and read, and seen, are all the imaginations or the thoughts of the

heart of the most original genius.

But the champions and the damsels, the giants and enchanters, nay, the

dragons, the hippogriffs, and the demons themselves, in these legends,

are but poetical representations of real classes and characters in

society, such as existed, or were formed by the circumstances of the

times, when war was the business, and gallantry the pastime of life,

among the hybrid populations both of Christian and Mohammedan countries.

The actors in the dramas of romance were, indeed, masked and buskined to

raise them to heroic stature; yet the most disguised of these

personages, in principle, passion, taste, and pursuit, were real men and

women, magnified into monsters, like flies and spiders when looked upon

through the eye-glass of a microscope. Orlando was but an exaggeration

of the chevalier Bayard, as was the British Arthur of the English

Richard, and Charlemagne himself of Francis I.

Ariosto, in following the fashion of contemporaries, lighted upon a

theme to which his wayward and versatile genius was peculiarly adapted,

and which gave it an opportunity of displaying all its peculiarities to

the utmost advantage. Of these, the most enviable and least imitable is

that perfection of art, which he perhaps possessed beyond every other

writer, to say things naturally. All his wonders and prodigies are made

so easy and probable, that to the most fastidious reader, who does not

resolutely resist the spell of the poet, and deprive himself of the

pleasure of being beguiled by it, they appear as they would do if they

were actual events, from the daylight effect of his truth-telling style;

for whenever his delight in the extravagant carries him beyond the

legitimately marvellous, he disarms resentment, and prevents the laugh

against himself by a quiet pleasantry,--becoming himself the Cervantes

of his own Quixotes. Satirists, however, have done little to improve

mankind: they have condemned and promoted vice; they have ridiculed and

recommended folly. Instead of being the most chaste, severe, and

instructive, it is notorious that (with few exceptions) they have been

the most profligate, pernicious, and corrupting of all writers. Many of

the most illustrious deserve to be crowned and decapitated, and their

laurelled heads fixed on poles round the heights of Parnassus, as

warnings to others, while they affect to expose sin, not to betray

virtue; and while they declaim against lewdness, not to become panders

to debauch the young, the innocent, and the unsuspecting. To go no

farther than the example before us. If ever man deserved poetical

honours, Ariosto did; and if ever poet deserved the curse of posterity

for the prostitution of high talents, Ariosto does. Without presuming to

judge him, even for his worst offences, beyond the present world, it had

been better for many of his readers,--why should we not say, at once,

for all of them?--that he had never been born. Whatever be her beauty,

his Muse has a cancerous sore upon her face, which cannot be looked upon

without loathing by any eye, not wilfully blind, where it ought to be

eagle-sighted.

[Footnote 94: History of Leo X. vol. I. p. 91. 4to.]

[Footnote 95: The lightning did not spare the laurelled bust of Ariosto,

on his monument at Ferrara, some years ago; for the wreath (being of

_iron_) was struck off from the marble temples by a flash, which entered

the church during a thunderstorm.]

[Footnote 96: "At Bologna, Michel Angelo erected, in front of the church

of St Petronio, a statue of Julius II. in bronze, which he is said to

have executed so as to express, in the most energetic manner, those

qualities for which he was distinguished; giving grandeur and majesty to

his person, and courage, promptitude, and ferociousness to his

countenance, while even the drapery was remarkable for the boldness and

magnificence of its folds. When Julius saw the model, and observed the

vigour of the attitude, and the energy with which the right arm was

extended, he enquired from the artist, whether he meant to represent him

as dispensing his benediction or his curse. Michel Angelo prudently

replied, that he meant to represent him in the act of admonishing the

citizens of Bologna. In return, the artist requested to know from his

holiness, whether he would have a book in his hand. 'No,' replied

Julius; 'give me a sword, I am no scholar.'"--_Roscoe's Leo X._ vol. IV.

p. 306. 4to edition.]

[Footnote 97: Leo X. vol. II. p. 52.]

[Footnote 98: Ariosto seems to have had a horror of travelling under any

circumstances:--

"Men's tastes are various: one prefers the church,

The camp another; this his native soil,

That foreign countries; as for me, who will

May travel to and fro, to visit France,

Spain, England, Hungary; but I love home.

Lombardy, Rome, and Florence I have seen;

The mountains that divide, and those that gird,

Fair Italy, and either sea that bathes her;

This is enough for me. Without expense

Of innkeepers, I roam with Ptolemy

O'er all the world beside, in peace or war;

I sail on every sea, nor make vain vows

When lightnings flash, for, safe, along the chart,

I see more lands than from the reeling deck."

_Satire IV._]

[Footnote 99: Apollo and the Muses are supposed to speak here, and

Ariosto replies to them.]

[Footnote 100: The cardinal's steward.]

[Footnote 101: "E fin ch'a Roma s'andò a far leone."

_Satire IV._

"a crearlo

Leon d' umile agnel."

_Satire VII._]

[Footnote 102: Annibale Maleguccio, to whom the Satire is addressed.]

[Footnote 103: A serpent, supposed to have horns; probably the hooded

snake of the East Indies,--one of the most venomous and deadly of the

kind: here it is the emblem of avarice.]

[Footnote 104: "Ch' ogni quiete sia, nè ve n' è alcuna."]

[Footnote 105: "Vi si vide anco che ciascun che ascende

Commincia a _inasinir_ le prime membre,

E resta umano quel che a dietro paude."]

[Footnote 106: See the emblem already quoted from Satire VII.]

[Footnote 107: Hope, that remained at the bottom of Pandora's fatal gift

to the brother of Prometheus.]

[Footnote 108: The Po, into which Phaëton was struck from the chariot

of the Sun.]

[Footnote 109: "Non molto va Rinaldo, che si vede

Saltar innanzi il suo destrier feroce:

'Ferma, Bajardo mio, deh! ferme il piede;

Che l'esser senza te troppo mi noce.'

Per questo il destrier sordo a lui non riede,

Anzi più se ne va sempre veloce;

Segue Rinaldo, e d'ira si distrugge:

--Ma sequitiamo Angelica, che fugge."

"Not far hath gone Rinaldo, ere he spies

His fiery steed before him, bounding free:

'Stay, my Bayardo! prythee stay,' he cries;

'For much am I annoy'd for lack of thee.'

Yet the deaf horse returns not, nor replies,

Save with his heels that swift and swifter flee.

Rinaldo follows, fuming in the race,

--But we must give the flying lady chase."]

[Footnote 110: Witness the total miscarriage of Tasso, in his

"Gerusalemme Conquistata," as an improvement upon the "Gerusalemme

Liberata;" and of Akenside, in his philosophic revision of the

"Pleasures of Imagination."]

Eminent literary and scientific men of Italy, Spain, and Portugal. Vol. 1 (of 3) · 第 41 / 44 题