Hazai, who a few days ago discussed the military situation of the recent
past in exhaustive fashion, is very interesting in many respects. It
doubtless aimed to set in the right light the bravery of the
Austro-Hungarian Army, for there have been persons who took little or no
note of the achievements of that army. The Minister selected examples
from the warfare of the eighteenth century, the time of the lukewarm
campaigns, and the warfare of the nineteenth century, the era of logical
and energetical battles. From this period of mobile wars, that were
carried on under the principle of energy, he came to the preparations
for the present war and estimated the number of soldiers which the
belligerent parties had drawn to the colors at between 25,000,000 and
26,000,000 men. More than half of these are to be regarded as warriors,
while the rest are doing service as reserves for the army or in the
lines of support and communication outside the fighting zone. The
highest number of fighters on a single theatre of the war included from
six to seven million fighters on both sides. The long trench warfare,
the Minister rightly pointed out, demands greater energy than was ever
demanded at any time of the troops, and a loss of from 10 per cent. to
15 per cent. of the fighting force today no longer keeps back the
leaders from executing far-going decisions. Today the fronts clash, not
in one-day or several day battles, but for weeks and months at a time,
so that many of the fighters even now have already taken part in 100
battles. These instructive and appreciative words from an authoritative
station throw a bright light upon the strength of the nations which are
sacrificing their forces in a sense of duty to their fatherland. But
the lesson which the homeland should draw from such unprecedented
self-sacrifice consists of this--always to stand as a firm protective
wall behind the army, never to deny it recognition and encouraging
approval, and to dissipate its cares for the present and for the future.
The Campaign in the Carpathians
Russian Victory Succeeded by Reverses and Defeat.
THE VICTORY IN APRIL.
[By the Correspondent of The London Times.]
Petrograd, April 18.
_A dispatch from the Headquarters Staff of the Commander in Chief says:_
At the beginning of March, (Old Style,) in the principal chain of the
Carpathians, we only held the region of the Dukla Pass, where our lines
formed an exterior angle. All the other passes--Lupkow and further
east--were in the hands of the enemy.
In view of this situation, our armies were assigned the further task of
developing, before the season of bad roads due to melting snows began,
our positions in the Carpathians which dominated the outlets into the
Hungarian plain. About the period indicated great Austrian forces, which
had been concentrated for the purpose of relieving Przemysl, were in
position between the Lupkow and Uzsok Passes.
It was for this sector that our grand attack was planned. Our troops had
to carry out a frontal attack under very difficult conditions of
terrain. To facilitate their attack, therefore, an auxiliary attack was
decided upon on a front in the direction of Bartfeld as far as the
Lupkow. This secondary attack was opened on March 19 and was completely
developed.
On the 23rd and 28th of March our troops had already begun their
principal attack in the direction of Baligrod, enveloping the enemy
positions from the west of the Lupkow Pass and on the east near the
source of the San.
The enemy opposed the most desperate resistance to the offensive of our
troops. They had brought up every available man on the front from the
direction of Bartfeld as far as the Uzsok Pass, including even German
troops and numerous cavalrymen fighting on foot. His effectives on this
front exceeded 300 battalions. Moreover, our troops had to overcome
great natural difficulties at every step.
Nevertheless, from April 5--that is, eighteen days after the beginning
of our offensive--the valor of our troops enabled us to accomplish the
task that had been set, and we captured the principal chain of the
Carpathians on the front Reghetoff-Volosate, 110 versts (about 70 miles)
long. The fighting latterly was in the nature of actions in detail with
the object of consolidating the successes we had won.
To sum up: On the whole Carpathian front, between March 19 and April 12,
the enemy, having suffered enormous losses, left in our hands, in
prisoners only, at least 70,000 men, including about 900 officers.
Further, we captured more than thirty guns and 200 machine guns.
On April 16 the actions in the Carpathians were concentrated in the
direction of Rostoki. The enemy, notwithstanding the enormous losses he
had suffered, delivered, in the course of that day, no fewer than
sixteen attacks in great strength. These attacks, all of which were
absolutely barren of result, were made against the heights which we had
occupied further to the east of Telepovce.
Our troops, during the night of the 16th-17th, after a desperate fight,
stormed and captured a height to the southeast of the village of Polen,
where we took many prisoners. Three enemy counter-attacks on this
height were repulsed.
[Illustration: [map]]
In other sectors all along our front there is no change.
THE GRAND DUKE'S STRATEGY.
Petrograd, April 19.
Today's record of the brilliant feats of the Russian Army in the
Carpathians during the past month, contained in the survey of the Grand
Duke, presents only one aspect--the discomfiture of the Austro-German
forces. The Neue Freie Presse gives some indication of the other aspect.
In a recent issue it stated that "the fortnight's battle around the
Lupkow and Uzsok Passes has been one of the most obstinate in history.
The Russians succeeded in forcing the Austrians out of their positions.
The difficulties of the Austro-Hungarian Army are complicated by the
weather and the lack of ammunition and food." The question naturally
suggests itself, why did these difficulties not equally disturb the
Russian operations? On our side the difficulties of transport were, if
anything, greater. The enemy was backed by numerous railways, with
supplies close at hand, and was fighting on his native soil, and these
advantages undoubtedly compensated for the greater difficulties of
commissariat for the larger numbers of Austro-Germans. But from the
avowal of the Neue Freie Presse it is suggested here that the Austrians
were disorganized. The causes of this disorganization are attributed by
military observers to the mixing up of German with Austrian units,
rendering the task of command and supply very difficult.
The Grand Duke is fully prepared to take the field as soon as the allied
commanders decide that the time for a general action has come. Never has
the spirit of the Russian Army been firmer.
The critics this morning comment on the official communiqué detailing a
gigantic task brilliantly fulfilled by the Carpathian army during March.
Our position in the region of the Dukla Pass early last month exposed us
to pressure from two sides, and might have involved the necessity of
evacuating the main range. Our army thus required to extend its
positions commanding the outlets to the Hungarian plain, before the
Spring thaws, in face of a large hostile concentration between Lupkow
and Uzsok. The chief attack was directed against the latter section, and
an auxiliary attack against the Bartfeld-Lupkow section. The auxiliary
attack began on March 19 against the Austro-German left flank and
reached its full development four days later. Mistaking the auxiliary
for the principal attack, the enemy began an advance from the Bukowina,
hoping to divert us from Uzsok, but, instead, the larger portion of our
army assailed the enemy's flanks while a smaller body advanced against
Rostoki, surmounting the immense difficulties of mountain warfare in
Springtime.
By means of the envelopment of both his flanks the enemy was, by April
5, dislodged from the main range on the entire seventy-mile front from
Regetow to Wolosate. Convinced that we were directing our chief efforts
against his flanks, the enemy now strove to break our resistance in the
Rostoki direction, but, after sixteen futile attacks, he was obliged to
cede the commanding height of Telepovce, our occupation of which will
probably compel him to evacuate his positions at Polen and Smolnik and
withdraw to the valley of the Cziroka, a tributary of the Laborez.
DEFEAT IN EARLY MAY.
[By The Associated Press.]
_VIENNA, May 13, (via Amsterdam to London, May 14.)--An official
statement issued here tonight after recalling that in November and
December at Lodz and Limanowa the Austro-Germans compelled the Russians
to draw back on a front to the extent of 400 kilometers, (about 249
miles,) thereby stopping the Russian advance into Germany, continues:_
From January to the middle of April the Russians vainly exerted
themselves to break through to Hungary, but they completely failed with
heavy losses. Thereupon the time had come to crush the enemy in a common
attack with a full force of the combined troops of both empires.
[Illustration: VICE ADMIRAL JOHN M. DE ROBECK
Commanding the Allied Fleet Operating Against the Dardanelles
_(Photo © American Press Assn.)_]
[Illustration: FIELD MARSHAL BARON VON DER GOLTZ
Commander of the First Turkish Army, Formerly Military Governor of
Belgium
_(Photo from Paul Thompson.)_]
A victory at Tarnow and Gorlice freed West Galicia from the enemy and
caused the Russian fronts on the Nida and in the Carpathians to give
way. In a ten days' battle the victorious troops beat the Russian Third
and Eighth Armies to annihilation, and quickly covered the ground from
the Dunajec and Beskids to the San River--130 kilometers (nearly 81
miles) of territory.
From May 2 to 12 the prisoners taken numbered 143,500, while 100 guns
and 350 machine guns were captured, besides the booty already mentioned.
We suppressed small detachments of the enemy scattered in the woods in
the Carpathians.
Near Odvzechowa the entire staff of the Russian Forty-eighth Division of
Infantry including General Korniloff, surrendered. The best indication
of the confusion of the Russian Army is the fact that our Ninth Corps
captured in the last few days Russians of fifty-one various regiments.
The quantity of captured Russian war material is piled up and has not
yet been enumerated.
North of the Vistula the Austro-Hungarian troops are advancing across
Stopnica. The German troops have captured Kielce.
East of Uzsok Pass the German and Hungarian troops took several Russian
positions on the heights and advanced to the south of Turka, capturing
4,000 prisoners. An attack is proceeding here and in the direction of
Skole.
In Southeast Galicia strong hostile troops are attacking across
Horodenka.
_BERLIN, (via London,) May 13.--The German War Office announced today
that in the recent fighting in Galicia and Russian Poland 143,500
Russians had been captured. It also stated that 69 cannon and 255
machine guns had been taken from the Russians, and that the victorious
Austrian and German forces, continuing their advance eastward in
Galicia, were approaching the fortress of Przemysl. The statement
follows:_
The army under General von Mackensen in the course of its pursuit of the
Russians reached yesterday the neighborhood of Subiecko, on the lower
Wisloka, and Kolbuezowa, northeast of Debica. Under the pressure of this
advance the Russians also retreated from their positions north of the
Vistula. In this section the troops under General von Woyrech, closely
following the enemy, penetrated as far as the region northwest of
Kielce.
In the Carpathians Austro-Hungarian and German troops under General von
Linsingen conquered the hills east of the upper Stryi and took 3,650 men
prisoners, as well as capturing six machine guns.
At the present moment, while the armies under General von Mackensen are
approaching the Przemysl fortress and the lower San, it is possible to
form an approximate idea of the booty taken. In the battles of Tarnow
and Gorlice, and in the battles during the pursuit of these armies, we
have so far taken 103,500 Russian prisoners, 69 cannon, and 255 machine
guns. In these figures the booty taken by the allied troops fighting in
the Carpathians and north of the Vistula is not included. This amounts
to a further 40,000 prisoners.
Mr. Rockefeller and Serbia
[Special Cable to THE NEW YORK TIMES.]
LONDON, Thursday, May 13.--A Paris dispatch to the Exchange Telegraph
Company, quoting the Cri de Paris, says:
"John D. Rockefeller has just sent 35,000,000 francs ($5,000,000) to
Prince Alexis of Serbia, President of the Serbian Red Cross Society.
"Prince Alexis married last year an American woman, Mrs. Hugo Pratt,
whose father loaned years ago £2,000 to Rockefeller when the oil king
started in business."
Italy in the War
Her Move Against Austro-Hungary
Last Phase of Italian Neutrality and Causes of the Struggle
DECLARATION OF WAR.
[By The Associated Press.]
_VIENNA, May 23, (via Amsterdam and London, May 24.)--The Duke of
Avarna, Italian Ambassador to Austria, presented this afternoon to Baron
von Burian, the Austro-Hungarian Foreign Minister, the following
declaration of war:_
Vienna, May 23, 1915.
Conformably with the order of his Majesty the King, his august
sovereign, the undersigned Ambassador of Italy has the honor to deliver
to his Excellency, the Foreign Minister of Austria-Hungary, the
following communication:
"Declaration has been made, as from the fourth of this month, to the
Imperial and Royal Government of the grave motives for which Italy,
confident in her good right, proclaimed annulled and henceforth without
effect her treaty of alliance with Austria-Hungary, which was violated
by the Imperial and Royal Government, and resumed her liberty of action
in this respect.
"The Government of the King, firmly resolved to provide by all means at
its disposal for safeguarding Italian rights and interests, cannot fail
in its duty to take against every existing and future menace measures
which events impose upon it for the fulfillment of national aspirations.
"His Majesty the King declares that he considers himself from tomorrow
in a state of war with Austria-Hungary."
The undersigned has the honor to make known at the same time to his
Excellency the Foreign Minister, that passports will be placed this very
day at the disposal of the Imperial and Royal Ambassador at Rome, and he
will be obliged to his Excellency if he will kindly have his passports
handed to him.
Avarna.
FRANCIS JOSEPH'S DEFIANCE.
[By The Associated Press.]
_LONDON, May 24, 5:45 A.M.--A Reuter dispatch from Amsterdam says the
Vienna Zeitung publishes the following autograph letter from Emperor
Francis Joseph to Count Karl Stuergkh:_
Dear Count Stuergkh: I request you to make public the attached manifesto
to my troops:
"VIENNA, May 23.--Francis Joseph to his troops:
"The King of Italy has declared war on me. Perfidy whose like history
does not know was committed by the Kingdom of Italy against both allies.
After an alliance of more than thirty years' duration, during which it
was able to increase its territorial possessions and develop itself to
an unthought of flourishing condition, Italy abandoned us in our hour of
danger and went over with flying colors into the camp of our enemies.
"We did not menace Italy; did not curtail her authority; did not attack
her honor or interests. We always responded loyally to the duties of our
alliance and afforded her our protection when she took the field. We
have done more. When Italy directed covetous glances across our frontier
we, in order to maintain peace and our alliance relation, were resolved
on great and painful sacrifices which particularly grieved our paternal
heart. But the covetousness of Italy, which believed the moment should
be used, was not to be appeased, so fate must be accommodated.
"My armies have victoriously withstood mighty armies in the north in
ten months of this gigantic conflict in most loyal comradeship of arms
with our illustrious ally. A new and treacherous enemy in the south is
to you no new enemy. Great memories of Novara, Mortaro, and Lissa, which
constituted the pride of my youth; the spirit of Radetzky, Archduke
Albrecht, and Tegetthoff, which continues to live in my land and sea
forces, guarantee that in the south also we shall successfully defend
the frontiers of the monarchy.
"I salute my battle-tried troops, who are inured to victory. I rely on
them and their leaders. I rely on my people for whose unexampled spirit
of sacrifice my most paternal thanks are due. I pray the Almighty to
bless our colors and take under His gracious protection our just cause."
ITALY'S CABINET EMPOWERED.
[By The Associated Press.]
Rome, May 20.--Amid tremendous enthusiasm the Chamber of Deputies late
today adopted, by a vote of 407 to 74, the bill conferring upon the
Government full power to make war.
The bill is composed of a single article and reads as follows:
The Government is authorized in case of war and during the
duration of war to make decisions with due authority of law,
in every respect required, for the defense of the State, the
guarantee of public order, and urgent economic national
necessities. The provisions contained in Articles 243 to 251
of the Military Code continue in force. The Government is
authorized also to have recourse until Dec. 31, 1915, to
monthly provisional appropriations for balancing the budget.
This law shall come into force the day it is passed.
All members of the Cabinet maintain absolute silence regarding what step
will follow the action of the Chamber. Former Ministers and other men
prominent in public affairs declare, however, that the action of
Parliament virtually was a declaration of war.
When the Chamber reassembled this afternoon after its long recess there
were present 482 Deputies out of 500, the absentees remaining away on
account of illness. The Deputies especially applauded were those who
wore military uniforms and who had asked permission for leave from their
military duties to be present at the sitting.
All the tribunes were filled to overflowing. No representatives of
Germany, Austria, or Turkey were to be seen in the diplomatic tribune.
The first envoy to arrive was Thomas Nelson Page, the American
Ambassador, who was accompanied by his staff. M. Barrère, Sir J. Bennell
Rodd, and Michel de Giers, the French, British, and Russian Ambassadors,
respectively, appeared a few minutes later and all were greeted with
applause, which was shared by the Belgian, Greek, and Rumanian
Ministers. George B. McClellan, former Mayor of New York, occupied a
seat in the President's tribune.
A few minutes before the session began the poet, Gabriele d'Annunzio,
one of the strongest advocates of war, appeared in the rear of the
public tribune, which was so crowded that it seemed impossible to
squeeze in anybody else. But the moment the people saw him they lifted
him shoulder high and passed him over their heads to the first row. The
entire Chamber and all those occupying the other tribunes rose and
applauded for five minutes, crying, "Viva d'Annunzio!" Later thousands
sent him their cards, and in return received his autograph, bearing the
date of this eventful day.
Signor Marcora, President of the Chamber, took his place at 3 o'clock.
All the members of the House and everybody in the galleries stood up to
acclaim the old follower of Garibaldi.
Premier Salandra, followed by all the members of the Cabinet, entered
shortly afterward. It was a solemn moment. Then a delirium of cries
broke out. "Viva Salandra!" roared the Deputies, and the cheering lasted
for five minutes. Premier Salandra appeared to be much moved by the
demonstration.
After the formalities of the opening Premier Salandra arose and said:
"Gentlemen: I have the honor to present to you a bill to meet the
eventual expenditures of a national war"--an announcement that was
greeted by further prolonged applause.
The Premier began an exposition of the situation of Italy before the
opening of hostilities in Europe. He declared that Italy had submitted
to every humiliation from Austria-Hungary for the love of peace. By her
ultimatum to Serbia Austria had annulled the equilibrium of the Balkans
and prejudiced Italian interests there.
Notwithstanding this evident violation of the treaty of the Triple
Alliance, Italy endeavored during long months to avoid a conflict, but
these efforts were bound to have a limit in time and dignity. "This is
why the Government felt itself forced to present its denunciation of the
Triple Alliance on May 4," said Premier Salandra, who had difficulty in
quieting the wild cheering that ensued. When he had succeeded in so
doing he continued, amid frequent enthusiastic interruptions:
Italy must be united at this moment, when her destinies are
being decided. We have confidence in our august chief, who is
preparing to lead the army toward a glorious future. Let us
gather around this well-beloved sovereign.
Since Italy's resurrection as a State she has asserted herself
in the world of nations as a factor of moderation, concord,
and peace, and she can proudly proclaim that she has
accomplished this mission with a firmness which has not
wavered before even the most painful sacrifices.
In the last period, extending over thirty years, she
maintained her system of alliances and friendships chiefly
with the object of thus assuring the European equilibrium,
and, at the same time, peace. In view of the nobility of this
aim Italy not only subordinated her most sacred aspiration,
but has also been forced to look on, with sorrow, at the
methodical attempts to suppress specifically the Italian
characteristics which nature and history imprinted on those
regions.
The ultimatum which the Austro-Hungarian Empire addressed last
July to Serbia annulled at one blow the effects of a
long-sustained effort by violating the pact which bound us to
that State, violated the pact, in form, for it omitted to
conclude a preliminary agreement with us or even give us
notification, and violated it also in substance, for it sought
to disturb, to our detriment, the delicate system of
territorial possessions and spheres of influence which had
been set up in the Balkan Peninsula.
But, more than any particular point, it was the whole spirit
of the treaty which was wronged, and even suppressed, for by
unloosing in the world a most terrible war, in direct
contravention of our interests and sentiments, the balance
which the Triple Alliance should have helped to assure was
destroyed and the problem of Italy's national integrity was
virtually and irresistibly revived.
Nevertheless, for long months, the Government has patiently
striven to find a compromise, with the object of restoring to
the agreement the reason for being which it had lost. These
negotiations were, however, limited not only by time, but by
our national dignity. Beyond these limits the interests both
of our honor and of our country would have been compromised.
Signor Salandra was interrupted time and time again by rounds of
applause from all sides, and the climax was reached when he made a
reference to the army and navy. Then the cries seemed interminable, and
those on the floor of the House and in the galleries turned to the
Military Tribune, from which the officers answered by waving their hands
and handkerchiefs. At the end of the Premier's speech there were
deafening "vivas" for the King, war, and Italy.
Only thirty-four Intransigent Socialists refused to join in the cheers,
even in the cry "Viva Italia!" and they were hooted and hissed.
After the presentation of the bill conferring full powers upon the
Government the President of the Chamber submitted the question whether a
committee of eighteen members should be elected. Out of the 421 Deputies
who voted 367 cast their ballot in the affirmative. The other 54 were
against. The opposition was composed of Socialists and some adherents of
ex-Premier Giolitti.
Foreign Minister Sonnino then rose, and, taking a copy of the "Green
Book" from his pocket, said: "I have the honor to present to the Chamber
a book containing an account of all the pourparlers with Austria from
the 9th of September to the 4th of May." He handed the book to Signor
Marcora.
The Chamber then adjourned until 5 o'clock, when the committee reported
in favor of the bill, and it was adopted.
[Illustration: Italy and the Austrian Frontier
The shaded portions on the Austrian frontier represent the provinces of
"Italia Irredenta," which Italy would win back.]
ITALY'S JUSTIFICATION.
_The first complete official statement of the difficulties between Italy
and Austria-Hungary, which forced the Italian declaration of war against
the Dual Monarchy, was made public in Washington on May 25 by Count V.
Macchi di Cellere, the Italian Ambassador. It took the form of a
carefully prepared telegraphic statement to the Ambassador from Signor
Sonnino, the Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs, with instructions that
it be delivered in the form of a note to the Government of the United
States. After presenting the communication to Secretary Bryan, Count
Cellere made public the following translation of its full text:_
The Triple Alliance was essentially defensive and designed solely to
preserve the status quo, or, in other words, the equilibrium, in Europe.
That these were its only objects and purposes is established by the
letter and spirit of the treaty as well as by the intentions clearly
described and set forth in official acts of the Ministers who created
the alliance and confirmed and renewed it in the interest of peace,
which always has inspired Italian policy.
The treaty, as long as its intents and purposes had been loyally
interpreted and regarded and as long as it had not been used as a
pretext for aggression against others, greatly contributed to the
elimination and settlement of causes of conflict, and for many years
assured to Europe the inestimable benefits of peace.
But Austria-Hungary severed the treaty by her own hands. She rejected
the response of Serbia, which gave to her all the satisfaction she could
legitimately claim. She refused to listen to the conciliatory proposals
presented by Italy in conjunction with other powers in the effort to
spare Europe from a vast conflict certain to drench the Continent with
blood and to reduce it to ruin beyond the conception of human
imagination, and finally she provoked that conflict.
Article I. of the treaty embodied the usual and necessary obligation of
such pacts--the pledge to exchange views upon any fact and economic
questions of a general nature that might arise pursuant to its terms.
None of the contracting parties had the right to undertake, without a
previous agreement, any step the consequence of which might impose a
duty upon the other signatories arising out of the Alliance, or which
would in any way whatsoever encroach upon their vital interests. This
article was violated by Austria-Hungary when she sent to Serbia her note
dated July 23, 1914, an action taken without the previous assent of
Italy.
Thus, Austria-Hungary violated beyond doubt one of the fundamental
provisions of the treaty. The obligation of Austria-Hungary to come to a
previous understanding with Italy was the greater because her obstinate
policy against Serbia gave rise to a situation which directly tended to
the provocation of a European war.
As far back as the beginning of July, 1914, the Italian Government,
preoccupied by the prevailing feeling in Vienna, caused to be laid
before the Austro-Hungarian Government a number of suggestions advising
moderation, and warning it of the impending danger of a European
outbreak. The course adopted by Austria-Hungary against Serbia
constituted, moreover, a direct encroachment upon the general interests
of Italy, both political and economical, in the Balkan Peninsula.
Austria-Hungary could not for a moment imagine that Italy could remain
indifferent while Serbian independence was being trodden upon.
On a number of occasions theretofore Italy gave Austria to understand,
in friendly but clear terms, that the independence of Serbia was
considered by Italy as essential to Balkan equilibrium. Austria-Hungary
was further advised that Italy could never permit that equilibrium to be
disturbed to her prejudice. This warning had been conveyed not only by
her diplomats in private conversations with responsible Austro-Hungarian
officials but was proclaimed publicly by Italian statesmen on the floors
of Parliament.
Therefore when Austria-Hungary ignored the usual practices and menaced
Serbia by sending her an ultimatum without in any way notifying the
Italian Government of what she proposed to do, indeed leaving that
Government to learn of her action through the press rather than through
the usual channels of diplomacy, when Austria-Hungary took this
unprecedented course she not only severed her alliance with Italy but
committed an act inimical to Italy's interests.
The Italian Government had obtained trustworthy information that the
complete program laid down by Austria-Hungary with reference to the
Balkans was prompted by a desire to decrease Italy's economical and
political influence in that section, and tended directly and indirectly
to the subservience of Serbia to Austria-Hungary, the political and
territorial isolation of Montenegro, and the isolation and political
decadence of Rumania.
This attempted diminution of the influence of Italy in the Balkans would
have been brought about by the Austro-Hungarian program, even though
Austria-Hungary had no intention of making further territorial
acquisitions. Furthermore attention should be called to the fact that
the Austro-Hungarian Government had assumed the solemn obligation of
prior consultation of Italy as required by the special provisions of
Article VII. of the treaty of the Triple Alliance, which, in addition to
the obligation of previous agreements, recognized the right of
compensation to the other contracting parties in case one should occupy
temporarily or permanently any section of the Balkans.
To this end, the Italian Government approached the Austro-Hungarian
Government immediately upon the inauguration of Austro-Hungarian
hostilities against Serbia, and succeeded in obtaining reluctant
acquiescence in the Italian representations. Conversations were
initiated immediately after July 23, for the purpose of giving a new
lease of life to the treaty which had been violated and thereby annulled
by the act of Austria-Hungary.
This object could be attained only by the conclusion of new agreements.
The conversations were renewed, with additional propositions as the
basis, in December 1914. The Italian Ambassador at Vienna at that time
received instructions to inform Count Berchtold, the Austro-Hungarian
Minister for Foreign Affairs, that the Italian Government considered it
necessary to proceed without delay to an exchange of views and
consequently to concrete negotiations with the Austro-Hungarian
Government concerning the complex situation arising out of the conflict
which that Government had provoked.
Count Berchtold at first refused. He declared that the time had not
arrived for negotiations. Subsequently, upon our rejoinder, in which the
German Government united, Count Berchtold agreed to exchange views as
suggested. We promptly declared, as one of our fundamental objects, that
the compensation on which the agreement should be based should relate to
territories at the time under the dominion of Austria-Hungary.
The discussion continued for months, from the first days of December to
March, and it was not until the end of March that Baron Burian offered a
zone of territory comprised within a line extending from the existing
boundary to a point just north of the City of Trent.
In exchange for this proposed cession the Austro-Hungarian Government
demanded a number of pledges, including among them an assurance of
entire liberty of action in the Balkans. Note should be made of the fact
that the cession of the territory around Trent was not intended to be
immediately effective as we demanded, but was to be made only upon the
termination of the European war. We replied that the offer was not
acceptable, and then presented the minimum concessions which could meet
in part our national aspirations and strengthen in an equitable manner
our strategic position in the Adriatic.
These demands comprised: The extension of the boundary in Trentino, a
new boundary on the Isonzo, special provision for Trieste, the cession
of certain islands of the Curzolari Archipelago, the abandonment of
Austrian claims in Albania, and the recognition of our possession of
Avlona and the islands of the Aegean Sea, which we occupied during our
war with Turkey.
At first our demands were categorically rejected. It was not until
another month of conversation that Austria-Hungary was induced to
increase the zone of territory she was prepared to cede in the Trentino
and then only as far as Mezzo Lombardo, thereby excluding the territory
inhabited by people of the Italian race, such as the Valle del Noce, Val
di Fasso, and Val di Ampezzo. Such a proposal would have given to Italy
a boundary of no strategical value. In addition the Austro-Hungarian
Government maintained its determination not to make the cession
effective before the end of the war.
The repeated refusals of Austria-Hungary were expressly confirmed in a
conversation between Baron Burian and the Italian Ambassador at Vienna
on April 29. While admitting the possibility of recognizing some of our
interests in Avlona and granting the above-mentioned territorial cession
in the Trentino, the Austro-Hungarian Government persisted in its
opposition to all our other demands, especially those regarding the
boundary of the Isonzo, Trieste, and the islands.
The attitude assumed by Austria-Hungary from the beginning of December
until the end of April made it evident that she was attempting to
temporize without coming to a conclusion. Under such circumstances Italy
was confronted by the danger of losing forever the opportunity of
realizing her aspirations based upon tradition, nationality, and her
desire for a safe position in the Adriatic, while other contingencies in
the European conflict menaced her principal interests in other seas.
Hence Italy faced the necessity and duty of recovering that liberty of
action to which she was entitled and of seeking protection for her
interests, apart from the negotiations which had been dragging uselessly
along for five months and without reference to the Treaty of Alliance
which had virtually failed as a result of its annullment by the action
of Austria-Hungary in July, 1914.
It would not be out of place to observe that the alliance having
terminated and there existing no longer any reason for the Italian
people to be bound by it, though they had loyally stood by it for so
many years because of their desire for peace, there naturally revived in
the public mind the grievances against Austria-Hungary which for so many
years had been voluntarily repressed.
While the Treaty of Alliance contained no formal agreement for the use
of the Italian language or the maintenance of Italian tradition and
Italian civilization in the Italian provinces of Austria, nevertheless
if the alliance was to be effective in preserving peace and harmony it
was indisputably clear that Austria-Hungary, as our ally, should have
taken into account the moral obligation of respecting what constituted
some of the most vital interests of Italy.
Instead, the constant policy of the Austro-Hungarian Government was to
destroy Italian nationality and Italian civilization all along the coast
of the Adriatic. A brief statement of the facts and of the tendencies
well known to all will suffice.
Substitution of officials of the Italian race by officials of other
nationalities; artificial immigration of hundreds of families of a
different nationality; replacement of Italian by other labor; exclusion
from Trieste by the decree of Prince Hohenlohe of employes who were
subjects of Italy; denationalization of the judicial administration;
refusal of Austria to permit an Italian university in Trieste, which
formed the subject of diplomatic negotiations; denationalization of
navigation companies; encouragement of other nationalities to the
detriment of the Italian, and, finally, the methodical and unjustifiable
expulsion of Italians in ever-increasing numbers.
This deliberate and persistent policy of the Austro-Hungarian Government
with reference to the Italian population was not only due to internal
conditions brought about by the competition of the different
nationalities within its territory, but was inspired in great part by a
deep sentiment of hostility and aversion toward Italy, which prevailed
particularly in the quarters closest to the Austro-Hungarian Government
and influenced decisively its course of action.
Of the many instances which could be cited it is enough to say that in
1911, while Italy was engaged in war with Turkey, the Austro-Hungarian
General Staff prepared a campaign against us, and the military party
prosecuted energetically a political intrigue designed to drag in other
responsible elements of Austria. The mobilization of an army upon our
frontier left us in no doubt of our neighbor's sentiment and intentions.
The crisis was settled pacifically through the influence, so far as
known, of outside factors; but since that time we have been constantly
under apprehension of a sudden attack whenever the party opposed to us
should get the upper hand in Vienna. All of this was known in Italy, and
it was only the sincere desire for peace prevailing among the Italian
people which prevented a rupture.
After the European war broke out, Italy sought to come to an
understanding with Austria-Hungary with a view to a settlement
satisfactory to both parties which might avert existing and future
trouble. Her efforts were in vain, notwithstanding the efforts of
Germany, which for months endeavored to induce Austria-Hungary to comply
with Italy's suggestions, thereby recognizing the propriety and
legitimacy of the Italian attitude. Therefore Italy found herself
compelled by the force of events to seek other solutions.
Inasmuch as the Treaty of Alliance with Austria-Hungary had ceased
virtually to exist and served only to prolong a state of continual
friction and mutual suspicion, the Italian Ambassador at Vienna was
instructed to declare to the Austro-Hungarian Government that the
Italian Government considered itself free from the ties arising out of
the Treaty of the Triple Alliance in so far as Austria-Hungary was
concerned. This communication was delivered in Vienna on May 4.
Subsequently to this declaration, and after we had been obliged to take
steps for the protection of our interests, the Austro-Hungarian
Government submitted new concessions, which, however, were deemed
insufficient and by no means met our minimum demands. These offers could
not be considered under the circumstances.
The Italian Government, taking into consideration what has been stated
above, and supported by the vote of Parliament and the solemn
manifestation of the country, came to the decision that any further
delay would be inadvisable. Therefore, on this day (May 23) it was
declared in the name of the King to the Austro-Hungarian Ambassador at
Rome that, beginning tomorrow, May 24, it will consider itself in a
state of war with Austria-Hungary. Orders to this effect were also
telegraphed yesterday to the Italian Ambassador at Vienna.
German Hatred of Italy
[By The Associated Press.]
AMSTERDAM, May 23.--The Frankfurter Zeitung today prints a telegram
received from Vienna saying:
"The exasperation and contempt which Italy's treacherous surprise attack
and her hypocritical justification arouse here (Vienna) are quite
indescribable.
"Neither Serbia nor Russia, despite a long and costly war, is hated.
Italy, however, or rather those Italian would-be politicians and
business men who offer violence to the majority of peaceful Italian
people, are so unutterably hated with the most profound honesty that
this war can be terrible."
[Illustration: Detail map of the frontier between Italy and Austria.
The shaded portion shows territory demanded by Italy.]
ITALY'S NEUTRALITY--THE LAST PHASE
The attitude of the Italian press since the character of its
papers were defined in the May number of THE CURRENT HISTORY
is here recorded. Since May 17, when the King, on account of
the heated pro-intervention demonstrations held all over
Italy, declined to accept the resignation of the Salandra
Ministry, the Giolittian organ, the Stampa, of Turin, has
dropped something of its feverish neutralistic propaganda, the
Giolittian color has gradually faded from the Giornale
d'Italia and the Tribuna, while ex-Premier Giolitti himself
has left Rome, declaring that he had been misunderstood in
having his declaration that Italy could obtain what she
desired without fighting construed into meaning that he
desired peace at all costs.
It is understood that in the middle of April Austria-Hungary
became convinced that neutralistic sentiments might prevail in
the peninsula, and consequently became less active in her
negotiations with the Salandra Government. Thereupon Italy
resumed negotiations with the Entente powers, and on April 14
acknowledged that Serbia should have an opening on the
Adriatic Sea. This caused the Austro-Italian negotiations to
be heatedly resumed, and on May 18 the German Imperial
Chancellor read to the Reichstag the eleven Austro-Hungarian
proposals. The text of these proposals, together with the
Italian counter-proposals and the Italian exchange of claims
in the Adriatic with the Entente powers, will be found
outlined in the Italian official statement cabled by Minister
Sonnino to the Italian Ambassador at Washington, presented on
Page 494.
It must be borne in mind that the press comments are based
upon an imperfect knowledge of the ultimate proposals and
claims, and that the Italian attitude for rejecting the
Austro-Hungarian proposals obviously rests on these grounds:
1. They are inadequate and might be rendered nought in case of
the victory of the Entente powers.
2. They do not give Italy a defensive frontier in the north
and east.
3. They do not materially improve Italy's commercial and
military condition in the Adriatic.
4. They make no mention of Dalmatia and the Dalmatian
Archipelago, with their deep harbors and natural
fortifications--a curious contrast to the lowland harbors of
the Italian coast opposite.
The Italian demands take into account the possible victory of
the Entente powers.
In the circumstances, it is best to begin with an extract from
a German paper, as there seems to be an impression abroad that
Germany has not appreciated Italy's reasons for not joining
with her allies at the beginning of the war and has conducted
a propaganda discrediting her willingness to remain neutral
provided the Austro-Hungarian concessions proved sufficient
and were sufficiently guaranteed.
THE GERMAN VIEW.
_From the Frankfurter Zeitung of March 3._
Article VII. of the Austro-German-Italian Treaty, the terms of which
have never before been made public, not only provides for the right of
compensation in case one party to the contract enriches itself
territorially in the Balkans, but also forbids either Austria or Italy
to undertake anything in the Balkans without the consent of the
other....
In the Tripoli war, when the energetic Duca degli Abruzzi made his
advance in the Adriatic against Prevesa and wished to force the Porte to
yield through a serious action in the Dardanelles, and when Italy
wished to extend her occupation of the Aegean Islands, which lie as
advance posts before the Dardanelles, she was obliged to forego her
aims, and did loyally forego them, because Austria at that time did not
yet desire a movement on the then still quiescent Balkan Peninsula.
According to the Italian view, Austria, in determining to liquidate her
matured account with Serbia without coming to an agreement in the matter
with Italy, canceled the treaty in an important and essential part,
irrespective of the assurance that she contemplated merely punishment of
Serbia and not the acquisition of territory in the Balkans. The Italian
policy considered itself from that moment free from every obligation,
even if the speech of Premier Salandra in December could not be
interpreted as a formal denunciation of the Dreibund....
We have today good grounds for assuming that much as we must reckon with
the fact that the country is determined to go to war if nothing is
granted to it, just so little would it support a Government bent on
making war because it does not receive anything.
It will be as impossible to solve the Trentino question from the point
of view of abstract right as to solve any other iridescent question in
that way. The Trentino question, which was long a question of national,
historical, and ethnological idealism, has now become a real question of
power. The European war and its developments have placed Italy in a
position to use her power in order to expand. This is not unusual in
history....
But it should be carefully noted that only to an Italy remaining within
the Triple Alliance can compensation be given, and, of course, only on
the basis of complete reciprocity--(zug um zugleistung gegen leistung).
To demand anything whatsoever Italy has no right. On the other hand, the
ignoble exploitation of the needs of an ally fighting for her existence
would correspond neither with the generosity of the Italian nature nor
with her real interests.
The honest path for Italy, who finds herself unable to enter the war on
the side of her allies in accordance with the spirit of the Alliance, is
to preserve unconditional neutrality. A simple discussion between the
leading statesmen of all the three powers will banish every shade of
misunderstanding and clear the situation. Italy will spare her strength
for the great task on the other side of the Mediterranean and for her
correct and sensible attitude will receive, under the guarantee of her
friend, (Germany,) the promise of the fulfillment of her comprehensible
desire. Any other policy would be foolish and criminal.
ITALY AND ENGLAND.
_From the Giornale d'Italia, March 26._
It is known in London, we believe, that Italy is firmly resolved to
assure her own future in whatever manner seems best. A seafaring,
agricultural, industrial, mercantile, emigrant people like the Italian
must for its very existence conquer its own place in the sun, cannot
endure hegemonies of any kind, cannot suggest exclusions, oppressions,
or prohibitions of any kind, but must defend at any cost its own
liberty, not only political, but economic and maritime. Italy is
resolved to defend à outrance that sum total of her rights in which the
whole future is inclosed. A people does not spend for nothing in a few
months $300,000,000 to complete its military preparations and does not
intrust for nothing, with a great example of concord, the most ample
powers to the Government.
_From the Messaggero, April 1._
As Prince von Bülow's negotiations have apparently failed, Italy
naturally addresses herself to England. There is, however, this
difficulty: England has already made arrangements with France and Russia
for the solution of the questions of the Dardanelles and Asia Minor,
whereas Italy wishes to have her say in these questions before giving
her assistance to the Triple Entente. Moreover, there are Greek
aspirations in the Levant and Serbian in the Adriatic to be reconciled
with those of Italy. Consequently the situation is not easy.
_From the Stampa, April 11._
Not only must Italy have her natural frontiers on the east restored, not
only must she have her legitimate supremacy in the Adriatic assured, not
only must she safeguard her interests in the Eastern Mediterranean and
in the eventual partition of the Turkish Empire, but she must also see
assured in the Western Mediterranean a greater guarantee for the safety
of herself and her possessions and wider liberty of action than that of
which she has recently had painful experience. These things must be
guaranteed by an alliance with either Russia or with England....
Before having solved this difficulty any decision in favor of war would
be a leap in the dark, an act of inconceivable political blindness. It
would be, to adopt a rough, but inevitable, term, a veritable betrayal.
_From the Giornale d'Italia of April 12, in criticising the foregoing._
We absolutely fail to understand the motive which induced the
Piedmontese journal to print matter so calculated to confuse public
opinion. Indeed, the care with which our contemporary seeks to embarrass
Italian diplomatic action seems somewhat strange and cannot escape the
blame of all those who think it necessary not to hamper the liberty of
action conceded to the Government almost unanimously by Parliament and
by the people....
It seems almost as though the Piedmontese journal had no thought but to
put insoluble problems to the Government, in the face of public opinion,
so as to try to prejudice its action in advance. The Stampa's program
practically means that to the diplomatic rupture with the Central
Empires would be added another diplomatic rupture with the Triple
Entente, thus insuring the isolation which the Stampa professes to fear
so much.
_From the Corriere della Sera, April 12._
The article in the Stampa, which appears ultra-nationalist, is in
reality purely neutralist. Italian aspirations must be kept within
reasonable bounds. What would happen to Italy if demands were put
forward which the Entente could not entertain? Quite apart from
questions of direct interest and gain, other factors must be taken into
account. There is the danger to Italy in case of the success of her late
allies, which would mean the prostration of France, the annexation of
Belgium to Germany, the arrival of Austria at Saloniki, British naval
hegemony replaced by German, the revival of Turkey, and the consequent
ambition to resume possession of lost territories.
ADRIATIC PROBLEM.
_From the Politika of Belgrade, March 30._
Italy is claiming not only Italian territories which are under
Austro-Hungarian domination, but also a very considerable part of the
most purely southern Slav regions. Italy will have to realize one simple
fact. Until this war Serbia was closed in on all sides by
Austria-Hungary. She therefore asked that Europe should secure for her
from Austria-Hungary at least a free outlet to the Adriatic, the price
of which she had already paid in blood.
The two Balkan wars were waged primarily for the same thing, since they
were wars of liberation. Today it is no longer a question of the
economic independence of Serbia, since Austria-Hungary is passing from
the scene, but it is a matter of the liberation and of the union into a
single State of our race as a whole. This is the idea which at this
moment governs the masses of our people, and the numberless graves of
our fallen heroes testify to the sacrifice which we have made for the
sake of this idea. Whoever, therefore, opposes our national union is an
enemy of our race.
Deeply as it would pain Serbia to uproot out of her heart the sympathy
which she feels for Italy, she will none the less do so without fail if
ever it should become manifest that Italy's present policy signifies
that she desires not only to consolidate her legitimate interests, but
also to encroach upon the Balkans by attacking Serbia.
_From the Giornale d'Italia, April 4._
No one in Italy has ever said or thought that in the event of a
bouleversement in the Adriatic and the Balkans there should be denied to
Serbia or any Slav State which might arise from the ruins of
Austria-Hungary a wide outlet to the Adriatic. But, on the other hand,
no one in Italy could ever permit that the reversion of Austria's
strategic maritime position should fall into any hands but ours.
There are political and military considerations which are above any
question of nationality whatever. It should be enough to cite the
example of an England which holds a Spanish Gibraltar and an Italian
Malta, besides a Greek Cyprus and the Egyptian Suez Canal. It should be
enough to recall the claim made by all the press of Petrograd to
establish Russia at Constantinople and on the banks of the Bosporus and
the Dardanelles, in spite of all the principles of nationality, Balkan
or Turk.
Let the Serbians, in case of an Adriatic and Balkan upset, have an ample
outlet to the Adriatic, but do not let them aspire to conquer a
predominance in that sea. The Italian people is not, and can not be at
this moment, either phil or phobe regarding any other people. The
existence, or at least the future, of all the nations is at stake today,
and whoever desires the friendship of Italy must begin by loyally
recognizing her rights and interests.
_From the Giornale d'Italia of April 19._
We reject altogether the idea that Italy would be satisfied with the
western portion of Istria, leaving the rest of the Eastern Adriatic
shore to the Croatians and Serbians. While Italy would certainly gain by
the possession of Trieste and Pola, the strategic position in the
Adriatic would still be exceedingly disadvantageous, especially as the
Slav claim advanced by certain Russian newspapers, (that Croatia become
an autonomous State and divide Dalmatia with Serbia,) includes the right
to maintain fortified naval bases on the eastern shore.
This would merely mean exchanging Austrian strategical predominance for
Slavonic, and, consequently, Russian predominance nearly as threatening
to Italian interests.
The principal objective of Italy in the Adriatic is the solution once
for all of the politico-strategic question of a sea which is commanded
in the military sense from the eastern shore, and such a problem can be
solved only by one method--by eliminating from the Adriatic every other
war fleet. Otherwise the existing most difficult situation in the
Adriatic will be perpetuated and in time inevitably aggravated.
_From the Messaggero of April 21._
We understand that an Italian-Russian accord has been practically
concluded. This accord refers both to the war, on which Italy will
shortly embark, as well as to the peace which will be finally signed.
The French and British Governments have taken an active part in
facilitating this accord, as it deals with other questions besides that
of the Adriatic.
_From Idea Nazionale, May 10._
Italy desires war:
1. In order to obtain Trent, Trieste, and Dalmatia. The country desires
it. A nation which has the opportunity to free its land should do so as
a matter of imperative necessity. If the Government and the institutions
will not make war, they render themselves guilty of high treason toward
the country.
2. We desire war in order to conquer for ourselves a good strategic
frontier in the north and east in place of the treacherous one which we
now have. When a nation can assure the protection of its domain it ought
to do so, otherwise its future will have less. It is a necessary duty.
There is no other alternative but this--either complete the work or
betray what has already been done.
3. We desire war because today in the Adriatic, the Balkan Peninsula,
the Mediterranean, and Asia Italy should have all the advantages it is
possible for her to have and without which her political, economic, and
moral power would diminish in proportion as that of others augmented. To
this has the Hon. Salandra borne witness. If we should avoid war we
desire less than his words most sacredly proclaimed to the nation in
Parliament. If we would be a great power we must accept certain
obligations; one of them is war in order to keep us a great power. If we
do not want to be a great power any longer, we deliberately and vilely
betray ourselves.
The foregoing are the three reasons for entering the war--reasons which
are tangible, material, and comprehensive.
_From the Giornale d'Italia, May 12._
Italy is determined to realize her national aspirations, cost what it
may. For this reason the Government has hastened its preparations for
war which, when completed, caused Austria to offer compensations, thus
tacitly acknowledging the claims of Italy.
When the Austro-Italian negotiations were begun Signor Giolitti most
unfortunately obstructed their successful issue by his inopportune
letter declaring that war was unnecessary. Nevertheless, owing to the
firmness of the Government and the determination to resort to war, the
conversations were resumed. However, Austria, aside from offering
insufficient concessions, assumed a waiting policy and sought secretly
to conclude a secret peace with Russia. Thereupon the Italian
Government opened negotiations with the Allies, which had the effect of
increasing the offers of Austria.
During the ultimate, delicate phase of the conversations, when those who
advocate neutrality are causing great injury to the interests of the
country and also helping its enemies, the Government, reposing in the
support of the people, is determined to expose the intrigues and
conspiracies intended to favor the Austrians and Germans.
Hence the Government will, if necessary, make an appeal to Parliament.
Meanwhile, it will conserve its power and righteously defend the
interests of the country.
ANNUNCIATION
By Ernst Lissauer.
_Ernst Lissauer, the author of the famous "Song of Hate Against England"
has written a second poem entitled "Bread," and directed against the
British policy of cutting off Germany's food supply. The poem was
published in the Bonner Zeitung and reprinted in the Frankfurter Zeitung
of March 26, 1915. Following is a translation:_
With arms they cannot overpower us,
With hunger they would fain devour us;
Foe beside foe in an iron ring.
Has want crossed our borders, or hunger, or dearth?
Listen: I chant the tidings of Spring:
Our soil is our ally in this great thing;
Already new bread is growing in the earth.
ADMONITION:
Save the food and guard and hoard!
Bread is a sword.
PRAYER:
The peasants have sown the seed again.
Now gather and pray the prayer of the grain:
Earth of our land,
With arms they cannot overpower us,
With hunger they would fain devour us,
Arise thou in thy harvest wrath!
Thick grow thy grass, rich the reaper's path!
Dearest soil of earth
Our prayer hear:
Show them of little worth,
Shame them with blade and ear.
[Illustration: [map of the Dardanelles]]
THE DARDANELLES
ALLIES' SECOND CAMPAIGN WITH FLEETS AND LAND FORCES.
The first campaign to force the passage of the Dardanelles by
fleet operations alone was suddenly halted on March 19, 1915,
when floating mines carried by the swift currents destroyed
and sank three battleships. An appraisal of the real
difficulties attendant upon reducing the forts and batteries
lining the European and Asiatic shores, which determined the
Allies upon their present joint operations by land and sea, is
found in the subjoined dispatch, presented in part from E.
Ashmead-Bartlett, appearing in The London Daily Telegraph of
April 26. It is followed by full press reports from the
Dardanelles describing the difficult landing and establishment
of the Allied troops on the Gallipoli Peninsula.
Eastern Mediterranean, April 12.
The days of the Turk in Europe are numbered, but no one will deny that
he is dying hard and game. It came as a disagreeable shock to many to
read on the morning of March 19 that two British battleships and one
French had been sunk in the Dardanelles, while several others had been
hit and damaged.
We were told that the outer forts had been completely destroyed and that
the work of mine sweeping had made excellent progress. This news was
given in perfect good faith and was also quite true, but we built up on
it too great a structure of hope, but few realizing the immense
difficulties the fleet has had to face--obstacles which do not really
commence until the Narrows are approached. The combined advance of the
allied fleet up the Dardanelles on March 18 was not an attempt to pass
the Narrows. It was merely intended as a great demonstration against the
forts, in order that the destroyers and sweepers might clear the
minefield under cover of the guns of the ships.
This work was carried out in the most gallant manner and was perfectly
successful, but unfortunately the further advance had to be abandoned,
owing to the sudden and unexpected disasters to three vessels inflicted
by drifting mines. But the price paid cannot be considered too high when
one remembers the issues at stake and the vast bearing they may have on
the future of the war. The Turks have always believed the Dardanelles to
be impregnable, and this belief has been accepted as the truth by most
lay minds until the navy started to put the issue to the test. Then, for
some unknown reason, here came a quite unjustifiable wave of optimism,
which swept over the country until the eyes of the public were opened by
the events of March 18.
In the old days of sailing ships the Dardanelles were a most formidable
obstacle which no Admiral would have faced with confidence.
It was almost impossible to overcome the obstacles in the early days of
the nineteenth century. The difficulties and dangers of the passage have
been increased tenfold now by long-range weapons, torpedoes, and mines.
Nevertheless, the navy is of opinion that the Narrows can be forced, in
spite of these obstacles, and this opinion has been strengthened and
confirmed by the great trial of March 18. It might mean the loss of
ships, but if the occasion justified the sacrifice the fleet would not
hesitate to make the attempt.
But, unless there is a powerful army ready to occupy the Gallipoli
Peninsula the moment the fleet passed into the Sea of Marmora or made
its way to Constantinople, the strait would immediately be closed behind
it, and, supposing the Turks, backed up by German officers and German
intrigues, decided to continue the war, it would have to fight its way
out and again clear the minefield. It has long been an accepted axiom of
naval warfare that ships are of no use against forts, or that they fight
at such a disadvantage that it is not worth while employing them for
such a purpose.
This axiom must now be modified, after the experience which the fleet
has gained in the present operations against the Dardanelles. Any fort
built of stone or concrete, however strong, can be put out of action by
direct fire from guns, if only a clear view of it can be obtained, or
provided aeroplanes are available to "spot" for the gunners, to signal
back results, and correct the fire.
The Landing at Gallipoli
_The following series of dispatches sent by a special correspondent of
The London Times at the Dardanelles describes the first phase of the
operations resulting in the landing of the allied troops on the
Gallipoli Peninsula:_
Dardanelles, April 24.
The great venture has at last been launched, and the entire fleet of
warships and transports is now steaming toward the shores of Gallipoli.
Yesterday the weather showed signs of moderating, and about 5 o'clock in
the afternoon the first of the transports slowly made its way through
the maze of shipping toward the entrance of Mudros Bay. Immediately the
patent apathy which has gradually overwhelmed every one changed to the
utmost enthusiasm, and as the huge liners steamed through the fleet,
their decks yellow with khaki, the crews of the warships cheered them on
to victory, while the bands played them out with an unending variety of
popular airs. The soldiers in the transports answered this last
salutation from the navy with deafening cheers, and no more inspiring
spectacle has ever been seen than this great expedition setting forth
for better or for worse.
It required splendid organization and skilled leadership to get this
huge fleet clear of the bay without confusion or accidents, but not one
has occurred, and the majority are now safely on the high seas steaming
toward their respective destinations.
The whole of the fleet and the transports have been divided up into five
divisions and there will be three main landings. The Twenty-ninth
Division will disembark off the point of the Gallipoli Peninsula near
Sedd-el-Bahr, where its operations can be covered both from the Gulf of
Saros and from the Dardanelles by the fire of the covering warships. The
Australian and New Zealand contingent will disembark north of Gaba Tepe.
Further north the Naval Division will make a demonstration.
The difficulties and dangers of the enterprise are enormous and are
recognized by all.
Never before has the attempt been made to land so large a force in the
face of an enemy who has innumerable guns, many thousands of trained
infantry, and who has had months of warning in which to prepare his
positions. Nevertheless, there is a great feeling of confidence
throughout all ranks, and the men are delighted that at length the
delays are over and the real work is about to begin.
Last night the transports were merely taking up their positions, and the
real exit of the armada from Mudros commenced this afternoon at about 2
o'clock. The weather, which was threatening at an early hour, has now
become perfectly calm, and if it only lasts the conditions will be ideal
for a rapid disembarkation.
Throughout the morning transports steamed out to take up their
respective positions in the open sea. The same enthusiastic scenes were
witnessed as yesterday. The covering forces will be put ashore from
certain battleships, while others will sweep the enemy's positions with
their guns and endeavor to prevent them from shelling the troops while
disembarking. It is generally considered that the critical period of
the operations will be the first twenty-four hours, and the success or
failure of the whole enterprise will depend on whether these covering
parties are able to obtain a firm foothold and seize the positions which
have been assigned to them. Every detail has been worked out and
rehearsed, and every officer and man should now know the peculiar rôle
which has been assigned to him.
The navy will have entire charge of the landing of these thousands of
men. Beach parties will go ashore with the first of the troops, and
officers from the ships will direct the movements of all the boats as
they bring the troops ashore.
This battleship belongs to a division which will consist of the
Australians, who are to land near Gaba Tepe. We are one of the landing
ships, and this afternoon received on board 500 officers and men of the
Australian contingent who are to form part of the covering force. They
are a magnificent body of men, and full of enthusiasm for the honorable
and dangerous rôle given to them.
At 2 o'clock the flagship of this division took up her position at the
head of the line. We passed down through the long line of slowly moving
transports amid tremendous cheering, and were played out of the bay by
the French warships. No sight could have been finer than this spectacle
of long lines of warships and transports, each making for its special
rendezvous without any delay or confusion.
At 4 o'clock this afternoon the ship's company and the troops were
assembled on the quarterdeck to hear the Captain read out Admiral de
Robeck's proclamation to the combined forces. This was followed by a
last service before battle, in which the chaplain uttered a prayer for
victory and called for the Divine blessing on the expedition, while the
whole of the ship's company and troops on board stood with uncovered and
bowed heads. We are steaming slowly through this momentous night toward
the coast and are due at our rendezvous at 3 A.M. tomorrow, (Sunday,) a
day which has so often brought victory to the British flag.
THE SECOND DISPATCH.
Dardanelles, April 25.
Slowly through the night of April 24 our squadron, which was to land the
covering force of the Australian contingent just north of Gaba Tepe,
steamed toward its destination. The troops on board were the guests of
the crews, and our generous sailors entertained them royally. At dusk
all lights were extinguished, and very shortly afterward the troops
retired for a last rest before their ordeal at dawn.
At 1 A.M. the ships arrived off their appointed rendezvous, five miles
from the landing place, and stopped. The soldiers were aroused from
their slumbers and were served with a last hot meal. A visit to the mess
decks showed these Australians, the majority of whom were about to go
into action for the first time under the most trying circumstances,
possessed at 1 o'clock in the morning courage to be cheerful, quiet, and
confident. There was no sign of nerves or undue excitement such as one
might very reasonably have expected.
At 1:20 A.M. the signal was given from the flagship to lower the boats,
which had been left swinging from the davits throughout the night. Our
steam pinnaces were also lowered to take them in tow. The troops fell in
in their assigned places on the quarterdeck, and the last rays of the
waning moon lit up a scene which will ever be memorable in our history.
On the quarterdeck, backed by the great 12-inch guns, this splendid body
of colonial troops were drawn up in serried ranks, fully equipped, and
receiving their last instructions from their officers who, six months
ago, like their men, were leading a peaceful civilian life in Australia
and New Zealand 5,000 miles away. Now at the call of the empire they
were about to disembark on a strange unknown shore, in a strange land,
and attack an enemy of a different race. By the side of the soldiers the
beach parties of our splendid bluejackets and marines were marshaled,
arrayed in old white uniforms dyed khaki color and carrying the old
rifle and old equipment.
These men were to take charge of the boats, steer them ashore, and row
them to the beach when they were finally cast off by the towing
pinnaces. Each boat was in charge of a young midshipman, many of whom
have come straight from Dartmouth after a couple of terms and now found
themselves called upon to play a most difficult and dangerous rôle like
men. Commanders, Lieutenants, and special beach officers had charge of
the whole of the towing parties and went ashore with the troops.
At 2:05 A.M. the signal was given for the troops to embark in the boats
which were lying alongside, and this was carried out with great
rapidity, in absolute silence, and without a hitch or an accident of any
kind. Each one of the three ships which had embarked troops transferred
them to four small boats apiece towed by a steam pinnace, and in this
manner the men of the covering force were conveyed to the shore. More of
the Australian Brigade were carried in destroyers, which were to go
close in shore and land them from boats as soon as those towed by the
pinnaces had reached the beach.
At 3 A.M. it was quite dark and all was ready for the start. The tows
were cast off by the battleships and the ladders taken in and the decks
cleared for action, the crews going to general quarters. Then we steamed
slowly toward the shore, each of the battleships being closely followed
by her tows, which looked exactly like huge snakes gliding relentlessly
after their prey. I do not suppose the suppressed excitement of this
last half hour will ever be forgotten by those who were present. No one
could tell at the last minute what would happen. Would the enemy be
surprised or would he be ready on the alert to pour a terrible fire on
the boats as they approached the beach?
The whole operation had been timed to allow the pinnaces and boats to
reach the beach just before daybreak so that the Turks, if they had been
forewarned, would not be able to see to fire before the Australians had
obtained a firm footing and, it was hoped, good cover on the foreshore.
Exactly at 4:10 A.M. the three battleships in line abreast four cables
apart arrived about 2,500 yards from the shore, which was just
discernible in the gloom. The engines were stopped, guns were manned,
and the powerful searchlights made ready for use if required. The tows,
which up to this time had followed astern, were ordered to advance to
the shore. The battleships took up positions somewhat further out on
either flank, for to them was assigned the duty of supporting the attack
with their guns as soon as light allowed.
Very slowly the snakes of boats steamed past the battleships, the
gunwales almost flush with the water, so crowded were they with khaki
figures. Then each lot edged in toward one another so as to reach the
beach four cables apart. So anxious were we on board the battleships
that it seemed as if the loads were too heavy for the pinnaces, or that
some mysterious power was holding them back, and that they would never
reach the shore before daybreak and thus lose the chance of a surprise.
The distance between the battleships and the boats did not seem to
diminish, but only for the reason that we steamed very slowly in after
them until the water gradually shallowed. Every eye and every glass was
fixed on that grim-looking line of hills in our front, so shapeless, yet
so menacing, in the gloom.
At 4:50 A.M. the enemy suddenly showed an alarm light, which flashed for
ten minutes and then disappeared. The next three minutes after its first
appearance passed in breathless anxiety. We could just discern the dull
outline of the boats which appeared to be almost on the beach. Just
previously to this seven destroyers conveying the other men of the
brigade glided noiselessly through the intervals between the battleships
and followed the boats in shore.
At 4:53 A.M. there suddenly came a very sharp burst of rifle fire from
the beach, and we knew our men were at last at grips with the enemy.
This fire lasted only for a few minutes and then was drowned by a faint
British cheer wafted to us over the waters. How comforting and inspiring
was the sound at such a moment! It seemed like a message sent to tell us
that the first position had been won and a firm hold obtained on the
beach.
At 5:03 A.M. the fire intensified, and we could tell from the sound that
our men were firing. It lasted until 5:28 and then died down somewhat.
No one on board knew what was happening, although dawn was gradually
breaking, because we were looking due east into the sun slowly rising
behind the hills, which are almost flush with the foreshore, and there
was also a haze. Astern at 5:26 we saw the outline of some of the
transports, gradually growing bigger and bigger as they approached the
coast. They were bringing up the remainder of the Austrians and New
Zealanders.
The first authentic news we received came with the return of our boats.
A steam pinnace came alongside with two recumbent forms on her deck and
a small figure, pale but cheerful, and waving his hand astern. They were
one of our midshipmen, just 16 years of age, shot through the stomach,
but regarding his injury more as a fitting consummation to a glorious
holiday ashore than a wound, and a chief stoker and petty officer, all
three wounded by that first burst of musketry which caused many
casualties in the boats just as they reached the beach.
From them we learned what had happened in those first wild moments. All
the tows had almost reached the beach, when a party of Turks intrenched
almost on the shore opened up a terrible fusillade from rifles and also
from a Maxim. Fortunately most of the bullets went high, but,
nevertheless, many men were hit as they sat huddled together 40 or 50 in
a boat.
It was a trying moment, but the Australian volunteers rose as a man to
the occasion. They waited neither for orders nor for the boats to reach
the beach, but, springing out into the sea, they waded ashore and,
forming some sort of a rough line, rushed straight on the flashes of
the enemy's rifles. Their magazines were not even charged. So they just
went in with cold steel, and I believe I am right in saying that the
first Ottoman Turk since the last Crusade received an Anglo-Saxon
bayonet in him at five minutes after 5 A.M. on April 25. It was over in
a minute. The Turks in this first trench were bayoneted or ran away, and
a Maxim gun was captured.
Then the Australians found themselves facing an almost perpendicular
cliff of loose sandstone, covered with thick shrubbery, and somewhere
half way up the enemy had a second trench strongly held, from which they
poured a terrible fire on the troops below and the boats pulling back to
the destroyers for the second landing party.
Here was a tough proposition to tackle in the darkness, but these
colonials are practical above all else, and they went about it in a
practical way. They stopped a few moments to pull themselves together
and to get rid of their packs, which no troops should carry in an
attack, and then charged their magazines. Then this race of athletes
proceeded to scale the cliffs without responding to the enemy's fire.
They lost some men, but did not worry, and in less than a quarter of an
hour the Turks were out of their second position, either bayoneted or in
full flight.
THE THIRD DISPATCH.
Dardanelles, April 26.
After the events I have previously described, the light gradually became
better and we could see from the London what was happening on the beach.
It was then discovered that the boats had landed rather further north of
Gaba Tepe than was originally intended, at a point where the sandstone
cliffs rise very sharply from the water's edge. As a matter of fact,
this error probably turned out a blessing in disguise, because there was
no glacis down which the enemy's infantry could fire, and the numerous
bluffs, ridges, and broken ground afford good cover to troops once they
have passed the forty or fifty yards of flat, sandy beach.
This ridge, under which the landing was made, stretches due north from
Gaba Tepe and culminates in the height of Coja Chemen, which rises 950
feet above the sea level. The whole forms part of a confused triangle of
hills, valleys, ridges, and bluffs which stretches right across the
Gallipoli Peninsula to the Bay of Bassi Liman above the Narrows. The
triangle is cut in two by the valley through which flows the stream
known as Bokali Deresi.
It is indeed a formidable and forbidding land. To the sea it presents a
steep front, broken up into innumerable ridges, bluffs, valleys, and
sand pits, which rise to a height of several hundred feet. The surface
is either a kind of bare and very soft yellow sandstone, which crumbles
when you tread on it, or else it is covered with very thick shrubbery
about six feet in height.
It is, in fact, an ideal country for irregular warfare, such as the
Australians and New Zealanders were soon to find to their cost. You
cannot see a yard in front of you, and so broken is the ground that the
enemy's snipers were able to lie concealed within a few yards of the
lines of infantry without it being possible to locate them. On the other
hand, the Australians and New Zealanders have proved themselves adepts
at this form of warfare, which requires the display of great endurance
in climbing over the cliffs and offers scope for a display of that
individuality which you find highly developed in these colonial
volunteers. To organize anything like a regular attack on such ground is
almost impossible, as the officers cannot see their men, who, the moment
they move forward in open order, are lost among the thick scrub.
In the early part of the day very heavy casualties were suffered in the
boats which conveyed the troops from the destroyers, tugs, and
transports to the beach. As soon as it became light, the enemy's
sharpshooters, hidden everywhere, simply concentrated their fire on the
boats. Then they got close in. At least three boats, having broken away
from their tows, drifted down the coast, under no control, and were
sniped at the whole way, steadily losing men.
All praise is due to the splendid conduct of the officers, midshipmen,
and men who formed the beach parties and whose duty it was to pass
backward and forward under a terrible fusillade which it was impossible
to check in the early part of the day.
The work of disembarking went on mechanically under this fire at almost
point-blank range. You saw the crowded boats cast off from the pinnaces,
tugs, and destroyers, and laboriously pulled ashore by six or eight
seamen. The moment it reached the beach the troops jumped out and
doubled for cover to the foot of the bluffs, over some forty yards of
beach. But the gallant crews of the boats had then to pull them out
under a dropping fire from a hundred points where the enemy's marksmen
lay hidden amid the sand and shrubs.
Throughout the whole of April 25 the landing of troops, stores, and
munitions had to be carried out under these conditions, but the gallant
sailors never failed their equally gallant comrades ashore. Every one,
from the youngest midshipman, straight from Dartmouth and under fire for
the first time, to the senior officers in charge, did their duty nobly.
When it became light the covering warships endeavored to support the
troops on shore by a heavy fire from their secondary armament, but at
this time, the positions of the enemy being unknown, the support was
necessarily more moral than real. When the sun was fully risen and the
haze had disappeared we could see that the Australians had actually
established themselves on the top of the ridge and were evidently trying
to work their way northward along it. At 8:45 the fire from the hills
became intense and lasted for about half an hour, when it gradually died
down, but only for a short time. Then it reopened and lasted without
cessation throughout the remainder of the day. The fighting was so
confused and took place among such broken ground that it is extremely
difficult to follow exactly what did happen throughout the morning and
afternoon of April 25. The rôle assigned to the covering force was
splendidly carried out up to a certain point, and a firm footing was
obtained on the crest of the ridge which allowed the disembarkation of
the remainder of the force to go on uninterruptedly, except for the
never-ceasing sniping.
But then the Australians, whose blood was up, instead of intrenching
themselves and waiting developments, pushed northward and eastward
inland in search of fresh enemies to tackle with the bayonet. The ground
is so broken and ill-defined that it was very difficult to select a
position to intrench, especially as, after the troops imagined they had
cleared a section, they were continually being sniped from all sides.
Therefore, they preferred to continue the advance.
It is impossible for any army to defend a long beach in any force,
especially when you do not know exactly where an attack will be made,
and when your troops will come under the fire of the guns of warships.
The Turks, therefore, only had a comparatively weak force actually
holding the beach, and they seemed to have relied on the difficult
nature of the ground and their scattered snipers to delay the advance
until they would bring up reinforcements from the interior. Some of the
Australians who had pushed inland were counter-attacked and almost
outflanked by these on-coming reserves and had to fall back after
suffering very heavy casualties.
It was then the turn of the Turks to counter-attack, and this they
continued to do throughout the afternoon, but the Australians never
yielded a foot of ground on the main ridge, and reinforcements were
continually poured up from the beach as fresh troops were disembarked
from the transports. The enemy's artillery fire, however, presented a
very difficult problem. As soon as the light became good the Turks
enfiladed the beach with two field guns from Gaba Tepe and with two
others from the north. This shrapnel fire was incessant and deadly. In
vain did the warships endeavor to put them out of action with their
secondary armament. For some hours they could not be accurately
located, or else were so well protected that our shells failed to do
them any harm. The majority of the heavy casualties suffered during the
day were from shrapnel, which swept the beach and the ridge on which the
Australians and New Zealanders had established themselves.
Later in the day the two guns to the north were silenced or forced to
withdraw to a fresh position, from which they could no longer enfilade
the beach, and a cruiser, moving in close to the shore, so plastered
Gaba Tepe with a hail of shell that the guns there were also silenced
and have not attempted to reply since.
As the enemy brought up reinforcements toward dusk his attacks became
more and more vigorous, and he was supported by a powerful artillery
inland which the ships' guns were powerless to deal with. The pressure
on the Australians and New Zealanders became heavier, and the line they
were occupying had to be contracted for the night. General Birwood and
his staff went ashore in the afternoon and devoted all their energies to
securing the position, so as to hold firmly to it until the following
morning, when it was hoped to get some field guns in position to deal
with the enemy's artillery.
Some idea of the difficulty to be faced may be gathered when it is
remembered that every round of ammunition, all water, and all supplies
had to be landed on a narrow beach and then carried up pathless hills,
valleys, and bluffs, several hundred feet high, to the firing line. The
whole of this mass of troops, concentrated on a very small area, and
unable to reply, were exposed to a relentless and incessant shrapnel
fire, which swept every yard of the ground, although fortunately a great
deal of it was badly aimed or burst too high. The reserves were engaged
in road making and carrying supplies to the crests and in answering the
calls for more ammunition.
A serious problem was getting away the wounded from the shore, where it
was impossible to keep them. All those who were unable to hobble to the
beach had to be carried down from the hills on stretchers, then hastily
dressed, and carried to the boats. The boat and beach parties never
stopped working throughout the entire day and night.
The courage displayed by these wounded Australians will never be
forgotten. Hastily dressed and placed in trawlers, lighters, and ships'
boats, they were towed to the ships. I saw some lighters full of bad
cases. As they passed the battleship, some of those on board recognized
her as the ship they had left that morning, whereupon, in spite of their
sufferings and discomforts, they set up a cheer, which was answered by a
deafening shout of encouragement from our crew.
I have, in fact, never seen the like of these wounded Australians in war
before, for as they were towed among the ships, while accommodation was
being found for them, although many were shot to bits and without hope
of recovery, their cheers resounded through the night, and you could
just see, amid a mass of suffering humanity, arms being waved in
greeting to the crews of the warships. They were happy, because they
knew they had been tried for the first time in the war and had not been
found wanting. They had been told to occupy the heights and hold on, and
this they had done for fifteen mortal hours under an incessant shell
fire, without the moral and material support of a single gun ashore, and
subjected the whole time to the violent counter-attacks of a brave
enemy, led by skilled leaders, while his snipers, hidden in caves and
thickets and among the dense scrub, made a deliberate practice of
picking off every officer who endeavored to give a word of command or to
lead his men forward.
No finer feat of arms has been performed during the war than this sudden
landing in the dark, this storming of the heights, and, above all, the
holding on to the position thus won while reinforcements were being
poured from the transports. These raw colonial troops, in those
desperate hours, proved themselves worthy to fight side by side with
the heroes of Mons and the Aisne, Ypres, and Neuve Chapelle.
THE FOURTH DISPATCH.
Dardanelles, April 27.
Throughout the night of the 25th and the early morning of the 26th there
was continual fighting, as the Turks made repeated attacks to endeavor
to drive the Australians and New Zealanders from their positions. On
several occasions parties of the colonials made local counter-attacks
and drove the enemy off with the bayonet, which the Turks will never
face.
On the morning of the 26th it became known that the enemy had been very
largely reinforced during the night and was preparing for a big assault
from the northeast. This movement began about 9:30 A.M. From the ships
we could see large numbers of the enemy creeping along the top of the
hills endeavoring to approach our positions under cover and then to
annoy our troops with their incessant sniping. He had also brought up
more guns during the night, and plastered the whole position once again
with shrapnel.
The rifle and machine-gun fire became heavy and unceasing. But the enemy
were not going to be allowed to have matters all their own way with
their artillery. Seven warships had moved in close to the shore, while
the Queen Elizabeth, further out, acted as a kind of chaperone to the
lot. Each covered a section of the line, and when the signal was given
opened up a bombardment of the heights and valleys beyond which can only
be described as terrific.
Turkish infantry moved forward to the attack. They were met by every
kind of shell which our warships carry, from 15-inch shrapnel from the
Queen Elizabeth, each one of which contains 20,000 bullets, to 12-inch,
6-inch, and 12-pounders.
The noise, smoke, and concussion produced was unlike anything you can
even imagine until you have seen it. The hills in front looked as if
they had suddenly been transformed into smoking volcanoes, the common
shell throwing up great chunks of ground and masses of black smoke,
while the shrapnel formed a white canopy above. Sections of ground were
covered by each ship all around our front trenches, and, the ranges
being known, the shooting was excellent. Nevertheless, a great deal of
the fire was, of necessity, indirect, and the ground affords such
splendid cover that the Turks continued their advance in a most gallant
manner, while their artillery not only plastered our positions on shore
with shrapnel, but actually tried to drive the ships off the coast by
firing at them, and their desperate snipers, in place of a better
target, tried to pick off officers and men on the decks and bridges. We
picked up many bullets on the deck afterward.
Some Turkish warship started to fire over the peninsula. The Triumph
dropped two 10-inch shells within a few yards of her, whereupon she
retired up the strait to a safer position, from which she occasionally
dropped a few shells into space, but so far has done no damage.
The scene at the height of this engagement was sombre, magnificent, and
unique. The day was perfectly clear, and you could see right down the
coast as far as Sedd-ul-Bahr. There the warships of the first division
were blazing away at Aki Baba and the hills around it, covering their
summits with a great white cloud of bursting shells. Further out the
giant forms of the transports which accompanied that division loomed up
through the slight mist. Almost opposite Gaba Tepe a cruiser close in
shore was covering the low ground with her guns and occasionally
dropping shells right over into the straight on the far side. Opposite
the hills in possession of the Australian and New Zealand troops an
incessant fire was kept up from the ships. Beyond lay our transports
which had moved further out to avoid the Turkish warships' shells and
those of some battery which fires persistently.
Beyond all, the Queen Elizabeth, with her eight huge, monstrous 15-inch
guns, all pointed shoreward, seemed to threaten immediate annihilation
to any enemy who dared even to aim at the squadron under her charge.
On shore the rifle and machine-gun fire was incessant, and at times rose
into a perfect storm as the Turks pressed forward their attack. The
hills were ablaze with shells from the ships and the enemy's shrapnel,
while on the beach masses of troops were waiting to take their places in
the trenches, and the beach parties worked incessantly at landing
stores, material, and ammunition.
This great attack lasted some two hours, and during this time we
received encouraging messages from the beach. "Thanks for your
assistance. Your guns are inflicting awful losses on the enemy." The
Turks must, in fact, have suffered terribly from this concentrated fire
from so many guns and from the infantry in the trenches.
The end came amid a flash of bayonets and a sudden charge of the
colonials, before which the Turks broke and fled amid a perfect tornado
of shells from the ships. They fell back sullen and checked, but not yet
defeated, but for the remainder of the day no big attack was pressed
home, and the colonials gained some ground by local counter-attacks,
which enlarged and consolidated the position they were holding.
The Turks kept up their incessant shrapnel fire throughout the day, but
the colonials were now dug in and could not be shaken by it in their
trenches, while the reserves had also prepared shelter trenches and
dug-outs on the slopes.
Some prisoners were captured, including an officer, who said that the
Turks were becoming demoralized by the fire of the guns, and that the
Germans now had difficulty in getting them forward to the attack. We are
well intrenched and they will probably do likewise, and we shall see a
repetition of the siege warfare out here.
THE FIFTH DISPATCH.
Dardanelles, April 30.
While Australians and New Zealanders were fighting so gallantly against
heavy odds north of Gaba Tepe, British troops crowned themselves with
equal laurels at the southern end of the Gallipoli Peninsula. A firm
footing now has been obtained. The line stretches across the southern
end of the entire peninsula, with both flanks secured by the fire of
warships. The army holds many convenient landing places immune from the
enemy's guns.
The problems British landing parties faced differed from those the
Australians solved further north. Here the cliffs are not high and
irregular, but rise about fifty feet from the water's edge, with
stretches of beach at intervals. Five of these beaches were selected for
disembarkation under the cover of warships. It was hoped the Turkish
trenches would be rendered untenable and the barbed wire entanglements
cut by the fire of the ships, but these expectations were not realized.
For example, the landing place between Gaba Tepe and Cape Helles was the
scene of a desperate struggle which raged all day. The Turks held barbed
wire protected trenches in force and their snipers covered the
foreshore. After hours of bombardment the troops were taken ashore at
daybreak. Part of the force scaled the cliffs and obtained a precarious
footing on the edge of the cliffs, but boats which landed along the
beach were confronted with a solid hedge of barbed wire and exposed to a
terrible cross-fire. Every effort was made to cut the wire, but almost
all those who landed here were shot down. Later the troops on the cliffs
succeeded in driving back the Turks and clearing the beach.
The most terrible of all landings, however, was on the beach between
Cape Helles and the Seddul Bahr. Here the broken valley runs inland
enfiladed by hills on either flank, on which were built strong forts,
which defended the entrance to the strait until they were knocked out by
our guns. Although the guns and emplacements were shattered the
bombproofs and ammunition chambers remained intact, and, running back,
formed a perfect network of trenches and entanglements right around the
semicircular valley. The Turks had mounted pompoms on the Cape Helles
side and had the usual snipers concealed everywhere. The foreshore and
valley also were protected by trenches and wire, rendering the position
most formidable.
One novel expedient was running a liner full of troops deliberately
ashore, thus allowing them to approach close in under cover without
being exposed in open boats. Great doors had been cut in her sides to
permit rapid disembarkation, and she was well provided with Maxims to
sweep the shore while the troops were landing. Owing to her going ashore
further east than was intended, however, it became necessary to bring up
a lighter to facilitate the landing. The Turks directed a perfect
tornado of rifle, Maxim, and pompom fire on 200 men who made a dash down
the gangway. Only a few survived to gain shelter. All the others were
killed on the gangway. Disembarkation, therefore, which meant almost
certain death, was postponed until later in the morning, when another
attempt also failed.
Then, while the liner, carrying 2,000 men, packed in like sardines, with
the officers huddled on the protected bridge, lay all day on shore, with
a hail of bullets rattling against her protected sides, the battleships
Albion, Cornwallis, and Queen Elizabeth furiously bombarded Seddul Bahr
and the encircling hills. Meanwhile the Turks on the Asiatic side tried
to destroy the liner by howitzer fire, which was kept under only by the
bombardment from covering ships in the strait. In spite of this covering
fire, the vessel was pierced by four big shells, and it was decided to
postpone any further movement until night, when the troops got ashore
almost without the Turks firing a shot, as a result, perhaps, of troops
landed on other beaches having pushed along and destroyed some Turkish
positions.
END OF THE THIRD WEEK.
[Special Cable to THE NEW YORK TIMES.]
IMBROS, (via Dedeaghatch, Turkey,) May 15, (Dispatch to The London Daily
Chronicle.)--Operations in the Dardanelles have now been in full swing
for just three weeks, and a glance from the mountaintop here at the
far-spread region over which the war has been and is being waged shows
instantly the material progress which has been made in that time.
When I first looked down on the fascinating and unique vision presented
to my eyes from this point of vantage it was a sight truly marvelous. A
fleet of transports stood at the entrance to the strait, and to the
north of Gaba Tepe the warships were hammering away at the mouth of the
Dardanelles, and at several points along the western coast of the
peninsula one could see at different points on the land that severe
battles were being fought. The heavy clouds of war hung over all, lit up
grimly by the vivid flashes of the guns. At times the din was tremendous
and went on night and day without cessation. Column after column of
dense smoke betokened the falling of forts, and gradually the white
puffs from our guns like long rollers on a broken coast advanced up the
peninsula from the south and inland from the Gaba Tepe region.
Aeroplanes and dirigibles were always busy. Destroyers and huge
transports churned up foam, and submarines left their faint trace on the
wide extent of bluest ocean. The scene was one of war in all its
picturesqueness and horror, for one could easily imagine awful scenes
taking place under the far cloud of smoke and dust. It was war in all
its force seen so for the first time.
Today the scene is strangely altered. Nearly all the transports have
gone up the western coast of the peninsula, but a few battleships stand
on sentry-go, as it were. All resistance in the region directly opposite
has been fought down. The smoke coming from over the ridge in front
shows that our warships have advanced far up to Kilid Bahr, while
comparatively few ships stand at the entrance of the strait. From the
inside the Asiatic coast is being bombarded, but the picturesque
features of the scene have gone. It is a change which marks triumphant
progress. The Turk is being slowly but surely pushed back, dying gamely.
Two days of thick mist were followed by a forty-eight hours' armistice
granted to the Turks on Tuesday and Wednesday. It was impossible to see
anything of the operations. Behind the veil of mist the fighting went
sternly on and the big guns boomed incessantly. Wednesday night they
were particularly active. Seldom in the past three weeks has the night
sky been so brilliantly illuminated by the flashes of cannon. Serious
work is evidently being done or completed. It was not until Thursday
afternoon that the weather conditions made it possible to see the result
of the warfare behind the screen of mist, and, as I have said, the whole
aspect of the now familiar scene appears greatly changed when the coast
of the peninsula is deserted by vessels, save for the few transports
standing further out to sea than usual and half a dozen ships of war.
The peninsula beyond Gaba Tepe had apparently been cleared of the enemy.
The tide of the struggle had passed away. On Thursday, too, I could see
our guns flashing from a hill, firing probably at points northward or
across the strait. Further north our artillery also appeared to be
placed on a high ridge this side of Maidos. What a magic sight the
southern part of the peninsula must present, where even at this distance
the evidence of the havoc of three weeks' daily shell and lead is not
hidden!
The point of the peninsula has become brown under the trampling of men
and guns. Krithia lies a complete and pathetic ruin, and Tree Hill is
scarred with trench and shell holes as far as I can see.
On Thursday the point of greatest activity was in the strait opposite
the conquered portion of the peninsula. It stood out somewhat dim in the
haze of battle, but the smoke and flash of the Allies' guns and the
Turks' answering could be picked out without great difficulty. Added to
this the air was still; the dull thud of the field guns at work there
was different from the resounding boom of the naval guns, and the whirr
of the machine guns could be plainly heard.
Hard work by land and water is going on along the front stretching away
to the left from Erenkeui on the Asiatic side, and the difficulties of
obtaining a substantial footing in that mountainous region had evidently
been overcome. It was apparent that the enemy was putting up a stiff
fight, and at times he must have run his batteries close to the water's
edge.
Early in the afternoon the Turkish gunners managed to explode several
shells on the land near Morto Bay on the European side. A little later
they made the earth and stones of Tree Hill fly up in the air by a few
well-placed shells, but such advances on the part of the enemy were
brief. The warships in the strait instantly turned their guns on the
daring batteries, and such diversions by the enemy were only of brief
duration. Toward sunset a battleship was seen to send two shells against
the cliff edge south of Suvla Bay.
Yesterday the thick smoke of battle still hung over all activities on
the Asiatic side of the waterway. Nearly all the transports had gone,
and most of the warships were engaged in the entrance and further up to
near Kilid Bahr. Only one battleship that I could see was firing from
off the western coast of the peninsula, standing well out off shore near
Krithia. It was evidently firing long-range shells against the foe on
the further side of the Dardanelles.
The land actions had another point of interest yesterday. In the
afternoon very heavy fighting could be noticed far along the Sari Bair,
(about sixteen miles north of the tip of the peninsula,) where the
Australians are. Every now and again waves of smoke blotted out that
part of the landscape. It would clear occasionally to show the hillsides
dotted over with puffs of white. Often against the gray background
spurts of flame would herald the thunder of heavily engaged artillery.
Rifle fire at times, too, could be heard.
The supposition is that our forces in that region, who are forcing their
way across the peninsula, must be near the completion of their task.
From what I have said it will be gathered, I think, that very
substantial progress has been made since operations began three weeks
ago. As one looks at the mountainous and rugged nature of the country
beyond the strait it is evident that the enemy has there favorable
ground for defensive fighting. That region now appears to be the main
point of his struggle.
I learn that the Turkish losses amount to over 80,000 and that 50,000
wounded have been sent to Constantinople.
"War Babies"
[From The Suffragette of London, edited by Christabel Pankhurst, in its
issue of May 7, 1915.]
"The children who are coming into the world must be welcomed
and must be provided with greater, not smaller, advantages,
because they are legally fatherless.
"Why should not these children be brought up under model
conditions, so that they may be the equal in knowledge and
general cultivation of any in the land?
"Every one of them must become a valuable asset to the nation.
But that can only be if they are reared in a generous way.
They are everybody's children, and have a claim on the
community as a whole. The problem of the illegitimate child
has been shirked since the beginning of time. Now it has to be
faced!"
_--From The Suffragette of April 23._
The Women's Social and Political Union, in order to help in solving this
problem, has in view the adoption of a number of "war babies," who will
be reared under model conditions, and provided with a good general
education followed by a training adapted to the natural ability and
special gifts of each individual child.
The children will be brought up together in a home in which they will
receive that loving care which is necessary for their happiness and full
development.
Fuller details of the scheme will be given at a meeting to be addressed
by Mrs. Pankhurst on Thursday afternoon, June 3, at the London
Palladium. In the meantime those wishing to give their financial or
other support are asked to write to Mrs. Pankhurst at Lincoln's Inn
House, Kingsway, London, W.C.
THE EUROPEAN WAR AS SEEN BY CARTOONISTS
[American Cartoon]
[Illustration: Another Scrap of Paper
_--From The Post, Boston._]
[American Cartoon]
[Illustration: The Challenge
_--From The Evening Sun, New York._
UNCLE SAM: "You'll have to start it, William!"]
[American Cartoon]
The Flight of the Eagle
[_--From The World, New York._
Personally Conducted.]
[American Cartoon]
[Illustration: All Flags Look Alike to Him
_--From The Evening Sun, New York._
Strictly Neutral--In Destruction.]
[American Cartoon]
[Illustration: Nearing the Brink
_--From The Republic, St. Louis._
Hold Fast!]
[American Cartoon]
[Illustration: The Announcer
_--From The Herald, New York._
(The Notice on the Bulletin Board is the German Embassy's advertisement
giving warning that travellers who sailed on ships of Great Britain or
her Allies entering the War Zone did so at their own risk.)]
[American Cartoon]
[Illustration: The Sacrifice of Cain
_--From The Sun, New York._
What have you done with your brother Abel?]
[American Cartoon]
[Illustration: Removing the Hyphen
_--From The Times, New York._
Now it must be either one or the other.]
[American Cartoon]
[Illustration: A Misunderstanding
_--From The Evening Sun, New York._
THE ALLIES: "Ouch! Don't you know we've taken the offensive?"]
[English Cartoon]
[Illustration: The Elixir of Hate
_--From Punch, London._
KAISER: "'Fair is foul, and foul is fair;
Hover through the fog and filthy air.'"]