the same illam. The bride and bridegroom must belong to different
illams. In fact, the illams are exogamous. Members of some of the
illams were allowed certain privileges and dignities. Thus, the men
of the Varakat illam (Varaka Tiyans) were in the old days permitted to
travel in a mancheel (a hammock-cot slung on a pole). They were allowed
this privilege of higher caste people, which was prohibited to the
Tiyans of other illams. But, should one of them, when travelling in a
mancheel, happen to see a Rajah or a Nayar, he was obliged to hang one
of his legs out of it in token of submission. The Varaka Tiyans were
further allowed to wear gold jewels on the neck, to don silken cloths,
to fasten a sword round the waist, and to carry a shield. The sword
was made of thin pliable steel, and worn round the waist like a belt,
the point being fastened to the hilt through a small hole near the
point. A man, intending to damage another, might make an apparently
friendly call on him, his body loosely covered with a cloth, and to
all appearances unarmed. In less than a second, he could unfasten the
sword round his waist, and cut the other down. The well-known Mannanar
belonged to the Varakat illam. Those who know Malabar will recall to
mind the benevolent but strange institution which he initiated. He
provided a comfortable home for Nambutiri women who were thrown out
of caste, and thus in the ordinary course of events doomed to every
misery and degradation to be found in life. On being outcasted,
the funeral ceremonies of Nambutiri women were performed by her own
people, and she became dead to them. She went to the Mannanar, and her
birth ceremonies were performed, so that she might begin life anew
in a state of purity. If, on arrival, she entered by the left door,
she was his wife, if by the front door, his sister. It is said that,
when their chief, Mannanar of the Aramana, is destitute of heirs,
the Tiyans of Kolattanad go in procession to the Kurumattur Nambutiri
(the chief of the Peringallur Brahmans) and demand a Brahman virgin
to be adopted as sister of Mannanar, who follows the marumakkatayam
rule of succession. This demand, it is said, used to be granted by
the Nambutiris assembling at a meeting, and selecting a maiden to be
given to the Tiyans.
Kiriyam is said to be a corrupt form of the Sanskrit word griham
(house), but this seems rather fanciful. There are said to have been
about two kiriyams for each village. The names of only three are known
to me, viz., Karumana, Kaita, and Kampathi. There is a village called
Karumana, near the temple of Lakshmipuram in South Canara. Karumana is
applied as a term to signify a Tiyan during the ordinary devil-dancing
in temples, when an oracular utterance is delivered. The oracle always
addresses the Tiyan as "my Karumana," not as "my Tiyan." The only other
use of the word is in Karumana acharam (the customs of the Tiyans).
Other outward and visible differences between Tiyan and Izhuvan
marriages are these. The South Malabar Tiyan bridegroom, dressed as
if for a wrestling match, with his cloth tied tight about his loins,
carries a sword and shield, and is escorted by two companions similarly
equipped, dancing their way along. The Izhuvan does not carry a sword
under any circumstances. The chief feature of his wedding ceremony
is a singing match. This, called the vatil-tura-pattu, or open the
door song, assumes the form of a contest between the parties of the
bridegroom and bride. The story of Krishna and his wife Rukmini
is supposed to be alluded to. We have seen it all under slightly
different colour at Conjeeveram. Krishna asks Rukmini to open the
door, and admit him. She refuses, thinking he has been gallivanting
with some other lady. He beseeches; she refuses. He explains, and at
length she yields. The song is more or less extempore, and each side
must be ready with an immediate answer. The side which is reduced to
the extremity of having no answer is beaten and under ignominy.
I pass on to the subject of personal adornment of the Tiyans:--
(a) North Malabar, Males--
1. A horizontal dab made with white ashes on either side of the
forehead and chest, and on the outside of each shoulder.
2. Two gold ear-rings (kadakkan) in each ear. A silver chain
hanging from the sheath of his knife, and fastened with a boss. Two
tambak (copper, brass and silver) rings on the ring finger of
the left hand.
3. A gold kadakkan in each ear, and an iron ring on the ring
finger of the left hand.
4. A thorn in each ear (another was similarly ornamented). Not
married.
5. A gold ear-ring in each ear. An iron ring on the little finger
of the left hand. Two silver rings, in which is set a piece of hair
from an elephant's tail, on the little finger of the right hand.
A few individuals wore brass rings, and some had ear-rings, in which
a red stone was set. Amulets were worn by some in little cylindrical
cases on a string, to protect the wearer against enemies, the evil
eye, or devils. One man wore a silver girdle, to which an amulet in
a case was fastened, underneath his cloth, so that it was not in view
to the public. One individual only is noted as having been tattooed,
with a circular mark just above his glabella. The arms of a good many,
and the abdomen of a few, bore cicatrices from branding, apparently
for the purpose of making them strong and relieving pains.
(b) South Malabar, Males.
In the country parts, the waist cloth is always worn above the
knee. About a third of the individuals examined wore ear-rings. The
ears of all were pierced. Those who were without ear-rings had no
scruples about wearing them, but were too poor to buy them.
1. Blue spot tattooed over the glabella.
2. Silver amulet-case, containing fifteen gold fanams, at the
waist. He said that he kept the coins in the receptacle for
security, but I think it was for good luck.
3. Ear-ring (kadakkan) in each ear. A copper amulet-case,
containing a yantram to keep off devils, at the waist.
4. Four silver amulet-cases, containing yantrams on a copper
sheet for curing some ailment, at the waist.
5. Two gold kadakkans in each ear. A white spot over the glabella.
(c) North Malabar, Females.
In olden days, the women used to wear coloured and striped cloths round
the waist, and hanging to the knees. The breast was not covered. The
body above the waist was not allowed to be covered, except during the
period of death pollution. Nowadays, white is generally the colour to
be seen, and the body is seldom covered above the waist--never one may
say, except (and then only sometimes) in the towns. The Izhuvan women
in Malabar always wear blue cloths: just one cloth rolled tightly
round the waist, and hanging to the knees. Of late, they have taken
to wearing also a blue cloth drawn tight over the breast.
Ornaments. The thodu, which is now sometimes worn by Tiyan women,
is not a Tiyan ornament. The ear-rings, called kathila and ananthod,
are the Tiyan ornaments, and look like strings of gold beads with
pendants. Discs of white metal or lead are used to stretch and keep
open the dilated lobes of the ears, in which gold ornaments are worn
when necessary or possible. Venetian sequins, real or imitation,
known in Malabar as amada, are largely used for neck ornaments. There
is a Malabar proverb that one need not look for an insect's burrow in
amada, meaning that you cannot find anything vile in a worthy person.
Turning now to the subject of marriage. In the ordinary course of
things, a marriage would not be made between a Tiyan girl of South
Malabar and a Tiyan man of North Malabar, for the reason that the
children of such a marriage would inherit no property from the family
of either parent. The husband would have no share in the property
of his family, which devolves through the women; nor would the wife
have any share in that of her family, which is passed on through the
men. So there would be nothing for the children. But, on the other
hand, marriage between a girl of the north and a man of the south is
a different thing. The children would inherit from both parents. As a
rule, Tiyans of the north marry in the north, and those of the south
in the south.
It was generally admitted that it was formerly the custom among the
Tiyans in South Malabar for several brothers--in fact all of them--to
share one wife. Two existing instances of this custom were recorded.
The arrangement of a marriage, and the ceremonial which will now
be described, though pertaining strictly to the Calicut taluk
of South Malabar, are sufficiently representative of a Tiyan
marriage anywhere. There is, however, this difference, that, in
North Malabar, where inheritance through females obtains, and the
wife invariably resides in her own tarwad or family home, there is
never any stipulation concerning a girl's dowry. In South Malabar,
where inheritance is through the males, and where the wife lives in
her husband's house, the dowry in money, jewels, or furniture, is as a
rule settled beforehand, and must be handed over on the wedding day. In
the Calicut taluk, we find an exception to this general rule of South
Malabar, where the subject of the dowry is not usually mentioned. In
North Malabar, gifts of jewels are made in proportion as the bride's
people are wealthy and generous. What is given is in the way of a gift,
and forms no feature in the marital agreement.
The first step to be taken in connection with marriage is examination
of the horoscopes of the boy and girl, in order to ascertain whether
their union will be one of happiness or the reverse. While this is
being done by the Panikkar (Malabar astrologer), the following persons
should be present:--
(a) On the part of the bridegroom--
1. Tandan, or chief of the tara.
2. Father, or other elder in the family.
3. Uncle, i.e., the mother's brother. In Malabar the word uncle
means maternal uncle.
4. Sisters' husbands.
5. Four or more friends or companions.
6. Any number of relations and friends.
(b) On the part of the bride--
1. Tandan of her tara.
2. Father,or other guardian.
3. Uncle.
4. Four or more friends.
5. The astrologer of her tara.
6. Friends and relations.
The ceremony must be performed at the house of the girl's family. Her
father's consent is necessary, but his presence is not essential
at this or the two subsequent ceremonies in connection with the
marriage. The Tandan, it may be noted, is the caste governmental head
in all matters affecting his own caste and the artisans. He is a Tiyan,
and his office, which is authorised by the local Rajah, or rather by
his senior Rani, is hereditary. In exceptional cases, however, the
hereditary right may be interrupted by the Rani appointing some one
else. The Tandan of the tara is required to assist at every ceremony
connected with marriage, at the ceremony when a girl attains puberty,
at that of tying the tali, and at the fifth and seventh months of
pregnancy. His formal permission is required before the carpenter
can cut down the areca palm, with which the little shed in which the
tali is tied is constructed. In cases of divorce, his functions are
important. When a new house is built, there must be a house-warming
ceremony, at which the Tandan officiates. Fowls are sacrificed, and
the right leg is the Tandan's perquisite. He is a man of importance,
not only in many affairs within his own caste, but also in those of
other castes. Thus, when a Nayar dies, it is the Tandan's duty to get
the body burnt. He controls the washerman and barber of the tara, and
can withdraw their services when they are most needed. He officiates,
moreover, at marriages of the artisan class--carpenters, braziers,
goldsmiths and blacksmiths.
A group of taras forms what is called a desam, the koyma or
"sovereignty" of which is represented by a Nayar tarwad. It is through
the head or Karnavan (really the chieftain) of this tarwad that the
Tandan approaches the Raja in matters of appeal, and the like. The
Tandan is to some extent under his guidance and control, but he
must provide the Tandan with a body-guard of two Nayars on occasions
of marriages. In the old days, it may be mentioned, the Tandans of
the taras within the rule of the Zamorin were always appointed by
his senior Rani. The term Tandan must not be confounded with the
Tandars, a people of the Palghat taluk, who appear to be allied to
the Izhuvans. These Tandars observe the custom of paternal polyandry,
while the Izhuvans abhor it.
The procedure observed in the examination of horoscopes is as
follows. The Tandan of the bride's tara gives a grass or palmyra palm
leaf mat to the astrologer to sit on, and supplies mats or seats for
the bridegroom's party. The common sleeping mat of wild pine leaves,
or a wooden stool, must, on no account, be given for the astrologer
to sit on. It may be day or night when the ceremony takes place,
but, whatever the hour may be, a lamp having five, seven, nine, or
eleven cotton wicks, must be burning in front of the astrologer. The
Tandan's wife puts it in its place. Then the boy's uncle hands over
the boy's horoscope to his Tandan, who passes it on to the girl's
Tandan. The girl's father hands her horoscope to their Tandan, who,
when he has received them both, passes them on to the astrologer. The
two horoscopes should agree on twenty-one points--a requirement
which might prove awkward, were it not that a balance in favour of
beneficent influences is generally allowed to admit of the marriage
taking place. In the case of agreement, the boy's uncle, through
his Tandan, then pays two fanams [20] (eight annas)--one for each
horoscope--to the astrologer. When there is disagreement, the girl's
uncle pays the money. The horoscopes (which have been privately
examined beforehand to make sure of no disagreement) are returned
to their respective owners. After the examination of the horoscope,
there is a feast with plenty of sweetmeats. The next item is the conjee
(rice gruel) ceremony, at which the following should be present:--
(a) On the part of the boy--
1. Father, his brother, or some one representing him.
2. Husbands of all married sisters.
3. Uncle.
4. Tandan of his tara.
5. Neighbours and friends.
(b) On the part of the girl--
1. Uncle.
2. Relations of married sisters.
3. Relations of married brothers.
4. Tandan of her tara.
5. Astrologer of her tara.
6. Relations and friends.
The horoscopes are again formally examined by the astrologer, who
announces that their agreement augurs a happy wedded life. The boy's
uncle pays him two fanams. The girl's uncle takes the two horoscopes,
which have just been tied together, from the astrologer, and hands them
to the Tandan of the girl's tara, who passes them on to the Tandan
of the boy's tara. They are handed by him to the boy's uncle. The
astrologer then writes on a palmyra leaf a note for each party to the
marriage, stating the auspicious day and hour for the final ceremony,
the hour at which the bride should leave her house, and the hour for
her arrival at the house of the bridegroom. The following programme
is then gone through. In the verandah, facing east, before the front
door, is spread an ordinary sleeping mat, over it a grass mat, and
over that a plain white cloth which has been washed and is not a new
one. On the floor close by, the following articles are placed:--
A lamp, having an odd number of cotton wicks, which is kept lighted
whatever the hour of day it may be;
A measure, called nazhi, made of jak tree (Artocarpus integrifolia)
wood, filled to overflowing with rice, and placed on a flat bell-metal
plate (talika);
A plain white cloth, washed but not new, neatly folded, and placed
on the metal plate to the right (south) of the rice;
A small bell-metal vessel (kindi), having no handle, filled with water.
The lamp is placed on the south side of the mat, the plate next to it
(to the north), and the kindi at a little distance to the left (the
north). The people who sit on the mat always face the east. The mat
having been spread, the various articles just mentioned are brought
from the central room of the house by three women, who set them
in their places. The Tandan's wife carries the lamp, the eldest
woman of the house the bell-metal plate, and some other woman the
kindi. The Tandan of the boy's tara, the boy's sister's husband,
and a friend then sit on the mat covered with a cloth. If the boy
has two brothers-in-law, both sit on the mat, to the exclusion of the
friend. The senior woman of the house then hands three plates of rice
conjee to the Tandan of the girl's tara, who places them in front
of the three persons seated on the mat. To the right of each plate,
a little jaggery (unrefined sugar) is placed on a piece of plantain
leaf. Each of those seated takes about a spoonful of conjee in his
right hand. The Tandan repeats the formula, which has already been
given, and asks "May the conjee be drunk"? He answers his question by
drinking some of the conjee, and eating a little jaggery. All three
then partake of the conjee and jaggery, after which they rise from
the mat, and the plates and mat are removed. The place is cleaned,
and the mats are again put down, while betel is distributed. The two
Tandans then sit on the mat. The girl's Tandan picks up a bundle of
about twenty-five betel leaves, and gives half to the boy's Tandan. The
Tandans exchange betel leaves, each giving the other four. The boy's
Tandan then folds four fanams (one rupee) in four betel leaves,
which he hands to the girl's Tandan, saying "May the conjee ceremony
be performed"? The Tandans again exchange betel leaves as before,
and distribute them to all the castemen present, beginning with the
uncles of the boy and girl. The proceedings in the verandah are now
over. The next part of the ceremony takes place in the middle room
of the house, where the mats, lamp, and other articles are arranged
as before. The two Tandans sit on the mat with the boy on the right
and the girl on the left, facing east. The boy's uncle stands in
front of the Tandans, facing west, and the girl's uncle behind
them, facing east. The boy's father gives to the boy's uncle two
new plain white cloths, with twenty-one fanams (Rs. 5-4) placed on
them. When presenting them, he says "Let the Adayalam be performed"
three times, and the girl's uncle says thrice "Let me receive the
Adayalam." The Tandans again exchange betel leaves, and distribute
them among the castemen. Then follows a feast, and more betel. The
date of the wedding has now to be fixed. They congregate in the middle
room once more, and the Tandans sit on the mat. The girl's Tandan
shares a bundle of betel leaves with the boy's Tandan, who, taking
therefrom four leaves, places two rupees on them, and gives them to
the girl's Tandan. The boy's party supplies this money, which is a
perquisite of the Tandan. When handing over the leaves and the coins,
the boy's Tandan says "On ... (naming a date) ... and ... (the bride
and bridegroom), and friends, and four women will come. Then you must
give us the girl, and you must prepare the food for that day." The
other Tandan replies "If you bring six cloths and forty-two fanams
(Rs. 10-8) as kanam, and two fanams for the muchenan (the girl's
father's sister's son), the girl will be sent to you." The cloths
should be of a kind called enna kacha, each four cubits in length,
but they are not now procurable. Kanam is a term used in land tenures,
for which there is no precise equivalent in English. It is a kind
of mortgage paid by a tenant to a landlord. The former is liable to
eviction by the latter, when he obtains better terms for his land from
another tenant--a condition of modern growth breeding much mischief and
bad blood. But, when a tenant is evicted, he is entitled, according
to law, to the value of certain improvements on the land, including
eight annas for each tree which he has planted. The kanam is paid by
the boy's sister or sisters. His Tandan addresses his brother-in-law
or brothers-in-law in the words "On ... (mentioning a date), you must
come early in the day, with Rs. 10-8 as kanam," and gives him or them
four betel leaves. Those assembled then disperse. The boy's people may
not go to the girl's house before the day appointed for the marriage.
The next item in connection with a marriage is the issue of invitations
to the wedding. The senior women of the boy's house, and the Tandan,
invite a few friends to assemble at the house of the bridegroom. The
mat, lamp, and other articles are placed in the middle room. The
bridegroom (manavalan) sits on the mat, with a friend on either side
of him. He has previously bathed, and horizontal daubs of sandal paste
have been placed on his forehead, breast, and arms. He wears a new
cloth, which has not been washed. His Tandan has adorned him with
a gold bracelet on his right wrist, a knife with a gold or silver
handle at the waist, and a gold or silver waist-belt or girdle over
the loin-cloth. The bracelet must have an ornamental pattern, as
plain bracelets are not worn by men. The girdle is in the form of a
chain. Besides these things, he must wear ear-rings, and he should have
rings on his fingers. His sister who pays the kanam dresses in the same
style, but her cloths may be of silk, white without a pattern in the
border, and she wears gold bracelets on both wrists. All enjoy a good
meal, and then set out, and visit first the house of the Tandan. He and
his wife walk in front, followed by the boy's elder sisters, if he has
any. Then comes the bridegroom with a friend before and behind him,
with a few women bringing up the rear. At the Tandan's house there
is another meal, and then three, five, or seven houses are visited,
and invitation to the wedding given in person. The proceedings for
the day are then over, and, after three days, the brother-in-law,
uncle, and all others receive invitations.