"a Canarese synonym for the Tamil Palli; applied also by the Canarese
people to any Tamil Sudras of the lower castes." In parts of the Mysore
country, the Tamil language is called Tigalu, and the Canarese Madhva
Brahmans speak of Tamil Smarta Brahmans as Tigalaru.
Some of the Tigalas, who have settled in Mysore, have forgotten
their mother-tongue, and speak only Canarese, while others, e.g.,
those who live round about Bangalore, still speak Tamil. In their
type of cranium they occupy a position intermediate between the
dolichocephalic Pallis and the sub-brachy cephalic Canarese classes.
The difference in the type of cranium of the Tigalas and Tamil
Pallis is clearly brought by the following tabular statements of
their cephalic indices:--
a. Tigala--
68 *
69
70
71 *
72 *****
73 ****
74 *
75 *
76 *****
77 ****
78 *****
79 ***
80 ***
81 ****
82 *
83
84 **
b. Palli--
64 *
65
66
67 **
68 *
69 *
70 *
71 ****
72 *****
73 *******
74 ****
75 ********
76 *
77 *
78 *
79 **
80 *
The Tigalas are kitchen and market gardeners, and cultivate the betel
vine. They apparently have three divisions, called Ulli (garlic or
onions), Ele (leaf), and Arava (Tamil). Among the Ulli Tigalas,
several sub-divisions, and septs or budas named after deities or
prominent members of the caste, exist, e.g.:--
I. Lakkamma--
Tota devaru (garden god).
Dodda devaru (big or chief god).
Dodda Narasayya.
Dodda Nanjappa.
II. Ellamma--
Narasayya.
Muddanna.
III. Sidde devaru.
The Tigalas have a headman, whose office is hereditary, and who
is assisted by a caste servant called Mudre. Council meetings are
usually held at a fixed spot, called goni mara katte or mudre goni
mara katte, because those summoned by the Mudre assemble beneath a goni
(Ficus mysorensis) tree, round which a stone platform is erected. The
tree and platform being sacred, no one may go there on wearing shoes
or sandals. The members of council sit on a woollen blanket spread
before the tree.
Like the Pallis or Vanniyans, the Tigalas call themselves Agni Vanni,
and claim to be descended from the fire-born hero Agni Banniraya. In
connection with the Tigalas who have settled in the Bombay Presidency,
it is noted [14] that "they are a branch of the Mysore Tigalas, who
are Tamil Palli emigrants from the Madras Presidency, and, like the
Palli, claim a Kshatriya origin." The Tigalas possess a manuscript,
said to be a copy of a sasana at Conjeeveram (Kanchi), from which the
following extracts are taken. "This is a Kanchi sasana published by
Aswaththa Narayanswami, who was induced to do so by the god Varadaraja
of Conjeeveram. This sasana is written to acquaint the descendants
of the Mahapurusha Agni Banniraya with the origin, doings, and gotra
of their ancestor Banniraya. This Banniraya sprang from fire, and
so is much beloved by Vishnu the many-armed, the many-eyed, and the
bearer of the chank and chakram, and who is no other than Narayana,
the lord of all the worlds great and small, and the originator of
the Vedas and Vedanta.... All those who see or worship this sasana
relating to Agni Banniraya, who obtained boons from the Trimurthis,
Devatas, and Rishis, and who is the ancestor of the Tigalas, will be
prosperous, and have plenty of grain and children. Those who speak
lightly of this caste will become subject to the curses of Banniraya,
Trimurthis, Rishis, and Devas. The glory of this sasana is great,
and is as follows:--The keeping and worshipping of this purana will
enable the Tigalas of the Karnataka country to obtain the merit of
surapadavi (the state of Devas), merit of doing puja to a thousand
lingams, a lakh of cow gifts, and a hundred kannikadanams (gifts of
virgins for marriage)." The sasana is said to have been brought to
the Canarese country because of a quarrel between the Pallis and the
Tigalas at the time of a Tigala marriage. The Tigalas were prevented
from bringing the various biruthus (insignia), and displaying them. The
sasana was brought by the Tigalas, at an expenditure of Rs. 215,
which sum was subsequently recovered from the Pallis.
Tigala occurs further as the name of a sub-division of Holeya.
Tikke (gem).--A gotra of Kurni.
Ti (fire) Kollan.--A sub-division of Kollan.
Tinda (polluting).--A sub-division of Kanisan. Tinda Kuruppu, meaning
a teacher who cannot approach, is a synonym of the Kavutiyan barber
caste.
Tiperum (ti, fire).--A sub-division of Kollan blacksmiths.
Tiragati Gantlavallu (wandering bell hunters).--Stated, in the Manual
of the Vizagapatam district, to repair hand-mills, catch antelopes,
and sell the skins thereof. In hunting, they use lights and bells.
Tirlasetti (the name of a Balija Chetti).--An exogamous sept of Yanadi.
Tirumalpad.--Tirumalpad has been summed up as "one of the four
divisions of Kshatriyas in Travancore. The term, in its literal sense,
conveys the idea of those who wait before kings. In mediæval times the
Tirumalpads were commanders of armies." By Mr. Wigram [15] Tirumalpad
is defined as a member of a Royal Family. In the Madras Census Report,
1891, it is stated that "there are two Tirumalpads, one a Samanta,
and the other a so-called Kshatriya. The former observes customs and
manners exactly similar to Eradis and Nedungadis. In fact, these are
all more or less interchangeable terms, members of the same family
calling themselves indifferently Eradi or Tirumalpad. The Kshatriya
Tirumalpad wears the sacred thread, and the rites he performs are
similar to those of Brahmans, whose dress he has also adopted. He has,
however, like Nayars, tali-kettu and sambandham separately. His females
take Nambudiri consorts by preference, but may have husbands of their
own caste. Their inheritance is in the female line, as among Nayars
and Samantas. Generally the females of this caste furnish wives to
Nambudiris. The touch of these females does not pollute a Nambudiri
as does that of Nayars and Samantas, and, what is more, Nambudiris
may eat their food. The females are called Nambashtadiri."
For the following note on Tampans and Tirumalpads, I am indebted
to the Travancore Census Report, 1901. "The Tampans and Tirumalpats
come under the category of Malabar Kshatriyas.The word Tampan is a
contraction of Tampuran, and at one time denoted a ruling people. When
they were divested of that authority by the Ilayetattu Svarupam, they
are said to have fallen from the status of Tampurans to Tampans. Their
chief seat is the Vaikam taluk. The Tirumalpats do not seem to have
ruled at all. The word Tirumulpatu indicates those that wait before
kings. There is an old Sanskrit verse, which describes eight classes
of Kshatriyas as occupying Kerala from very early times, namely
(1) Bhupala or Maha Raja, such as those of Travancore and Cochin,
(2) Rajaka or Rajas, such as those of Mavelikara and Kotungallur,
(3) Kosi or Koiltampuran, (4) Puravan or Tampan, (5) Sripurogama or
Tirumulpat, (6) Bhandari or Pantarattil, (7) Audvahika or Tirumalpat,
(8) Cheta or Samanta. From this list it may be seen that two classes
of Tirumulpats are mentioned, namely, Sripurogamas who are the waiters
at the Raja's palace, and the Audvahikas who perform Udvaha or wedding
ceremony for certain castes. Both these, however, are identical people,
though varying in their traditional occupations. The chief seats of
the Tirumulpats are Shertallay and Tiruvalla."
The Tampans and Tirumulpats are, for all purposes of castes, identical
with other Malabar Kshatriyas. Every Tampan in Travancore is related
to every other Tampan, and all are included within one circle of
death and birth pollution. Their manners and customs, too, are
exactly like those of other Kshatriyas. They are invested with the
sacred thread at the sixteenth year of age, and recite the Gayatri
(hymn) ten times thrice a day. The Nambutiri is the family priest,
and (death) pollution lasts for eleven days. The Kettukalyanam, or
tali-tying ceremony, may be performed between the seventh and the
fourteenth year of age. The tali is tied by the Aryappattar, while
the Namputiris recite the Vedic hymns. Their consorts are usually
Namputiris, and sometimes East Coast Brahmans. Like all the Malabar
Kshatriyas, they follow the marumakkathayam system of inheritance
(through the female line). Tampans and Tirumulpats are often the
personal attendants of the Travancore Maharajas, whom they serve with
characteristic fidelity and devotion.The Tirumulpats further perform
the tali-tying ceremony of the Nayar aristocracy.
The names of the Tirumulpats and Tampans are the same as those of other
classes of Kshatriyas. The title Varma is uniformly added to their
names. A few families among these, who once had ruling authority,
have the titular suffix Bhandarattil, which is corrupted into
Pantarattil. The Tampans call themselves in documents Koviladhikarikal,
as they once had authority in kovils or palaces.
Tiruman (holy deer).--An exogamous section of Kallan.
Tirumudi (holy knot).--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901,
as "bricklayers, whose women are usually prostitutes; found chiefly in
Salem and Coimbatore. They are either Vettuvans or Kaikolans. Kaikolan
women, when they are dedicated to the temple, are supposed to be
united in wedlock with the deity.
Tiruvalluvan.--A sub-division of Valluvan. Tiruvalluvar, the author
of the Kural, is said to have belonged to the Valluva caste.
Tiru-vilakku-nagarattar (dwellers in the city of holy lamps).--A name
assumed by Vaniyans (oil-pressers).
Tiyadi.--A synonym of the Tiyattunni section of Ambalavasis (see Unni).
Tiyan.--The Tiyans, and Izhuvans or Iluvans, are the Malayalam
toddy-drawing castes of Malabar, Cochin, and Travancore. The following
note, except where otherwise indicated, is taken from an account of
the Tiyans of Malabar by Mr. F. Fawcett.
The Tiyans in Malabar number, according to the census returns,
512,063, or 19·3 per cent. of the total population. The corresponding
figures for the Izhuvans are 101,638, or 3·8 per cent. The Tiyans
have been summed up [16] as the middle class of the west coast, who
cultivate the ground, take service as domestics, and follow trades
and professions--anything but soldiering, of which they have an
utter abhorrence.
The marumakkatayam system (inheritance through the female line), which
obtains in North Malabar, has favoured temporary connections between
European men and Tiyan women, the children belonging to the mother's
tarvad. Children bred under these conditions, European influence
continuing, are often as fair as Europeans. It is recorded, in the
Report of the Malabar Marriage Commission, 1894, that "in the early
days of British rule, the Tiyan women incurred no social disgrace
by consorting with Europeans, and, up to the last generation,
if the Sudra girl could boast of her Brahman lover, the Tiyan
girl could show more substantial benefits from her alliance with a
white man of the ruling race. Happily, the progress of education,
and the growth of a wholesome public opinion, have made shameful
the position of a European's concubine; and both races have thus
been saved from a mode of life equally demoralising to each." On
this point, Mr. L. K. Anantha Krishna Iyer writes as follows. [17]
"It is true that there is an elevation both physically and mentally
in the progeny of such a parentage. On making enquiries about this, I
learn from a respectable and educated Tiyan gentleman that this union
is looked upon with contempt by the respectable class of people, and
by the orthodox community. I am further informed that such women and
children, with their families, are under a ban, and that respectable
Tiya gentlemen who have married the daughters of European parentage are
not allowed to enjoy the privileges of the caste. There are, I hear,
several such instances in Calicut, Tellicherry, and Cannanore. Women of
respectable families do not enter into such connection with Europeans."
It is commonly supposed that the Tiyans and Izhuvans came from
Ceylon. It is recorded, in the South Canara Manual, that "it is well
known that both before and after the Christian era there were invasions
and occupations of the northern part of Ceylon by the races then
inhabiting Southern India, and Malabar tradition tells us that some
of these Dravidians migrated again from Iram or Ceylon northwards to
Travancore and other parts of the west coast of India, bringing with
them the cocoanut or southern tree (tengina mara), and being known as
Tivars (islanders) or Iravars, which names have since been altered to
Tiyars and Ilavars. Dr. Caldwell derives Iram from the Sanskrit Simhala
through the Pali Sihala by the omission of the initial S." It is noted
by Bishop Caldwell [18] that there are traces of a common origin of the
Iluvans and Shanars, Shanar (or Shener), for instance, being a title
of honour amongst the Travancore Ilavars. And it is further recorded
[19] that there is a tradition that the Shanars came originally from
Ceylon. The Izhuvans are supposed to derive their caste name from
Izha dwipa (island) or Simhala dwipa (both denoting Ceylon). In a
Tamil Puranic work, quoted by Mr. Anantha Krishna Iyer, mention is
made of a King Illa of Ceylon, who went to Chidambaram in the Tamil
country of Southern India, where a religious discussion took place
between the Buddhist priests and the Saivite devotee Manickavachakar
in the presence of King Illa, with the result that he was converted
to the Saivite faith. From him the Iluvans are said to be descended.
The Tiyans are always styled Izhuvan in documents concerning land,
in which the Zamorin, or some Brahman or Nayar grandee, appears as
landlord. The Tiyans look down on the Izhuvans, and repudiate the
relationship. Yet they cannot but submit to be called Izhuvan in their
documents, for their Nayar or Brahman landlord will not let them have
the land to cultivate, unless they do so. It is a custom of the country
for a man of a superior caste to pretend complete ignorance of the
caste of an individual lower in the social scale. Thus, in the Wynad,
where there are several jungle tribes, one is accustomed to hear
a man of superior caste pretending that he does not know a Paniyan
from a Kurumba, and deliberately miscalling one or the other, saying
"This Paniyan," when he knows perfectly well that he is a Kurumba. It
is quite possible, therefore, that, though Tiyans are written down as
Izhuvans, the two were not supposed to be identical. State regulations
keep the Izhuvans of Cochin and Travancore in a position of marked
social inferiority, and in Malabar they are altogether unlettered
and uncultured. On the other hand, the Tiyans of Malabar provide
Magistrates, Sub-Judges, and other officials to serve His Majesty's
Government. It may be noted that, in 1907, a Tiya lady matriculate
was entertained as a clerk in the Tellicherry post-office.
A divagation must be made, to bring the reader to a comprehension of
the custom surrounding mattu, a word signifying change, i.e., change of
cloth, which is of sufficient importance to demand explanation. When
a man or woman is outcasted, the washerwoman (or man) and the barber
of the community (and no other is available) are prohibited from
performing their important parts in the ceremonies connected with
birth, death, and menstruation. A person who is in a condition of
impurity is under the same conditions; he or she is temporarily
outcasted. This applies to Nambutiris and Nayars, as well as to the
Tiyans. Now the washerwoman is invariably of the Tiyan caste. There are
Mannans, whose hereditary occupation is washing clothes for Nambutiris
and Nayars, but, for the most part, the washerwoman who washes for
the Nayar lady is of the Tiyan caste. A woman is under pollution after
giving birth to a child, after the death of a member of her tarvad, and
during menstruation. And the pollution must be removed at the end of
the prescribed period, or she remains an outcaste--a very serious thing
for her. The impurity is removed by receiving a clean cloth from the
washerwoman, and giving in exchange her own cloth to be washed. This is
mattu, and, be it noted, the cloth which gives mattu is one belonging
to the washerwoman, not to the person to be purified. The washerwoman
gives her own cloth to effect the purification. Theoretically, the
Tiyan has the power to give or withhold mattu, and thus keep any one
out of caste in a state of impurity; but it is a privilege which is
seldom if ever exercised. Yet it is one which he admittedly holds,
and is thus in a position to exercise considerable control over the
Nambutiri and Nayar communities. It is odd that it is not a soiled
cloth washed and returned to the person which gives purification, but
one of the washerwoman's own cloths. So the mattu may have a deeper
meaning than lies in mere change of cloth, dressing in a clean one,
and giving the soiled one to a person of inferior caste to wash. This
mattu is second in importance to no custom. It must be done on the last
day of pollution after birth and death ceremonies, and menstruation,
or the person concerned remains outcasted. It is noteworthy that the
Izhuvans know nothing of mattu.
An Izhuvan will eat rice cooked by a Tiyan, but a Tiyan will not eat
rice cooked by an Izhuvan--a circumstance pointing to the inferiority
of the Izhuvan. A Nayar, as well as a Tiyan, will partake of almost
any form of food or drink, which is prepared even by a Mappilla
(Malabar Muhammadan), who is deemed inferior to both. But the line is
drawn at rice, which must be prepared by one of equal caste or class,
or by a superior. An Izhuvan, partaking of rice at a Tiyan's house,
must eat it in a verandah; he cannot do so in the house, as that
would be defilement to the Tiyan. Not only must the Izhuvan eat the
rice in the verandah, but he must wash the plates, and clean up the
place where he has eaten. Again, an Izhuvan could have no objection
to drinking from a Tiyan's well. Further, there is practically no
mixture in the distribution of Tiyans and Izhuvans. Where there are
Izhuvans there are no Tiyans, and vice versâ. [In a photograph of
a group of Izhuvan females of Palghat eating their meal, which was
sent to me, they are all in a kneeling posture, with the buttocks
supported on the heels. They are said to assume the same attitude
when engaged in grinding and winnowing grain, and other occupations,
with a resultant thickening of the skin over the knees.]
Differences, which might well come under the heading marriage, may be
considered here, for the purpose of comparison between the Tiyans and
Izhuvans. During the preliminaries to the marriage ceremony among the
Tiyans, the date of the marriage having been fixed in the presence of
the representatives of the bride and bridegroom, the following formula
is repeated by the Tandan or headman of the bride's party. Translated
as accurately as possible, it runs thus. "The tara and changati of
both sides having met and consulted; the astrologer having fixed an
auspicious day after examining the star and porutham; permission
having been obtained from the tara, the relations, the illam and
kulam, the father, uncle, and the brothers, and from the eight and
four (twelve illams) and the six and four (ten kiriyams); the conji
and adayalam ceremonies and the four tazhus having been performed,
let me perform the kanjikudi ceremony for the marriage of ... the son
of ... with ... daughter of ... in the presence of muperium." This
formula, with slight variations here and there, is repeated at every
Tiyan marriage in South Malabar. It is a solemn declaration, giving
validity to the union, although, in the way that custom and ritual
survive long after their original significance has been forgotten,
the meaning of many of the terms used is altogether unknown. What,
for instance, is the meaning of muperium? No one can tell. But a few
of the terms are explainable.
Tara. The tara was the smallest unit in the ancient government system,
which, for want of a better term, we may style feudal. It was not
exactly a village, for the people lived apart. Each tara had its
Nayar chieftain, and also its Tiyan chief or Tandan, its astrologer,
its washerman, its goldsmith, and other useful people, each serving
the community for the sake of small advantages. Each tara was its
own world.
Changati (friend). The friends of both parties which negotiated
the marriage.
Porutham (agreement). Examination of the horoscopes of the boy and
girl makes it possible to ascertain whether there is agreement between
the two, and the union will be propitious.
Illam. Here intended to mean the father's family.
Kulam. The name, derived from kula a branch, here denotes the mother's
family.
Twelve illams, ten kiriyams. The word illam, now used exclusively for
the residence of a Nambutiri, is supposed to have been used in days
of old for the house of a person of any caste. And this supposition is
said to find support in the way that a Tiyan coming from the south is
often greeted in South Canara. Thus, a Malabar Tiyan, travelling to
the celebrated temple at Gokarnam in South Canara, is at once asked
"What is your illam and kiriyam?" He has heard these terms used in
the foregoing formula during his own or another's marriage ceremony,
but attached no meaning to them. To the man of South Canara they
have genuine meaning. One should be able to answer the question
satisfactorily, and thus give a proper account of himself. If
he cannot, he gets neither food nor water from the South Canara
Tiyan. This also holds good, to some extent, in the case of a southern
Tiyan visiting the northern parts of the Cherakal taluk of Malabar.
The ten illams of South Malabar are as follows:--
Tala Kodan.
Nellika (Phyllanthus Emblica).
Paraka or Varaka.
Ala.
Ten Kudi or Tenan Kudi.
Padayan Kudi.
Kannan.
Varakat.
Kytat inferior.
Puzhampayi or Bavu
The illams of North Malabar are said to be--
Nellika.
Pullanhi.
Vangeri.
Koyikkalan.
Padayam Kudi.
Tenan Kudi.
Manan Kudi.
Vilakkan Kudi.