uneasy about Virginius Rufus, who had not declared his intentions, and,
who, being at the head of a great and warlike army, with the glory of
having overthrown Vindex and made himself master of a great part of the
Roman Empire, was not unlikely to listen to the solicitations of those
who wished him to assume the purple, especially as the whole of Gaul was
in an excited condition and ready to revolt. No name was greater or more
glorious than that of Virginius, who was credited with having saved Rome
both from a cruel tyranny and from a war with Gaul. He, however,
according to his original intention, referred the choice of an emperor
to the Senate; though when the death of Nero was known the soldiers
renewed their solicitation of Virginius to make himself emperor, and one
of the tribunes who attended him in his tent drew his sword, and bade
Virginius choose between the steel and the throne. But when Fabius
Valens, the commander of one legion, swore allegiance to Galba, and
dispatches arrived from Rome containing an account of what the Senate
had decreed, Virginius, though not without difficulty, prevailed upon
his soldiers to salute Galba as emperor; and when Galba sent Hordeonius
Flaccus to supersede him, he received him as his successor, delivered
up the troops to him, met Galba, who was now on the march for Rome, and
joined him without receiving from him any token either of favour or
resentment. Galba respected Virginius too much to injure him, and Titus
Vinius and Galba's other adherents opposed his advancement out of
jealousy, though in truth they only assisted the good genius of
Virginius in withdrawing him from the wars and troubles in which all the
other commanders were involved, and enabling him to live in peaceful
retirement to a good old age.
XI. At Narbo, a city of Gaul,[605] Galba was met by envoys from the
Senate, who greeted him and invited him to show himself as soon as
possible to his people who were eager to behold him. Galba showed the
envoys every kindness and hospitality, but at his entertainments would
only use his own plate and other things, though Nymphidius had forwarded
from Nero's stores sumptuous services of everything necessary for great
banquets, and the imperial household servants. By this conduct Galba
gained the reputation of being a magnanimous man, above any ideas of
vulgar ostentation; but Vinius presently told him that this noble and
patriotic simplicity seemed merely an artifice to gain popularity with
the lower classes, and that it was affectation to behave as though he
were not worthy of this magnificence. By these arguments Vinius
prevailed upon him to use Nero's riches, and not to shrink from an
imperial extravagance at his banquets. Indeed the old man seemed as
though by degrees he would come to be altogether ruled by Vinius.
XII. This Vinius was more passionately fond of money than any one else
of his time, and by no means free from blame in respect of women. When a
young man, serving on his first campaign under Calvisius Sabinus, he
introduced his general's wife, a dissolute woman, into the camp
disguised as a soldier, and passed the night with her in the general's
headquarters, which the Romans call the "Principia." For this outrage
Caius Cæsar imprisoned him; but on the death of Caius he was fortunate
enough to obtain his release. Once when dining with the emperor Claudius
he stole a silver cup. When Claudius heard of it he asked him to dinner
on the following day, but when he came ordered the attendants to serve
him entirely from earthenware, not from silver. Cæsar by this comic
punishment showed that he regarded him as more worthy of ridicule than
of serious anger; but when he had obtained complete control over Galba,
and was the most powerful man in the empire, his passion for money led
him into acts which partly caused and partly led others to bring about
the most tragic scenes of sorrow.
XIII. Nymphidius, as soon as Gellianus, whom he had sent as a spy upon
Galba, was returned, learned from him that Cornelius Laco was appointed
præfect of the palace and of the prætorian guard, but that all real
power was in the hands of Vinius.[606] Gellianus also said that he had
had no opportunity of meeting Galba, and of conversing privately with
him. At this news Nymphidius was much alarmed. He assembled the officers
of the prætorians, and addressed them, saying that Galba himself was a
kind and moderate old man, but that he never acted according to his own
judgment and was entirely led astray by Vinius and Laco. "Before these
men, therefore," he continued, "insensibly obtain for themselves the
position and influence which was formerly enjoyed by Tigellinus, it is
our duty to send an embassy from the prætorian guard to our chief, to
inform him that he will be more acceptable to us and more popular if he
removes these two of his friends from his court." As this language was
not approved, for indeed it seemed a strange and unheard of proceeding,
to lecture an old general upon the choice of his friends, as though he
were a young boy just appointed to his first command, Nymphidius tried
another course, and attempted to intimidate Galba by writing letters to
him, in which he at one time declared that Rome was in an excited and
disaffected condition, and at another that Clodius Macer had laid an
embargo on the corn-ships in African ports, and that the German legions
were rising in revolt, and that he heard much the same news about the
troops in Syria and Judæa. As Galba did not pay much attention to his
letters or attach much credit to the assertions which they contained, he
resolved to make his attempt before Galba's arrival, though Clodius
Celsus of Antioch, who was a sensible man and a faithful friend,
dissuaded him, saying that he did not believe that there was one single
family in Rome that would address Nymphidius as Cæsar. Many, however,
scoffed at Galba, and Mithridates of Pontus[607] in particular, sneering
at his bald head and wrinkled face, said that the Romans thought a great
deal of Galba, now that he was absent, but that when he came they would
think him a disgrace to the age that called him Cæsar.
XIV. It was now determined that Nymphidius should be conducted to the
camp of the prætorians at midnight and there proclaimed emperor. Towards
evening Antonius Honoratus, the first military tribune, assembled the
soldiers under his command and addressed them, beginning by blaming
himself and them for having in a short time so often changed their
allegiance, which they had done, not according to any fixed plan, or in
order to choose the best masters, but as though they were driven to
commit one treason after another by some infatuation sent by the gods.
Their desertion of Nero was indeed justified by his crimes; but they
could not accuse Galba of having murdered his mother or his wife; nor
could they allege that he had ever disgraced the purple by appearing on
the stage. "Yet," he continued, "it was not any of these things that
made us desert Nero, but Nymphidius persuaded us into doing so when Nero
had already deserted us and fled to Egypt. Shall we then kill Galba as
well as Nero? Shall we choose the son of Nymphidia for our emperor, and
slay the son of Livia as we slew the son of Agrippina? Or shall we
rather punish this fellow for his crimes, and thus prove ourselves the
avengers of Nero, and the faithful guards of Galba?"
This speech of the tribune was agreed to by all his soldiers, who
proceeded to their comrades, and urged them to remain faithful to Galba,
and most of them promised to do so. Soon a shout was raised, either
because, according to some writers, Nymphidius believed that the
soldiers were already calling for him, or else because he wished to be
beforehand with them and fix them while they were wavering and uncertain
whom they should follow. Nymphidius came forward in the glare of many
torches, carrying in his hand a speech written by Cingonius Varro, which
he had learned by heart and intended to address to the soldiers. When,
however, he saw that the gates of the camp were closed, and that the
walls were covered with armed men, he was alarmed, and, coming up to the
gates, asked what they wanted, and by whose orders they were under arms.
They all answered with one voice that they looked upon Galba as their
emperor. At this Nymphidius went up to them, applauded their resolution,
and bade his followers do likewise. The soldiers at the gate let him
pass in, with a few others. Presently a spear was hurled at him, which
Septimius caught before him on his shield; but as many now attacked
Nymphidius with drawn swords, he ran away, was pursued into a soldier's
room, and slain there. The corpse was dragged into a public place where
a railing was put round it, and it was left exposed to public view the
next day.
XV. When Galba heard how Nymphidius had perished, he ordered such of his
accomplices as had not voluntarily made away with themselves to be put
to death: among whom were Cingonius Varro who wrote the speech, and
Mithridates of Pontus. In this Galba was thought to have shown himself
harsh beyond all usage, if not beyond all law, and this execution of men
of rank without a trial[608] was a most unpopular message. Indeed, all
men had expected a very different kind of rule, for they had been
deceived, as is usually the case, by the reports spread at the beginning
of Galba's reign. They were still further grieved at the fate of
Petronius Turpilianus, a man of consular rank and a faithful servant of
Nero, whom Galba ordered to destroy himself. In Africa Macer had, it is
true, been put to death by Trebonianus, and Fonteius in Germany by
Fabius Valens, acting under Galba's orders: yet in both these cases he
had the excuse that he feared, them, as they were in open rebellion
against him; but there could be no reason for refusing a trial to
Turpilianus, an old and helpless man, if the emperor had any intention
of carrying out in his acts the moderation of which he spoke in his
proclamations. For all this, therefore, Galba was blamed by the Romans.
When on his journey he arrived within five-and-twenty stadia (about
three English miles) of the city, he met a disorderly mob of
sailors[609] who occupied the entire road. These were the men whom Nero
had formed into a legion and treated as soldiers. They now wished to
have their appointment confirmed, and pushed forward towards the emperor
noisily demanding standards for their legion and quarters to encamp in,
crowding round him in such disorder that he could neither be seen nor
heard by those citizens who had come out to meet him on his arrival.
When he endeavoured to put the matter off, and said that he would give
them an answer at another time, they, taking his delay to mean a refusal
of their demand, became indignant, and followed him with loud shouts. As
some of them drew their swords, Galba ordered his cavalry to charge
them. No resistance was offered, but some were cut down in the act of
turning to flee, and some while they ran. It was thought to be a very
bad omen that Galba should make his entry into the city in the midst of
so much blood and slaughter; but all who had before jeered at him as a
feeble old man now looked upon him with fear and horror.
XVI. In the giving of presents Galba wished to show a marked change from
the profuse liberality of Nero: but he seems to have missed his mark, as
for example, when Canus, the celebrated flute-player, performed before
him at dinner, Galba praised his playing and ordered his purse to be
brought. From this he took several gold pieces and gave them to Canus,
telling him that the money came from his own pocket, not from the
revenues of the state. He also demanded the restitution of the
largesses, which Nero had bestowed on his favourite actors and athletes,
leaving them only a tenth part. As he could scarcely get any part of the
money back from them, for the major part being reckless profligates who
lived only for the day's enjoyment, had spent it all, he began to search
out those who had bought anything or received any presents from them,
and obliged them to refund. This investigation caused infinite trouble,
for it affected so many persons; it covered Galba with disgrace and made
Vinius loathed and detested for making the emperor show himself so mean
and pettifogging towards his subjects, while he himself used his power
recklessly, confiscating and selling every one's property. Hesiod,
indeed, bids us drink deep of--
"The end and the beginning of the cask;"
and Vinius, seeing that Galba was old and feeble took his fill of his
fortune, as though it were both beginning and ending.
XVII. The old emperor received much wrong, first from the bad
arrangements made by Vinius, and also because Vinius blamed or defeated
his best intentions. An instance of this was his punishment of Nero's
favourites. He did, indeed, put to death many wretches, among whom were
Helius, Polykleitus, Petinus, and Patrobius. The people applauded, and
cried out as these men were being led through the Forum, that the sight
was a fair one and pleasing to the gods, but that both gods and men
demanded the punishment of Tigellinus, Nero's tutor and instructor in
wickedness. That worthy, however, had previously attached Vinius to
himself by a most important pledge.[610] So, they argued, Turpilianus
perished though he had committed no crime except that he remained
faithful and did not betray a bad master; while the man, who first made
Nero unfit to live, and then deserted and betrayed him, was still alive,
an evident example that anything could be obtained from Vinius by those
who could pay for it. The Roman people, who would have enjoyed no
spectacle so much as that of Tigellinus dragged away to execution, and
who never ceased to demand his head when they assembled in the theatre
or the circus, were astonished at a proclamation in which the emperor,
after declaring that Tigellinus was suffering from a wasting disease
and could not live long, begged his people not to urge him to disgrace
his reign by acts of tyranny and ferocity. In ridicule of the public
exasperation Tigellinus offered a sacrifice of thanksgiving to the gods
for the recovery of his health, and prepared a splendid banquet; while
Vinius left the table of the emperor after dinner and led his widowed
daughter to the house of Tigellinus in a riotous procession. Tigellinus
made her a present of five-and-twenty thousand drachmas, and bade his
chief concubine take off the necklace which she wore, which, was said to
be worth fifteen thousand drachmas, and put it round his daughter's
neck.
XVIII. After these outrages Galba received no credit even when he acted
mildly, as for instance, when he granted a remission of tribute and the
Roman franchise to the Gauls who had risen in rebellion under Vindex,
for it was believed that they had not received these privileges from the
kindness of the emperor, but had bought them from Vinius. Thus the
people began to dislike the emperor most cordially, but the prætorian
guard, who had not received their looked-for donative, still cherished a
hope that Galba would give them at least as much money as they had been
wont to receive from Nero, if not as much as they had been promised by
Nymphidius. When Galba heard of their discontent, he made that remark,
so worthy of a great commander, that "he was wont to enlist his
soldiers, not to buy them," and this caused the soldiers to hate him
bitterly, for they thought that, besides depriving them of what was
their due, he was trying to regulate the conduct of future emperors
towards them. Yet disaffection at Rome had not hitherto assumed any
distinct form, for the awe inspired by the presence of Galba acted as a
kind of check upon revolutionary schemes, and men concealed the dislike
with which they regarded him because they did not see any distinct
opportunity of effecting a change in the government. But the troops in
Germany who had served under Virginius, and who were now commanded by
Flaccus,[611] were elated with pride at the victory which they had won
over Vindex, and as they were given nothing, became quite unmanageable
by their officers. They paid no attention whatever to Flaccus, who,
indeed, besides being quite helpless from his violent attacks of gout,
was entirely without military experience. Once when the army was
assembled at a public spectacle, and the tribunes and officers offered
prayers, as is usual among the Romans, for the prosperity of the emperor
Galba, the soldiers broke into loud murmurs of dissent, and then, as
their chiefs continued the prayers, shouted as a response, "If he be
worthy."
XIX. Very similar reports to these reached Galba concerning the conduct
of the legions under the command of Tigellinus.[612] The emperor,
fearing that it was not only his age, but his want of children which
brought him into contempt, now determined to adopt some noble youth as
his son, and make him heir to the throne. There was one Marcus Otho, a
man of illustrious family, and steeped from childhood in luxury and
pleasure beyond most Romans of his time. As Homer calls Alexander the
"spouse of fair-haired Helen," celebrating him for the beauty of his
wife, in default of any noble qualities of his own, so Otho was
notorious at Rome in consequence of his marriage with Poppæa, with whom
Nero fell in love when she was the wife of Crispinus, and, as he had
still some feelings of respect for his own wife, and feared his mother,
made use of Otho to obtain her for him. Otho's extravagance made him a
friend and companion of Nero, who was amused at being reproached by Otho
for meanness and parsimony. It is said that once Nero scented himself
with a very costly perfume, and sprinkled a little of it over Otho. On
the next day Otho entertained Nero, when suddenly a number of gold and
silver pipes squirted out the same perfume over them both as abundantly
as if it were water. Otho seduced Poppæa for Nero, and prevailed upon
her by holding out hopes of an intrigue with Nero to divorce her husband
and marry him. After she became his wife, he did not like to share her
favours, but showed great jealousy, at which it is said Poppæa was not
offended, for she used sometimes to exclude Nero even when Otho was
absent, either because she feared to surfeit him with her society, or
according to some writers, because she did not wish to marry the
emperor, though she was willing enough to have him for her lover. Otho
ran a great risk of losing his life; and it is strange that Nero, who
put to death his own wife and sister for Poppæa's sake, should have
spared Otho.
XX. But Seneca was Otho's friend, and he persuaded Nero to appoint Otho
to the command of the province of Further Lusitania. Otho gained the
love and respect of his subjects, although he well knew that his
appointment was merely intended as an honourable exile. When Galba
revolted, Otho was the first to join him, brought all his silver and
gold plate for Galba to coin into money, and presented him with slaves
who knew how to wait upon an emperor. In everything he proved his
fidelity to Galba, while he showed a rare capacity for business, and on
the march to Rome he travelled for days together in the same chariot
with Galba. During this journey, while he was so familiar with the
emperor, he paid special court to Vinius, both by conversing with him
and by giving him presents, and he firmly established his right to the
second place in the emperor's favour by always yielding the first to
Vinius. He was more successful than Vinius in avoiding unpopularity, for
he assisted all petitioners to obtain their demands without taking
bribes from them, and showed himself easy of access and affable to all.
He took special interest in the common soldiers, and obtained promotion
for many of them, sometimes by applying directly to the emperor, at
others by means of Vinius, or of the freedmen, Icelus and
Asiaticus,[613] who were the most powerful personages of the court.
Whenever Otho entertained Galba, he always presented each soldier of the
guard in attendance on the emperor with a gold piece, and thus corrupted
the army and won their affections for himself while he appeared to be
doing honour to Galba.
XXI. Now, when Galba was deliberating about the choice of a successor,
Vinius suggested Otho to him. Vinius did not do Otho even this service
gratis, but because he hoped to have him for a son-in-law, for they had
made a compact that Vinius's daughter should marry Otho if he were
adopted by Galba and declared his successor on the throne. But Galba
always preferred the good of the state to his own private advantage, and
always looked, not to what was most pleasant for himself, but to what
was best for Rome. It seems probable that he would never have chosen
Otho even to be heir to his own estate, for he knew well his
licentiousness and extravagance and his debts, which amounted to fifty
millions.[614] Wherefore Galba, after having graciously and in silence
listened to Vinius, postponed his decision: only he appointed himself
consul, and Vinius his colleague, and it was supposed that he would name
his successor at the beginning of the new year. The soldiers eagerly
hoped that this successor would be Otho.
XXII. While Galba was deliberating and hesitating, the German army broke
out into open rebellion. All the soldiers alike hated Galba for not
having given them their promised donative, and the troops in Germany
regarded it as a special insult to themselves, that Virginius Rufus had
been so discourteously deprived of his command, that those Gauls who had
fought against them under Vindex had been rewarded, while those who had
not joined him were punished, and that Galba should show such gratitude
to Vindex and pay him such honour after his death, as though it was
Vindex who had made him emperor of the Romans. This kind of language was
being openly held in the camp when on the first day of the new
year,[615] which the Romans call the Calends of January, Flaccus
assembled the army to renew the customary oath of fidelity to the
emperor. The soldiers overthrew and tore down the images of Galba, swore
fealty to the Senate and people of Rome, and then dispersed. After this
outbreak the officers began to fear anarchy among the soldiers as much
as rebellion: and one of them spoke as follows: "What will become of
us, fellow-soldiers, if we neither remain faithful to our present
emperor nor yet create another, as though we had not merely thrown off
our allegiance to Galba, but refused to obey any master whatever? As for
Hordeonius Flaccus we must pass him over, for he is merely a feeble
shadow of Galba; but within one day's march of us there is Vitellius,
the chief of the army of Lower Germany, whose father was censor and
thrice consul, and who can point to the poverty for which some reproach
him as a shining proof of honesty and greatness of soul. Come, let us
choose this man, and show that we know better than the Iberians or
Lusitanians how to elect an emperor." While some approved, and some
rejected this advice, a standard-bearer stole quietly away and brought
the news of it to Vitellius, who was entertaining a large company at
supper. Soon the matter became noised abroad throughout the army, and on
the following day Fabius Valens, who commanded one legion,[616] rode
over to Vitellius's quarters[617] with a number of horsemen and saluted
him emperor. It is said that on the previous days he had refused the
purple, and had shrunk from the burden of empire, but that now, excited
by food and wine which he had taken at midday, he came forward and
willingly heard himself addressed as Germanicus, though he declined the
title of Cæsar.[618] The troops under Flaccus now at once forgot their
patriotic oaths of fidelity to the Senate, and swore to obey the emperor
Vitellius.