The king went to _Havar Gemal_ on the 29th, whence he employed himself

in hunting. At that place, a resolution was taken, to remove the court

to Mundu, a castle near Burhanpoor, where there is no town. At this

time, Sultan Parvis came from the Deccan wars in disgrace, and arrived

with his train near Agimere; and the king commanded him to retire to

Bengal, refusing to admit him into his presence. Having thus dispatched

him, without the inconvenience dreaded from a meeting between the

brothers, he now proposed to settle Sultan Churrum in the Deccan wars,

although all the chief men of the court were averse from this measure;

on which account, the king feared to send him down, as was formerly

proposed, and had therefore delayed this measure until Prince Parvis was

withdrawn, and now meant to establish Churrum by means of his own

presence at Mundu, in the neighbourhood of the Deccan. If this

resolution is executed, it will put us to much trouble and expence, as

we must build a new house both for ourselves and goods, because that

castle stands on a hill, and has no buildings near it.

The king returned from hunting on the night of the 30th, and about

eleven o'clock sent me a very large and fat wild boar, desiring to have

the tusks back, and accompanied by a message, saying it was killed by

his own hand, and therefore desiring me to be merry, and to eat it with

good cheer. On this occasion, I desired Jaddow, who brought this message

from the king, to tell Asaph Khan, that I proposed to visit him next

day, when I hoped to receive from him a firmaun of the privileges

granted by the king. Asaph Khan sent me back word, that they would not

be then ready, but it should be sealed some days after, and that he did

not wish to see me till he had given me satisfaction.

§3. _Of the Celebration of the King's Birth Day, with other Occurrences

in September 1616_.

The 2d of September was the birth-day of the Great Mogul, which was

solemnized with extraordinary festivities. He was then weighed against a

variety of articles, as jewels, gold, silver, stuffs of gold and silver,

silk, batter, rice, fruits, and many other things, of each a little, all

of which is given to the Bramins. On this occasion, the king ordered

Asaph Khan to send for me; who did so, and appointed me to come to the

place where the king held his durbar. But the messenger mistook, so that

I went not in time, and missed the sight. Being there before the king

came out, he sent for me as soon as he noticed me, and enquired why I

had not come to see the ceremony of weighing, for which he had given

order. I explained the reason, as it actually was, on which he chid

Asaph Khan publicly for the omission. He was at this time so richly

ornamented with jewels, that I must confess I never saw at any one time

such unspeakable wealth. He now amused himself in seeing his greatest

elephants brought in before him. Some of these were lord-elephants,

having their chains, bells, and furniture all of gold and silver, being

attended by many gilt flags and streamers, and each having eight or ten

inferior elephants to wait upon him, clothed in gold, silk, and silver.

In this way there passed about twelve troops, all very splendidly

furnished. The first lord-elephant had all the plates on his head and

breast set with rubies and emeralds, being a beast of most wonderful

stature and beauty. They all bowed down before the king, making their

reverences very orderly, and formed as fine a shew of beasts as I had

ever seen. The keepers of each chief elephant made a present to the

king. After this was over, the king made me some gracious speeches, and

went into the interior apartments.

About ten o'clock at night, after I was in bed, the king sent me a

message, saying he had heard I had a picture which I had not shewn him,

and desired I would come then to him, bringing the picture with me; and

if I would not part with it, that he might see it, and have copies taken

for his wives. I rose and carried the picture with me, and when I came

to the presence, I found him sitting cross-legged on a little throne,

his robes all covered over with diamonds, pearls, and rubies. Before him

stood a golden table, on which were above fifty pieces of gold plate,

all set with precious stones, some of them being large and of great

value. His nobles were all around him in their best attire, whom he

commanded to drink cheerfully of several kinds of wine, which stood

there in large flaggons.

On my approach he asked for the picture, on which I shewed him two. He

seemed astonished at one of these, and asked whose it was; to which I

replied, that it was the portrait of a friend who was dead. He asked if

I would give it him. I replied, that I valued it more than any thing I

had, as being the portrait of one I had loved dearly; but if his majesty

would pardon my attachment to that picture, and accept the other, which

was French and of excellent work, I would most willingly give it. He

thanked me, saying it was that only picture which he desired, and which

he loved as much as I did; and, if I would give it him, he would value

it more than the richest jewel in his house. I answered that I was not

so much in love with any thing, but that I would part with it to satisfy

his majesty, being extremely glad to have any opportunity to serve him,

and was ready even to present him with my heart, if I could thereby

demonstrate my affection. He bowed to me, saying he had never before

seen so much art and beauty, and conjured me to tell him truly if ever

such a woman had lived. I answered, that there certainly did once live a

lady whom this portrait resembled in every thing but perfection. He then

said, that he accepted my readiness to give him what I so valued as a

great kindness; but would only shew it to his ladies, and cause his own

painter make five copies, and if I knew my own I should have it back. I

answered, that I had freely given it, and would be glad of his majesty

accepting it: But he said he would not keep it, and loved me better for

putting so much value on the image of my departed friend. He knew, he

added, that it would be doing me an injury to take it from me, and would

only have five copies taken, which his wives should wear, and would then

return me the original with his own hand. In this art of limning or

painting in water colours, his artists are wonderfully expert. But he

liked not the other picture, which was painted in oil.

He then told me that this was his birth-day, and all men made merry, and

asked me therefore if I would drink with them. I said I would willingly

do whatever he was pleased to command, as I sincerely wished him many

prosperous days, and that the ceremony of this day might be repeated for

an hundred years. He asked me what wine I would have, whether that of

the grape or made wine, and whether strong or weak. I said whatever he

was pleased to order, hoping he would neither command me to have it too

strong or in too large quantity. So he called for a gold cupful of

mingled wine, half of the grape and half artificial, which he sent me by

one of his nobles, with this message, that I should drink it off twice,

thrice, four times, or five times, for his sake, and accept the cup and

appurtenances as a present. On drinking a portion of it, I found it

stronger than any I had ever tasted, insomuch that it made me sneeze, at

which he laughed, and called for raisins, almonds, and sliced lemons,

which he sent me on a gold plate, and desired me to eat and drink what I

liked, and no more. I then made a reverence for my present, after my own

manner, though Asaph Khan wanted me to kneel and knock my head upon the

ground, but the king accepted it in my own way. The cup was of gold, set

all over with small rubies and turquoises; the cover being likewise

gold, and set with great rubies, emeralds, and turquoises; and there was

likewise a suitable dish or salver on which to set the cup. I know not

the value, because many of the stones are small, and the greater, which

also are numerous, are not all clean; but there are above two thousand

stones in all, and the gold weighs about twenty ounces. On giving me

this splendid present, he sent me word that he esteemed me more than

ever he had done a Frank, and asked if I were merry in eating the wild

boar he had sent me, how I had it dressed, what I drank with it, and

many such compliments; which public shew of his grace and favour did me

much service in the eyes of all his nobles, who strove to shew me

respect.

After this, he threw among those that stood below, two chargers of

rupees, and among us who were round the throne two chargers of hollow

almonds made of gold and silver mingled; but I would not scramble as did

his great men, for I saw his son did not take any up. He then

distributed sashes and girdles of gold tissue to all the musicians and

servants, and many others. So drinking heartily himself, and commanding

others to drink, he and his nobles became as jovial as could be, and of

a thousand humours. But the prince, Asaph Khan, two old men, the former

king of Candahar, and I, refrained from drinking. When the king was not

able any longer to hold up his head, he lay down to sleep, and we all

departed. While going out, I moved Asaph Khan for the dispatch of our

privileges, assuring him his majesty could give me no present so

acceptable. I said farther, that I had no doubt it lay in his power to

dispatch me; but if he did not think proper to do so, or if any other

hinderance was in my way, I should on the morrow again apply to the

king. He desired me not to do so, for the king loved me and had given

orders for dispatching my business, which had been hindered by the

preparations for this feast; but he would now send it to me with all

speed, and do me all manner of service.

Seven months had now been vainly spent in soliciting the signing and

sealing of the articles of amity and commerce, formerly detailed, and I

had nothing but promises and delays, from day to day, and from week to

week. Therefore on the 3d September, the English fleet being hourly

expected to arrive at Surat, I delivered to him a memorial, containing

the articles I desired to have an order for, that they might be observed

in the unloading of the ships. These were, 1. That the presents coming

for the king and prince, should not be opened at the port, but sent up

to court under the seals of the customhouse officers. 2. That

curiosities sent for presents to other persons, and for the merchants to

sell, should also be sent to the court sealed, for the prince to make

the first choice. 3. That the gross merchandize should be landed,

reasonably rated, and not detained at the customhouse, but that the

merchants, on paying the customs, should have full liberty to sell or

dispose of it as they pleased; and that the ships should be fully

supplied with provisions, without paying any custom for the same.

On the 4th, Asaph Khan sent me back my articles, after so long

attendance and so many false promises, some of them altered, and others

struck out, together with a letter, saying there was no need of any

articles, as an order from the prince to trade at Surat was quite

sufficient, he being lord there, and that no grant of trade at Bengal or

Sinde could ever be allowed. Notwithstanding all this vexation, I durst

not change my mode of proceeding, or wholly quit the prince and Asaph

Khan. I therefore drew up other articles, leaving out what seemed

displeasing in the former, and desired Asaph Khan to put them into form

and procure them to be sealed, or else to allow me to apply to the king,

that if he denied me I might leave the country. The substance of these

new articles was as follows:--1. That all the subjects of the Great

Mogul should receive the English in a friendly manner, suffering them to

land their goods peaceably, and to procure provisions for their money

without paying customs for them.--2. To have liberty, after paying

customs for their goods, to sell them to any one they pleased, and none

to force them to sell at an under rate.--3. To have liberty to pass with

their goods to any part of the empire, without any farther exactions

than those payable at the port.--4. To have the presents for the Mogul

and prince sealed without being opened, and sent to the ambassador.--5.

To have the goods of those that might die freed from confiscation, and

delivered to the surviving English factors.--And finally, That no injury

should be offered to any of the English.

On the 8th, Asaph Khan sent me word in plain terms, that absolutely he

would procure nothing for me sealed, that in any respect concerned the

government belonging to the prince, and that I must rest satisfied with

a firmaun or order, signed by the prince, which was quite sufficient,

and I needed not to apply any more to him. This clearly revealed the

purpose he had so long intended, that we should be entirely dependent on

the prince; and I now had just cause to look out for new friends, Asaph

Khan having forsaken me. He that first took him for our solicitor

engaged us in all this misery, for he was the known protector of our

enemies, and a slave to their numerous bribes. I therefore determined to

try the prince, and to seem entirely dependent upon him. So I went to

the prince on the 10th, and desired he would grant his firmaun for the

four articles formerly sent to his secretary, which he threw down to his

secretary, so that I hoped to be at rest. I received it on the 11th, but

on reading it over, I found two of the four clauses much altered, and

one entirely left out; so I returned it, declaring roundly I could not

accept it, neither would I suffer any goods to be sent ashore. Never was

any man so distressed with such pride, covetousness, and falsehood.

At night, I rode to visit the prince's secretary, _Mirza Socrolla_, with

whom I expostulated the business, declaring my resolution to depart. But

I now found the firmaun quite different than I had been informed, and

containing all the clauses I had required, though in some phrases rather

ambiguous in my judgment, which the secretary interpreted favourably,

declaring it was the prince's intent to satisfy me entirely, and that

every thing was quite sufficient for our purpose. After urging the

obscurity of some points, and as he had declared the meaning of the

prince to me, I requested he would explain them in the same sense to the

governor of Surat, which he agreed to; and especially gave order that

the customer should pay for fifty pieces of cloth, which he had bought

many months before, and wished now to return upon the factors, to their

extreme loss. At the close of our conference, he expressed the prince's

desire that we would rely entirely on him, and not cross him in matters

belonging to his government, by applying to the king, declaring that we

should so find him a better friend than we expected. Being thus

satisfied, I was in some hope of success, especially as this man is no

taker of bribes, and is reputed honest, and pledged his credit that we

should sustain no loss or injury, every thing being referred to him by

the prince. So I accepted the firmaun, which, on having it translated, I

found very effectual and satisfactory.

The 16th, I went to visit the prince, intending to seem entirely

dependent upon him, till I heard what entertainment our ships were

likely to meet with. But I found him in much perplexity, fearing the

coming of Sultan Parvis to court, he being only at the distance of eight

coss, anxiously desiring leave to kiss his father's hands. The king had

even granted his desire, but by the influence of Nourmahal, the

favourite queen, he had revoked the permission, and Sultan Parvis was

ordered away directly to Bengal.[205] The resolution of the king to

remove the court from Agimere still continued, but no one knew certainly

where he intended to go.

[Footnote 205: At this place there is an expression in the Pilgrims,

coupled with this sentence, which is quite inexplicable. "Yea, although

the king had fallen down, and taken his mother by the feet, to obtain

her leave to see her son." We are not sufficiently conversant in the

secret history of the Zenana of Shah Jehan-guire to explain this; yet

strongly suspect that this sentence ought to have run thus: Although the

prince's mother fell at the king's feet to obtain leave to see her

son.--E.]

§4. _Broils about Abdala Khan and Khan-Khannan: Ambitious projects of

Sultan Churrum to subvert his eldest Brother: Sea Fight with a

Portuguese Carrack; and various other Occurrences_.

Several days now passed in soliciting the king and great men, and paying

my court to them, without any remarkable occurrence; till on the 9th

October, I had letters from Surat, giving me an account that four

English ships had arrived there. On the 10th, Abdala Khan, the great

governor of Ahmedabad, being sent for to court in disgrace, to answer

for many insolent and contemptuous neglects of the king's commands,

thought to stand upon his defence and to refuse compliance. But Sultan

Churrum, whose ambitious views sought to turn every thing to his

advantage, being desirous to oblige so great a man, who was reckoned one

of the chiefest captains in the empire, prevailed upon him to submit, on

his word to protect him. Abdala came therefore, in pretended humility,

habited as a pilgrim, attended by forty servants on foot, until he

arrived within a day's journey of the court, having 2000 horse attending

him at some distance behind. He was this day brought to the _Jarruco_,

the place where the king sits in public to see sports and hear

complaints, and advanced towards the king, between two noblemen, having

chains on his legs, and holding his turban over his eyes, that he might

see no one till he had the happiness to behold the king. After making

his humble reverence, and answering a few questions, the king forgave

him, caused his irons to be taken off, and clothed him in a new vest of

cloth of gold, with a turban and sash, as is the custom.

The prince, Churrum, now intended to establish his honour and power on

the Deccan wars, which his elder brother Sultan Parvis had been recalled

from in disgrace, and which the great commander, Khan-Khannan, had not

conducted prosperously, being strongly suspected of a secret

understanding with the princes of the Deccan, from whom he was believed

to receive pensions. Churrum, therefore, induced his father to recall

Khan-Khannan, who refused to obey; and wrote to the king, not to send

Churrum to the war, but one of his youngest sons, then only about

fifteen. This gave Churrum much uneasiness, as he was exceedingly intent

upon having the conduct of this war, for which reason he promised to

give the subordinate command of the army to Abdala Khan, under himself,

if he could contrive to get Khan-Khannan displaced. Fearing troubles

from the ambition and factious practices of his son Churrum, the

discontent of the two elder sons, Cuserou and Parvis, and the power of

Khan-Khannan, the king was anxious to accommodate matters in the Deccan

by accepting a peace, and continuing Khan-Khannan in his government; to

which end he wrote him a letter of favour, and proposed to send him a

vestment, as a sign of reconciliation, according to custom. Before

dispatching these, he acquainted a kinswoman of Khan-Khannan, who lived

in the seraglio, with his purpose. Whether she was false to her

relation, through the secret influence of Sultan Churrum, or was grieved

to see the head of her family so unworthily dealt with, who merited so

highly, does not certainly appear: But she plainly told the king, that

she did not believe Khan-Khannan would wear any thing the king sent, as

he knew his majesty hated him, and had once or twice already sent him

poison, which he had put into his bosom instead of his mouth, and proved

by trials. For this reason, she was confident Khan-Khannan would not

dare to put on any thing sent from his majesty. The king offered to

wear the dress himself in her presence for an hour, which she might

certify in a letter to her relative. To this she answered, that

Khan-Khannan would trust neither of them with his life; but, if allowed

to continue quietly in his command, would do his majesty good service.

Upon this, the king altered his plans, and resolved to invest Sultan

Churrum in the supreme command of the Deccan wars, and to follow after

him with another army, to ensure his reception.

Khan-Khannan, having due notice of the storm preparing against him,

practised with the Deccan sovereigns, who were at his devotion, to offer

favourable terms of peace for a season, as he saw no other way of

averting the cloud that hung over both him and them, unless by

temporizing till the king and the prince were established farther off.

For this purpose, there came two ambassadors at this time to court, from

the princes of the Deccan, bringing horses richly caparisoned as

presents. The king refused to listen to them, or to accept their gifts,

and turned them over to his son, saying that peace or war rested

entirely with him. The prince was so puffed up by this favour, though

informed that the proposed conditions of peace were highly honourable,

that he declared proudly he would listen to no terms, till he was in the

field at the head of the army, being resolved that Khan-Khannan should

not deprive him of the honour of finishing that war.

The ambitious views of this young prince are quite obvious, and form the

common talk of the country, yet the king suffers him to proceed,

although he by no means intends him as his successor. Sultan Cuserou,

the eldest son, is highly beloved and honoured of all men, and almost

adored, for his excellent parts and noble dispositions, with which the

king is well acquainted, and even loves him dearly. But he conceives

that the liberty of this son would diminish his own glory, and does not

see that the ambition of Churrum greatly more tarnishes his own fame

than would the virtuous character and noble actions of the other. Thus

the king fosters division and emulation among his sons, putting so much

power into the hands of the younger, which he believes he can undo at

his pleasure, that the wisest here foresee much fatal division in this

mighty empire when the present king shall pay the debt of nature,

expecting that it will then be rent in pieces by civil wars.

The history of this country, for the variety of its incidents, and the

many crooked practices of the present king during the reign of his

father, Akbar Shah, and these latter troubles, were well worthy of being

committed to writing. But, as the country is so remote, many would

despise such information, and as the people are esteemed barbarous, few

persons would give it credit. I content myself, therefore, with

privately contemplating the singular history of this nation, although I

could narrate so many singular and amusing state intrigues, subtle

evasions, policies, answers, and adages, as could not be easily equalled

in the history of one age or country. One incident, however, that

occurred lately, I cannot omit relating, as it evinces the wisdom and

patience of the emperor, the incorruptible fidelity of a servant, the

detestable falsehood of a brother, and the impudent boldness of a

faction, ready to dare every infamous action, when permitted by the

supreme ruler to exercise an authority beyond the limits of their

condition, and contrary to the dictates of reason and true policy.

The favourite Prince Sultan Churrum, together with the favourite Queen

_Nourmahal_, aunt to his wife, Asaph Khan father-in-law to Churrum, and

brother of _Nourmahal_, and _Etiman Dowlet_, father of _Asaph Khan_ and

_Nourmahal_, being the faction that now governed the emperor, and who

believed their bad influence in danger of being overthrown if the prince

_Cuserou_ were allowed to live, determined to use every effort for his

destruction, and to endeavour to get him into their power, that they

might end his days by poison, for they knew that he was universally

beloved among the nobles, and that his remaining in life and restoration

to liberty must some day overthrow and punish their ambitious projects.

To attain their infamous purposes, Nourmahal was instructed to practise

upon the king's weakness, by false tears and bewitching blandishments,

to insinuate that Sultan Cuserou was not in sufficiently safe custody,

and that he still meditated aspiring projects, contrary to the authority

and safety of the emperor, who listened to all her insinuations, yet

refused to understand her, as she did not plainly speak out her meaning.

As this plan failed, the prince, with Etiman Dowlet and Asaph Khan, took

the opportunity of the emperor being drunk, to persuade him, as if for

the greater safety and honour of Sultan Cuserou, that it were fitter he

should be in the company of his brother Churrum, who would be more

regardful of his safety and happiness than could be expected from an

idolatrous rajput, to whose custody he had been committed by the

emperor. They therefore humbly implored his majesty that Prince Cuserou

might be confided to the care of his dear brother Churrum. This was

granted by the intoxicated monarch, who immediately fell asleep.

They now deemed their project successful, as having the royal authority;

and, considering their own greatness, they believed no one would dare to

dispute the warrant, or to refuse delivering the prince into their

hands. Accordingly, Asaph Khan went that same night with a guard to the

house of _Anna-Rah_, a rajput Rajah, or prince, to demand from, him, in

the king's name and authority, the person of Sultan Cuserou, who had

been confided to his custody by the king. Anna-Rah declared that he was

the most humble slave of Prince Churrum, whose name Asaph Khan used upon

this occasion; but having received charge of Prince Cuserou directly

from the hands of the emperor, he would deliver him up to no other

person. He therefore entreated that Prince Churrum would have patience

till next morning, when he would discharge his duty to the king, whose

pleasure, once known, he would implicitly obey. This answer overturned

the whole contrivance. In the morning Anna-Rah went to the king, to whom

he communicated the demand made upon him in the name of Prince Churrum,

saying. That his majesty had given his son Cuserou to his charge,

together with the command of 4000 horse, with all of whom he was ready

to die at the imperial gate, rather than resign the prince into the

hands of his enemies: But, if his majesty required, he was ready at all

times to obey his commands. To this the king replied, "You have done

honestly and faithfully, and have answered discretely. Continue your

purpose, and take no notice of any orders. I will not seem to know any

thing of this, neither do you speak of it any farther. Preserve your

fidelity, and let us see how far they will prosecute this affair."

Next day, finding the king silent on the subject, the prince and his

faction took no notice of any thing, hoping the king might forget what

had passed in his cups over night. I have communicated this incident,

that you may beware of scattering your goods in this country, or of

engaging your servants and stock too deeply; for the time will come when

the whole of this empire will be in commotion, and it is not a few years

war that will put a period to the inveterate enmity accumulated on all

hands against a day of vengeance. Should Sultan Cuserou prevail in

procuring his rightful inheritance, this empire will become a sanctuary

for Christians, whom he loves and honours, being a patron of learning,

and an encourager of true valour and just government, abhorring all

covetousness, and despising the base custom of accepting bribes and

presents, in use among his ancestors and the nobility of this empire.

Should Sultan Churrum ascend the throne, it will be a great loss to us,

as he is a rigid adherent to the superstition of Mahomet, a hater of all

Christians, proud, subtle, false, and barbarously tyrannical.[206]

[Footnote 206: From this paragraph it appears that the journal of Sir

Thomas Roe was addressed to the Governor and Committees, or Directors of

the East India Company.--E.]

The king returned from hunting on the night of the 13th October, and

sent me a wild pig. An ambassador is daily expected here from Shah

Abbas, king of Persia. This day I received advice of the arrival of four

of our ships in safety at Swally roads, and at the same time received

letters from England. The fleet, originally consisting of six ships,

left England on the 9th March, 1616, losing company of the Rose about

the North Cape, in foul weather. The other five arrived safely in

Saldanha bay on the 12th June, where the Lion was waiting for a wind,

homewards bound, her officers and people all in good health. After

staying some time at the Cape without news of the missing ship, they

dispatched the Swan for Bantam, and sailed on the 29th June with the

other four ships for Surat. On this passage, on the 6th August, when in

lat. 12° 50' S. near the Comora islands, they got sight of a carrack of

1500 tons burden, and 600 men, being the admiral of a fleet for Goa. The

Globe fetched her to windward, and after the usual salutations of the

sea, the carrack commanded her to leeward, and seconded this order with

five shots through her hull, to which the Globe replied with eighteen,

and then luffed off. The admiral of the English got now up with all his

ships, and demanded satisfaction for the injury, which was replied to

with scorn. On this an engagement ensued, in which the commander,

Benjamin Joseph, was soon slain, but his successor continued the battle.

Towards evening the carrack ran herself ashore on the rocks of

_Angazesia_. Our fleet came to anchor in the offing to wait the event,

and sent a boat to offer fair terms of battle. But about midnight the

carrack was set on fire, and continued to burn all next morning. The

English sent their boats to give assistance, but could not approach, and

they had reason to believe that not one man was saved.[207] The new

viceroy of Goa was in this ship, by whose obstinacy the death of all the

rest was occasioned. Our fleet came to anchor off Swally on the 24th

September, 1616.

[Footnote 207: It was afterwards known that some few escaped with life

and poverty. A more particular account of this fight will be found in

the subsequent journal of Alexander Child.--_Purch._]

The 14th October I waited on the emperor, to whom I imparted his

majesty's salutations, which were courteously received, but he

immediately began to enquire what presents had been sent to him. I

mentioned our late fight and victory, at which he seemed to rejoice, and

applauded the valour of our nation; but he immediately shifted the

discourse, asking what our king had sent him. I answered, that he had

sent many tokens of his love and affection; but knowing that his majesty

was lord of the best portion of Asia, and the richest monarch of the

East, my sovereign was satisfied the sending of rich gifts to his

majesty were to cast pearls into the sea, their common mother and

storehouse; but that my master, together with the warmest assurance of

his love, had sent him many curiosities, which I hoped would give him

entire satisfaction. He urged me to mention particulars, some of which I

named. He asked me for French _muffe_ or velvet, to which I answered,

that all my letters were not arrived. He then enquired if there were any

dogs. To which I answered, that some had been slain in the battle at

sea, but that two were preserved for him, at which he seemed much

rejoiced. He then said, if I could procure him one of our great horses,

such as I had described, being a _roan_ or Dutch horse, he would value

it more than an additional kingdom. I answered, that I should use my

best endeavours to satisfy his majesty, but much feared it could not be

effected, owing to the length of the voyage. He said he would willingly

give a lack of rupees for such a horse. I then desired he would be

pleased to give an order for the transmission of the presents without

being searched, and for the good usage of our people. He answered, that

the port belonged to his son, but sent for him, and publicly gave orders

for what I required; that the presents should not be searched, nor pay

any custom, but should be sent up safe to me with all expedition, that I

might distribute them at my discretion. He likewise commanded the prince

to give orders for the good usage of our people, and that I should be

satisfied in all my demands. This order did not extend to the grant of a

fort, as Asaph Khan had absolutely refused to deliver in that clause.

This charge was very round and hearty on the part of the king, and a

great grace to me. The prince called Asaph Khan forwards in my presence,

and promised, before his father and the whole court, to give me all

reasonable satisfaction. All this was on the strength of the new

presents.

That same day I sent for the Portuguese jesuit who resided at court, and

gave him an account of the engagement between our ships and the carrack,

offering to make peace between our nation and the Portuguese upon equal

terms. He promised to acquaint the viceroy of Goa with my offer, and so

departed. The 15th I received accounts from Masulipatan that Captain

Keeling had taken a Portuguese ship and two barks; one on the coast of

Cochin, laden with tin, and the other freighted from Bengal, both of

which were carried to Bantam. I was also informed that Sir Robert

Shirley had been dismissed with disgrace from Goa, and was on his way

overland to Masulipatan, to procure a passage; but am apt to believe

this intelligence is untrue.

The 16th, being with the prince's secretary about the dispatch of our

affairs, he proposed to me, by his master's orders, to procure him two

gunners from our fleet to serve him in the Deccan war, offering good pay

and good usage. This I undertook to perform, knowing that indifferent

artists might serve there. While at the prince's palace, Abdala Khan

came to visit him, so magnificently attended, that I have not before

seen the like. He was preceded by about twenty drums, and other martial

music, on horseback, who made abundant noise. After them followed fifty

persons bearing white flags, and two hundred well-mounted soldiers, all

richly clothed in cloth of gold, velvet, and rich silks, who all entered

the gate with him in regular array. Next his person were forty

targeteers, in the richest liveries. After making his humble reverence,

he presented a black Arabian horse, splendidly caparisoned, all his

furniture being studded with flowers of enamelled gold, and set with

small precious stones. According to custom, the prince returned a

turban, a vest, and a girdle.

Still persisting in his purpose of personally finishing the war in the

Deccan, he would give no answer to the ambassadors from that country,

but detained them till he should come to the frontiers. Being now about

to depart, he and his party thought themselves not secure if Sultan

Cuserou remained under the safeguard of Anna-Rah, lest, during the

absence of Churrum, the king might be reconciled to Cuserou, by whose

liberty all the hopes and power of their faction would be overthrown, in

which case their ambition and the injuries they had done could hardly

escape punishment. In this view they continued to urge the king to

deliver Sultan Cuserou into the custody of Asaph Khan, as deputy on that

occasion to Churrum, under pretence that this measure would intimidate

Khan-Khannan and the Deccan princes, when they shall learn that Sultan

Churrum is so favoured that the king has delivered his eldest son into

his keeping, giving him as it were present possession of the kingdom,

and the certain prospect of succession. Accordingly, on the 17th of

October, Sultan Cuserou was delivered up as they desired, the soldiers

of Anna-rah were discharged, and those of Asaph Khan placed over him,

assisted by 200 horse belonging to the prince. The sister of Sultan

Cuserou, and several other women in the seraglio, have put themselves in

mourning, refuse to take their food, and openly exclaim against the

dotage and cruelty of the king; declaring, if Cuserou should die, that

an hundred of his kindred would devote themselves to the flames, in

memory of the king's cruely to the worthiest of his sons.

The king endeavoured to sooth them by fair words, protesting that he had

no evil intentions towards his son, whom he promised speedily to deliver

from captivity, and even sent his favourite Nourmahal to endeavour to

appease the enraged and disconsolate ladies; but they refused to admit

her visit, loading her with curses and threatnings. The common people

universally condemn the king's conduct, saying, that he has not only

delivered his son's life, but his own into the keeping of an ambitious

prince and treacherous faction, and that Cuserou cannot perish without

extreme scandal to his father, unless he amply revenge his death, for

which cause the party will dispatch the king first, and his eldest son

afterwards, that through their deaths the ambitious and unnatural

Churrum may mount the throne. Every hour new rumours are spread of the

deliverance of Cuserou, which are speedily contradicted; for he still

remains in the tyger's den, refuses food, and requires that his father

may take away his life, and not leave him to be a sport and prey to his

inveterate enemies. The whole court is filled with rumours and secret

whispers; the nobles are sad, and the people full of turmoil and noise,

without any head, having no one to direct their rage to any specific

object. The issue seems involved in dangers, especially for us, as, in

regard to themselves, it matters not who wins. Although the elder prince

have more right, and is of a more honourable character, he is still a

Mahomedan, and can hardly be a better prince than his father, whose

dispositions are good, yet so facile that he allows all to govern at

their will, which is even worse than if he were a tyrant, for we had

better suffer injuries from one prince than from a host of ministers and

subordinate agents.

The 19th of October _Mahomet Reza Beg_, the Persian ambassador, made his

entry into the city with a great cavalcade, partly sent out by the king

to meet him. There were at least an hundred elephants, with many

musicians; but no man of quality went out on this occasion beyond the

ordinary official receivers of strangers. His own train consisted of

about fifty horse in splendid dresses of cloth of gold, their bows,

quivers, and targets being richly adorned. Together with these he had

about forty musqueteers, and about 200 ordinary _peons_ and attendants

on his passage. He was conducted to a room within the outer court of the

palace, to rest himself till the evening, at which time I sent my

secretary to the durbar, to give me an account of the ceremonial. On

coming into the presence, and reaching the first rail, he made three

_tessalims_ and one _sizeda,_ which is prostrating himself and knocking

his head three times against the ground. On entering within the rail he

did the same, and then presented the letter of his master, _Shabas_,

[Shah Abbas.] This the king took with a slight inclination of the body,

saying only, _How doth my brother_? without using any title of majesty.

After some few words, the ambassador was placed in the seventh rank,

close to the rail beside the door, and below many of the king's

servants, which, in my opinion, was a very mean place for the ambassador

of Persia; but he richly merited this degradation for doing that mean

reverence to the dishonour of his master which all his predecessors had

refused, and by which he gave much offence to many of his nation. It is

reported that he had orders from Shah Abbas to give content in all

things, and hence it is conjectured that he is sent to obtain some aid

in money against the Turks, in which kind the court of Persia often

finds liberal succour from the Mogul government. Others pretend that his

object is to mediate a peace for the princes of the Deccan, whose

protection Shah Abbas is said to have much at heart, being jealous of

the extension of this empire.

According to custom, the king gave him a handsome turban, a vest of

cloth of gold, and a girdle, for which he again made three _tessalims_

and a _sizeda_, or ground courtesy. The present he brought consisted of

three times nine Persian and Arabian horses, this being among them a

ceremonious number; nine very large and handsome mules; seven camels

laden with velvet; two suits of European _Arras_, or tapestry, which I

suppose was Venetian; two chests of Persian hangings; one rich cabinet;

four muskets; five clocks; a camel's load of cloth of gold; eight silk

carpets; two balasss rubies; twenty-one camel loads of wine made of

grapes; fourteen camel loads of distilled sweet waters; seven of

rose-water; seven daggers and five swords adorned with precious stones;

seven Venetian mirrors, all so fair and rich that I was ashamed of the

relation.

These presents were not now delivered, but only a list of them in

writing. His own equipage was rich, having nine led horses, their

trappings all studded with gold and silver. His turban was encircled by

a chain of pearls, rubies, and turquoises, having three pipes of gold,

in which were three plumes of feathers. Having thus caused accurate

observation to be made of his reception, and compared it with my own, I

find it in nothing more gracious than my own, and in many things

inferior, except only in being met without the town, which, owing to my

sickness, was not demanded; neither did the king receive the letter of

Shah Abbas with so much respect as that of the king, my master, whom he

called the king of England, his brother, naming the Persian barely his

brother, without addition. This observation was made by the jesuit, who

understood the language.

§5. _Continuation of Occurrences at Court, till leaving Agimere, in

November_, 1616.

The 20th of October I received the prince's letter to send to Sarat,

with orders for the governor of that city to sit along with the judge

of the custom-house, to take care that no wrong was done to the English.

The clause about sending up the presents sealed and unsearched to me,

was so obscure and unintelligible, that it was susceptible of various

constructions, which I believed was done designedly, that they might

come into the hands of the prince, so as to become his own. I sent it

back therefore to his secretary to be altered; and getting it returned

still more intricate than at first, I went to the prince on the 21st,

and desired to have that clause of his letter explained, at which he

stuck a little, and I perceived he was as hollow as I had imagined. He

plainly asked, How then he should have his presents, or see such

curiosities as came up? and proposed to accompany me to where they were.

I answered, that I could not do this till I had delivered my master's

message and presents to the king, after which I should wait upon his

highness with his presents, and that every rarity that came to me should

be sent after him. He pressed me to pass my word for the performance of

this, which I did, and then I had the letter for Surat made out to my

content.

At this interview the prince observed a white feather in my hat, and

asked if I would give it to him. I answered, that I could not presume to

offer any thing I had worn; but if he were pleased to command it, that

or any thing else in my power was at his service. He then asked if I had

any more; to which I answered, that I had three or four others of

different colours. He desired to have them all, as he was to shew his

horses and servants to the king within two days, and wanted some, being

rare in these parts. I therefore promised to bring all I had next day,

when his highness might take what pleased him.

This day Abdalla Khan waited on the prince with a gallant equipage,

himself and servants being anticly apparelled, yet soldier-like,

according to their fashion. On this occasion he made a present to the

prince of a handsome white horse, full of spirit and high mettled, the

saddle and furniture all ornamented with enamelled gold. The prince

returned him a plain sword with a leathern belt. Many other swords were

brought before him, the hilts and scabbards being of silver, set with

small stones, together with targets covered with gold velvets, some

painted and embossed with gold and silver, all of which he distributed

among his servants. Against this muster many saddles and other

horse-furniture were provided, richly ornamented with gold and precious

stones, intended for spare horses. His boots were embroidered, and every

thing was of the highest magnificence, so that the expence is

wonderful, and the wealth seen daily is inestimable. There is a report

going, that, on the past night, six of the servants of Sultan Churrum

went to murder Sultan Cuserou, but were refused the key by the porter

who has charge of him. It is farther said that the queen mother is gone

to the king to lay before him an account of this matter. But the truth

of these things is hard to be found, and it is dangerous to ask

questions.

In the evening I went to the durbar to wait upon the king, where I met

the Persian ambassador with the first muster of his presents. He seemed

a jester or juggler, rather than a person of any gravity, continually

skipping up and down, and acting all his words like a mimic player, so

that the _Atachikanne_ was converted as it were into a stage. He

delivered all his presents with his own hand, which the king received

with smiles and a chearful countenance, and many gracious words. His

tongue was a great advantage to the Persian in delivering his own

business, which he did with so much flattery and obsequiousness, that he

pleased as much that way as by his gifts, constantly calling his majesty

king and commander of the world, forgetting that his own master had a

share of it; and on every little occasion of favourable acceptance, he

made his _tessalims_. When all was delivered for that day, he prostrated

himself on the ground, making _sizeda_, and knocking his head on the

floor as if he would have entered it.

The gifts this day were a handsome quiver for a bow and arrow, richly

embroidered; all sorts of European fruits, artificially made, and laid

on dishes; many folding purses, and other knacks, of leather, curiously

wrought in coloured silks; shoes stitched and embroidered: great mirrors

in richly inlaid frames; one square piece of velvet, highly embroidered

with gold in panes, between which were Italian pictures wrought in the

stuff, which he said were the king and queen of Venice, being, as I

suppose, the hanging called Venetian tapestry, of which six were given,

but only one shown. There were besides, many other curiosities of small

value; after which came the three times nine horses and mules, the

latter being very handsome, but the horses had lost their beauty and

condition, as, except one or two, they were very unfit for being sent or

accepted between princes. This done, the Persian returned, with many

antic tricks, to his place, which was far inferior to mine, as I stood

alone, and above all the subjects, though Asaph Khan at first wanted to

put me from it, but I maintained it as my right, having been appointed

me by the king. This was only the first act of the play presented by

the Persian ambassador, which will not be finished in ten days.

The 22d I went to the prince's secretary for the promised Surat letter;

but his highness had changed his mind, and, loth to let the presents

pass without ransacking them, refused to seal the letter. The secretary

pretended they could not be allowed to pass without search, lest the

merchants, under that pretence, might defraud the customs. I was

offended, and going away; but the secretary prevailed on me to go with

him to the prince, to whom I delivered some feathers, being two

_plurides_ and two birds of paradise, which he graciously accepted; and

having made known my determination not to have the presents opened, or

to be sent up by any others than my own servants, he at last yielded,

and commanded his secretary to make out the dispatch in my own way.

At night I went to the durbar to observe the Persian ambassador, whom I

found standing in his place, but often removed and set lower, as the

great men came in. The king once spoke to him, on which he played off

his monkey tricks, but gave no present; only the king gave command that

he should be feasted by the nobles. Most of the time was spent in seeing

saddles and furniture, against the removal of the court, some of which

the king presented to his followers, as the court was daily expected to

move; the king's tents having been pitched four days. I sent that night

to the secretary for my firmaun, but was put off with excuses.

The 24th the king removed to Havar Gemal, and called for the Persian

ambassador, who at night eat and drank before the king along with the

nobles, as I had done on the birth-day. On this occasion the king gave

him 20,000 rupees for his expences, for which he made innumerable

_tessalims_ and _sizedas_, which greatly pleased the king, being base

yet profitable idolatry. As the prince was in attendance on the king, I

could not get my business dispatched.

The king returned to the city in the evening of the 25th, having been

far gone in wine the night before. Some person, either by chance or from

malice, spoke of the last merry night, when many of the nobles had drank

wine, which none may do without leave. Having forgot his own order, the

king demanded to know who gave? It was answered that it had been given

by the _buxy_, as no one dared to say it was the king, seeing he doubted

it. The custom is that the king drinks alone, though sometimes he will

give command that the nobles shall drink also, which to refuse is

likewise an offence, so every one who takes the cup of wine from the

officer has his name written down, and makes _tessalim_, though perhaps

the king's eyes are misty. The king called for the _buxy_, and asked if

he gave the order, which he falsely denied; though he actually gave it

as ordered, calling by name such as were to drink with the ambassador.

The king then called for the list, and fined the delinquents, some 1000,

some 2000, and others 3000 rupees. Some that were near his person, he

caused to be whipped in his presence, receiving 130 stripes with a most

terrible instrument of torture, having at the ends of four cords irons

like spur-rowels, so that every stroke made four wounds. When they lay

for dead, he commanded the standers-by to spurn them with their feet,

and the door-keepers to break their staves upon them. Thus cruelly

mangled and bruised, they were carried away, one of them dying on the

spot. Some would have excused themselves, by blaming the ambassador; but

the king said he had only ordered a cup or two to be given to him.

Though drunkenness be a common and frequent vice in the king, it is yet

strictly forbidden; and no one can enter the _guzelkhan_ where the king

sits, till the porters have smelt his breath, and if he have only tasted

wine he is refused admittance; and if this reason of his absence be

known, he shall scarcely escape the whip. When the king has taken

offence at any one, even a father dares not speak for his son. Thus the

king made all the company pay for the Persian ambassador's reward.

The 26th, I went to _Sorocolla_, the prince's secretary, to get the

promised firmaun; when he sent me a copy as fraudulent and ambiguous as

the former, which I refused to accept. I drew up the clause I so much

disliked myself, which I sent back, and was promised to have it sealed

next day.

The day of the king's removal being at hand, I sent on the 28th to Asaph

Khan, to have a warrant for carriages, as our merchants had sought all

over the town for carriages to convey their goods to Agra, and could not

procure any. As I was enrolled by the king, I received an order for

twenty camels, four carts, and two coaches, to be paid for at the

king's price; of which I appointed for the use of the factors as many as

they needed.

At this time the following incident took place, being either a wonderful

instance of baseness in this great monarch, or a trial of my

disposition. The king had condemned several thieves to death, among whom

were some boys, and there was no way to save their lives, except by

selling them as slaves. On this occasion, the king commanded Asaph Khan

to offer two of them to me for money, which he directed to be done by

the _cutwall_, or marshal. He came accordingly and made the offer to my

interpreter, who answered without my knowledge, that the Christians kept

no slaves, and, as I had already set free those the king had given me,

it was in vain to propose the matter to me. I afterwards suspected this

were done to try me whether I would give a little money to save the

lives of two children, or, if it even were in earnest, I thought there

was no great loss in doing a good deed. So, to try the scope of this

affair, I directed my interpreter to inform Asaph Khan, that being made

acquainted with the offer, and the answer my interpreter had given, I

had reprehended him for presuming in any case to answer for me; and

that, if any money were to be given to save the lives of the children,

either to those whom they had robbed, or to redeem them from the law, I

was ready to give it, both out of respect for the king's command, and

for charity; but I would not buy them as slaves, only meaning to pay

their ransom, and set them free; and, if he would let me know the king's

pleasure, that I might give them their lives and liberties without

offence, I was very willing to do it.

Asaph Khan agreed to accept the money, making many commendations of my

extraordinary goodness, and said I might dispose of the boys as I

thought fit, desiring me to send the money to the _cutwall_, yet made no

offer of informing the king, which was one chief purpose of my

liberality. I had no inclination to be cheated, yet resolved to pay the

money in such a way that the king should learn I had more mercy than he,

and that a Christian valued the life of a Mahomedan beyond money. I sent

therefore a factor and my interpreter to the _cutwall_, to acquaint him

with my communication to Asaph Khan, and that, if he informed the king

of my offer to redeem the prisoners for charity, and his majesty

consented to give them their pardon and liberty, I was ready to send

the money; but that I would not buy them as slaves, even for an hour.

Thus I put them to the test as to their base offer. This sum did not

exceed ten pounds, a poor affair for which to impose upon a stranger, or

to be gained by so great a king. The _cutwall_ answered that he would

enquire the king's pleasure, and let me know the result. Some would have

me believe, that this was, a signal favour of the king, chusing out any

great man to do this good and honourable work of redeeming prisoners, as

the money is given in satisfaction to the person robbed, and that those

who are thus appointed to ransom them, make _sizeda_ to the king, as for

a mighty benefit. But I see no honour in a king thus to impose upon a

stranger, to whom he gives neither maintenance nor liberality. I went to

the durbar, to see if the king would himself speak to me, that I might

declare my own offer. The _cutwall_ made many motions, and brought in

his executioner, who received some commands, but I understood them not.

I this day sent my secretary with a message to the Persian ambassador,

to say I would visit him, if he gave his word to return my visit. He

sent me for answer, with much respect, that it was not the custom of the

country for ambassadors to visit each, other without leave of the king,

which he would ask; and which given, he would thankfully accept my

visit, and repay it with all manner of pleasure.

On the 1st November, Sultan Churrum took his leave and went to his

tents. On this occasion the king sat in his durbar at noon, when the

prince passed his establishment in review before his father, consisting

of about 600 elephants richly caparisoned, and about 10,000 horse, all

splendidly arrayed, many of his followers being clad in cloth of gold,

and their turbans adorned with herons plumes. The prince himself was in

a dress of cloth of silver, all over embroidered, and splendidly

decorated with pearls and diamonds, shining like the firmament in a

clear night. The king embraced and kissed him with much affection,

presenting him with a rich sword, the hilt and scabbard all of gold set

with precious stones, valued at 100,000 rupees, a dagger valued at

40,000, together with an elephant, and a horse, the furniture of both

magnificently adorned with gold and jewels. At his departure, he gave

him a coach, made in imitation of that sent by the king my master to the

emperor, and commanded the English coachman to drive the prince to the

tents. Churrum went accordingly into the coach, sitting in the middle

thereof, all the sides being open; and was attended by all his chief

nobles a-foot, all the way to the camp, which was about four miles.

Being followed by a vast concourse of people, he scattered all the way

among them handfuls of quarter rupees. At one time he reached his hand

to the coachman, and put about 100 rupees into his hat.

On the 2d, the king removed, with his women and all the court, to the

tents, about three miles from town. I went that morning to attend upon

him at the _Jarruco_ window of the palace, and went up to the scaffold

under the window, being desirous to see this exhibition. Two eunuchs

stood upon tressels, having long poles headed with feathers, with which

they fanned him. On this occasion, he dispensed many favours, and

received many presents. What he gave was let down by a silk cord, rolled

on a turning instrument; and what he received was drawn up in the same

manner, by a venerable, fat, and deformed old matron, all hung round

with _gymbals_ like an image. Two of his principal wives were at a

window on one side, whose curiosity led them to break holes in a lattice

of roods that hung before the window, to gaze on me. At first I only saw

their fingers; and afterwards, applying their faces to the holes, I

could at times see an eye, and at length could discern their entire

countenances. They were indifferently fair, having their black hair

smoothed up from their foreheads; and they were so adorned with pearls

and diamonds, that I might have seen them without the help of any other

light. On my looking at them, they retired very merry, and, as I

supposed, laughing at me.

After some time, the king departed from the window, and we all went to

the durbar, to wait his coming out of the inner apartments. He came not

long after, and remained in the durbar for about half an hour, till his

ladies had mounted their elephants, which were in all about fifty, all

richly caparisoned, especially three, which had turrets or _howders_ of

gold, with grates of gold wire for the ladies to see through, and rich

canopies over head of cloth of silver. The king then descended the

stairs, amid such acclamations of _health to the king_, as would have

drowned the noise of cannon. At the foot of the stairs, where I

contrived to be near him, a person brought to him a large carp, and

another presented a dish of some white stuff like starch, into which the

king dipped his finger, with which he touched the fish, and then rubbed

it on his forehead. This ceremony was said to presage good fortune. Then

came another officer, who buckled on his sword and buckler, all set with

large diamonds and rubies. Another hung on his quiver with thirty

arrows, and his bow-case, being that which had been presented by the

Persian ambassador. On his head, the king wore a rich turban, with a

plume of heron's crests, not many but long: On one side hung a rich

unset ruby as large as a walnut; on the other side a diamond of equal

size; and in the middle an emerald much larger, shaped like a heart. His

sash was wreathed about with a chain of great pearls, rubies, and

diamonds, drilled. A triple chain of excellent pearls, the largest I had

ever seen, hung round his neck. He had armlets above his elbows, richly

set with diamonds; and three rows of diamonds round each wrist. His

hands were bare, having a rich ring on almost every finger; and a pair

of English gloves were stuck into his girdle. His coat, without sleeves,

was of cloth of gold, over a fine robe as thin as lawn. On his feet he

wore buskins embroidered with pearls, the toes being sharp and turned

up.

Thus richly accoutred, he went into the coach, which waited for him

under the care of his new English servant, who was dressed as gaudily as

any player, and more so, and had trained four horses for the draught,

which were trapped and harnessed all in velvet and gold. This was the

first coach he had ever been in, made in imitation of that sent from

England, and so like it that I only knew the difference by the cover,

which was of gold velvet of Persia. Having seated himself at one end,

two eunuchs attended at each side, carrying small golden maces set all

over with rubies, to which horse-tails were fastened, for driving away

flies. Before him went drums, bad trumpets, and loud music; with many

canopies, parasols, and other strange ensigns of majesty, all of cloth

of gold, and adorned with rubies. Nine spare horses were led before him,

some having their furniture garnished with rubies, some with pearls, and

others with diamonds, while some had only plain gold studs. Next behind

the coach came three palanquins, the carriages and feet of one being

plated with gold, set with pearls, and a fringe of great pearls in

strings a foot long, the border being set all round with rubies and

emeralds. Beside this, a man on foot carried a stool of gold, set with

precious stones. The other two palanquins were covered and lined with

cloth of gold.

Next followed the English coach, newly covered and richly trimmed, which

he had given to his favourite queen, Nourmahal, who sat in the inside.

After this came a coach, made after the fashion of the country, which I

thought seemed out of countenance, in which were his younger sons. This

was followed by about twenty spare royal elephants, all for the king's

own use, all so splendidly adorned with precious stones and rich

furniture, that they outshone the sun. Each elephant had several flags

and streamers of cloth of silver, gilded sattin, or rich silk. His

noblemen accompanied him on foot, which I did likewise to the gate, and

then left him. His women, who accompanied him on elephants, as before

mentioned, seemed like so many parroquitos in cages, and followed about

half a mile in the rear of his coach. On coming to the door of the house

in which his eldest son was kept prisoner, he caused the coach to stop,

and sent for prince Cuserou; who immediately came and made reverence,

having a sword and buckler in his hands, and his beard grown to his

middle, in sign of disfavour. The king now commanded his son to mount

one of the spare elephants in the royal train, so that he rode next his

father, to the great joy and applause of the multitude, who were now

filled with new hopes; and on this occasion, the king gave him 1000

rupees to throw among the people; his gaoler, Asaph Khan, and all the

ministers, being still attendant on foot.

To avoid the press and other inconveniences, I took horse and crossed

out of the _leskar_, getting before the king, and then waited for him

till he came near his tents, to which he passed all the way from the

town between a guard of turreted elephants, having each on the four

corners of their howdars a banner of yellow taffety, and a _sling_[208]

mounted in front, carrying a bullet as big as a tennis-ball. There were

about three hundred elephants armed in this manner, each having a

gunner; besides about six hundred other elephants of honour, that

preceded or followed the king, all covered with velvet or cloth of gold,

and all carrying two or three gilded banners. Many men afoot ran before

the king, carrying skins of water with which to sprinkle the road to

prevent dust from annoying him; and no one was allowed to approach the

coach on horseback by two furlongs.

[Footnote 208: The sling in the text appears to have been a _slung_

musquetoon, or small cannon, mounted in that manner to avoid

recoil.--E.]

Having gone before a-horseback, as before mentioned, I hastened to the

tents, to await the king's arrival. The royal encampment was walled

round, half a mile in circuit, in form of a fortress, with high screens

or curtains of coarse stuff; somewhat like Arras hangings, red on the

outside, the inside being divided into panes or compartments, with a

variety of figures. This inclosure had a handsome gateway, and the

circuit was formed into various coins and bulwarks, as it were; the

posts which supported the curtains being all surmounted with brass tops.

The throng was very great, and I wished to have gone into the enclosure,

but no one was allowed, even the greatest of the land having to sit down

at the gate. At length I was admitted, but the Persian ambassador and

all the nobles were refused. At this gate, and for the first time, I was

saluted by the Persian ambassador as I passed, by a silent _salam_.

In the midst of this enclosure, there stood a throne of mother-of-pearl,

borne aloft on two pillars, under cover of a high tent or pavilion, the

pole of which was headed by a golden knob, the roof being of cloth of

gold, and the ground covered by carpets. When the king came near,

several noblemen were admitted, together with the Persian ambassador;

all of us making a kind of lane, the ambassador being on one side, and I

on the other. As the king came in, he cast his eye on me, whereupon I

made him a reverence, to which he answered by bowing and laying his hand

on his breast. Turning to the other side, he nodded to the Persian. I

followed close at his heels till he ascended the throne, every one

calling out, _joy, health, and good fortune_. The king then called for

water, with which he washed his hands, and then retired into an interior

tent, to join his women, who had entered by another gate to their own

quarters; there being about thirty divisions with tents within the royal

inclosure. His son I saw not. All the noblemen now retired to their

quarters, which were all very handsome, some having their tents green,

others white, and others again of mixed colours, all handsome in form

and arrangement, and all as orderly inclosed as their houses in the

city, so that the whole composed the most curious and magnificent sight

I had ever beheld. The whole vale seemed like a magnificent city, no

mean tents or baggage being allowed to mix among these splendid

pavilions. I was utterly unprovided with carriages or tent, and ashamed

of my situation, for indeed five years of my allowances would not have

enabled me to take the field any thing like the others; every one having

a double set of pavilions, one of which goes before to the next station,

where it is set up a day before the king removes. On this account, I was

obliged to return to my poor house in the town.

On the 5th November I rode about five miles, to the tents of the prince,

Sultan Churrum. I made him my compliments of leave taking, wishing him

all prosperity and success; but he ordered me to return and take my

leave two days afterwards, as I had moved him on some business,

respecting debts due to the English, which he promised to examine and

dispatch. He sat in state, in the same greatness and magnificence I have

mentioned of his father; his throne being plated all over with silver,

inlaid with gold flowers, having a square canopy over head, borne up by

four pillars covered with silver; his arms, such as his sword, buckler,

bows, arrows, and lance, being on a table before his throne. I observed

him curiously, now that he was in absolute authority, and took especial

notice of his actions and behaviour. He had just received two letters,

which he read standing, before he ascended his throne. I never saw any

one having so settled a countenance, or maintain a so constant gravity

of deportment, never once smiling, or shewing by his looks any respect

or distinction of persons, but evincing an extreme pride and thorough

contempt for all around him. Yet I could perceive that he was every now

and then assailed by some inward trouble, and a kind of distraction and

brokenness in his thoughts, as he often answered suitors in a disjointed

manner, as if surprised, or not hearing what they had said. If I can

judge, he has left his heart among his father's women, with whom he is

allowed to converse. The day before, Noormahal went to visit him in the

English coach; and, on taking leave of him, she presented him with a

robe, all embroidered with diamonds, rubies, and pearls; and, if I do

not mistake, she carried away with her all his attentions from other

business.

The 6th I had a letter from Mr Brown at Ahmedabad, giving an account of

a fray begun by the Portuguese. Five of them assailed an English boy at

Cambay, whose arms they took from him. On notice of this, John Brown and

James Bickeford went to rescue the boy, and were set upon by seven

Portuguese, one of whom fired a pistol and wounded Brown in the hand.

They defended themselves bravely and honourably like Englishmen, killed

one, wounded some others, and chaced the rest up and down the town like

cowards, to the great shame of such villains, and the reputation of our

nation. To revenge this, the Portuguese came ashore in considerable

numbers from their frigates, no more English being in the town except

the three already mentioned. The governor, being informed of this

affair, sent the cutwall with a guard to our house, and ordered the

water port to be shut, expelling the Portuguese from the town, and

commanding them, on pain of chastisement, not to meddle with the

English, whom he dismissed in safety from Cambay, and they are now

returned to Ahmedabad.

The 9th, the prince being to remove, sent one of his guards for me in

haste. I was not prepared for going, but the messenger pressed me,

urging that his master waited for me, and he had orders not to return

without me. He added, that the whole court talked of the prince's favour

for me, and it was reported he had asked leave from the king for me to

accompany him to the war, and had promised to use me so well that I

should be forced to acknowledge his favour to our nation. I accordingly

took horse after dinner; but on my arrival, I found the prince already

under march. I met a Dutchman, the prince's jeweller, who confirmed

every thing the soldier had said, and added so much more in the same

strain, that I disbelieved the whole. I sent word to the prince of my

arrival, when he returned for answer, That I should go on before to the

tents, and wait his arrival, when he would speak with me. It was night

when he came. He sat a short while, only giving me a look, and arose to

retire among his women. As he passed, he sent a servant to desire me to

wait a little, till he came out to hold his guzalcan, when he should

take leave of me.

He came out in half an hour, but I could not get any one to remind him

of me, and he was fallen to play, and either forgot me, or proposed to

play me a state trick. I then told the waiters, that I had been sent for

by the prince, and only waited his orders, for which I had too long

waited, as it was late, and I must return to my house; and therefore, if

the prince had any business for me, I desired it might be sent after me,

as I scorned to be so used. Before I could mount, messengers came

running after me, and called me back to wait upon the prince. Going in,

I found him earnestly engaged at cards, but he excused himself of

forgetfulness, blaming the officers formally for not reminding him, and

shewed more than ordinary attention, calling me to see his cards, and

asking me many questions. I expected he would have spoken of my going

along with him; but, finding no such discourse, I told him I had come

only in obedience to his commands, and to take my leave, and craved his

pardon for being in haste, as I had to return to Agimere, having no

convenience for staying all night in camp. He answered, that he had sent

to speak with me before his departure, and that I should be presently

dispatched. He then sent in an eunuch into the interior apartments, and

several of his officers came to me smiling, who said that the prince

meant to give me a magnificent present, and if I feared to ride late, I

should have a guard of ten horsemen to see me safe home, making as much

of the matter as if I had been to get his best chain of pearls. By and

by came a cloak of cloth of gold, which the prince had once or twice

worn, which he caused to be put on me, and for which I made my reverence

very unwillingly; yet I urged some business, and having an answer, took

my leave. It is here reputed the highest favour, to give one a garment

that has been worn by a prince, or that has merely been laid on their

shoulders. The cloak now given me might have answered well for an actor

who had to represent the character of his ancestor, Tamerlane, on the

stage, but was to me of no importance. On my way out, I was followed by

his porters and waiters, begging in a most shameless manner, so that I

half paid the value of the cloak before I could get out from among them.

On the 10th November, almost every body had removed from the town of

Agimere, so that I was left nearly alone, and could neither get carts

nor camels for my removal, notwithstanding my warrant. The Persian

ambassador was in a similar predicament, but complained, and was soon

redressed. I therefore sent to court, and on the 11th I received two

warrants, for being supplied with carts and camels at the king's price:

but it was not easy to procure either, as the great men had soldiers in

every direction, to take up all for their use; and indeed it was

wonderful, how two leskars or camps, belonging to the king and prince,

could both remove at once.

The 16th, an order was given by the king to set fire to the whole leskar

at Agimere, that the people might be compelled to follow, which was duly

executed. I was left almost destitute; and the Persian ambassador, who

had fought, chid, brawled, and complained, without any remedy, was in

the same state with me. We sent messages of condolence to each other;

and, by his example, I resolved to buy, as many were disposed to sell,

who would not hire at the king's price, and I calculated that by

purchasing I should almost save hire, though carts were dear, as the

hire of three months would have exhausted the price of purchase.

Necessity enforced me to remove, as the town was burnt and utterly

desolate, and I was in great danger from thieves, as the soldiers came

from camp and robbed during the night. So desolate was the town, that I

could not even procure bread. Yet I sent again to court, to make one

trial more, before I purchased.

The 17th I received accounts from Goa, which were said to be true, that

Don Emanuel de Meneses, with about 300 of those who were saved ashore

out of the Admiral, had arrived at Goa in a very poor condition, having

been robbed and plundered by the inhabitants of Angazesia, who had also

slain many. On the 24th October, not one of the Lisbon fleet had reached

Goa, to their great wonder and disappointment. The Mosambique galleon

was fought with by the Hollanders that lately went from Surat, and had

cruised off Goa to meet the expected ships. This galleon was very rich

in gold and other commodities, but she escaped.

I received an order for camels and carriages, but was continually

delayed and disappointed; and being afraid to remain, I bought two

carts, and was continually promised camels, yet none appeared. Mr

Bidulph remained in the prince's leskar to receive money. The leskar of

the king was still only twelve cosses from Agimere. The 18th, the

Portuguese Jesuit took leave of me, being under the necessity of

purchasing a carriage, although he had an order for one out of the

king's store; but every one was distressed, owing to the scarcity.

Having nothing material to say, respecting my own affairs, during my

solitude at Agimere, I shall here digress, to mention the state of

Sultan Cuserou, of whose new delivery into the hands of his enemies, the

hearts and mouths of all men were now full.

Though the king had so far condescended to satisfy his proud son Churrum

at his departure, as again to place Cuserou in confinement, yet it seems

that he did not mean to wink at any injurious behaviour to his eldest

son: And, partly to render his situation the more secure, in the custody

of Asaph Khan, and partly to satisfy the murmurs of the people, who

feared some treachery against him, he took occasion to declare his mind

respecting him in the public durbar. Asaph Khan had been to visit his

new prisoner, and in his behaviour towards him, did not treat him with

the respect due to a prince, but rudely pressed into his presence

against his will, and in a disrespectful manner. Some are of opinion he

did this purposely to pick a quarrel, knowing the bravery of the prince,

who would not suffer an indignity, meaning to tempt him to draw his

sword, or to use some violence, which the guard might suddenly revenge;

or that he might have opportunity to represent to the king, that the

prince had attempted to kill his keeper, on purpose to escape. But the

prince acted with patient prudence, and only procured a friend to

acquaint the king with the rude behaviour of Asaph Khan. Accordingly,

one day at the durbar, the king called Asaph Khan before him, and asked

when he had seen his charge? To which he answered, he had seen him two

days before. The king then asked, What he had then done to him? He said

he had only visited him. But the king pressed to know what reverence and

fashion he had carried towards the prince. Asaph Khan then saw that the

king knew what had passed. He therefore said, That he had gone to wait

upon the prince, in all reverence and affection, to offer his service,

but that the prince refused him admittance into the apartment;

wherefore, as he was entrusted with his safety, he thought it both

necessary for him to see the prince, and discourteous in him to deny,

and had therefore pressed in. On this, the king quickly asked, "And when

you were in, what did you say and do?" Asaph Khan stood confounded, and

confessed that he did not make any reverence. Whereupon, the king told

him roundly, "That he would make his proud heart know the prince as his

eldest and beloved heir, and his prince and lord; and, if he ever heard

again of the smallest disrespect or want of duty in his behaviour

towards the prince, he would command his son to trample him under his

feet." He added, that he loved his son Prince Churrum, yet did not

entrust his eldest son Cuserou among them for his ruin and destruction.

The 20th I received a new warrant for carriages, which procured me eight

camels, but such poor ones as were quite unable to suffice for our

baggage, and I was therefore under the necessity of purchasing the rest.

The 22d I removed to my tents. The 23d and 24th I waited for the

merchants; and on the latter of these days I had a letter from Ispahan,

saying that my letters had been dispatched for Aleppo, and that we were

expected in Persia, but on condition that we seconded the wishes of Shah

Abbas, by diverting the sale of his silks from Turkey. My letters added,

that the general of the Turks lay with a mighty army at _Argerone_,

[Arzerom,] six days march short of Tauris, as if uncertain whether to

attack that city, or to enter Gurgestan and Gilan, the provinces in

which silk is produced, so as to win that by conquest which was refused

in the way of trade. To guard against both attempts, Shah Abbas was

encamped at _Salmas_, whence he could march either way as might be

required. But, it was farther said, if the armies did not come to battle

in two months, the approach of winter, and the wants attendant on such

numerous bodies of men, would constrain both to quit the field. It is

thought the Persians will not adventure a battle, though 180,000 strong,

as, being light, and unencumbered with cannon or baggage, they are

fitted for rapid marches, and can harass the Turkish army with perpetual

skirmishes and assaults on all sides, hovering round about, and wasting

them, without hazard to themselves.

§6. _Sir Thomas Roe follows the Progress of the Court, and describes the

King's Leskar, and some Places through which he passed; with instances

of the King's Superstition and Drunkenness, and some curious Incidents

respecting a Present_.

The 25th of November I removed four cosses from Agimere, but waited

during the remainder of that month, for the arrival of a caravan, going

from Agra to Surat, by which I might transmit my papers in safety. The

caravan departed from Agimere at midnight of the 30th November: and on

the 1st December I went six cosses to Ramsor, where the king had left

the naked bodies of an hundred men, put to death for robbery. The 2d I

travelled seven c. I rested the 3d, because of rain. The 4th I went five

c. and this day I overtook a camel, laden with 300 heads, sent from

Candahar to the king, the people to whom these heads had belonged having

been in rebellion. Travelling five c. on the 5th, and four c. on the

6th, I that day overtook the king at a walled town called _Todah_, in

the best and most populous country I had seen in India since I landed.

The district was quite level, having a fertile soil, abounding in corn,

cotton, and cattle, and the villages were so numerous and near together,

as hardly to exceed a coss from each other in any direction. This town

was the best built of any I had seen in India, many of the houses being

two stories high, and most of them good enough for decent shop-keepers,

all covered with tiles. It had been the residence of a Rajput rajah,

before the conquests of Akbar Shah, and stood at the foot of a great and

strong rock, about which were many excellent works of hewn stone, well

cut, with many tanks, arched over with well-turned vaults, and large and

deep descents to them. Near it was a beautiful grove, two miles long and

a quarter of a mile broad, all planted with mangoes, tamarinds, and

other fruit-trees, divided by shady walks, and interspersed with little

temples, and idol altars, with many fountains, wells, and summer-houses

of carved stone curiously arched, so that I must confess a poor banished

Englishman might have been content to dwell here. But this observation

may serve universally for the whole of this country, that ruin and

devastation operates every where; for, since the property of all has

become vested in the king, no person takes care of any thing, so that in

every place the spoil and devastations of war appear, and no where is

any thing repaired.

On the 7th the king only removed from one side of Todah to the other.

The 8th I was at the guzalcan, but found the king so nearly drunk, that

he became entirely so in half an hour, so that I could not have any

business with him. The 9th I took a view of the royal _leskar_, or camp,

which is one of the greatest wonders I had ever seen, and chiefly as I

saw it finished and set up in less than four hours, all except the tents

of some of the great men, who have double suits. It could not well be

less in circuit than twenty English miles, the extent in some directions

being three cosses, including the out-skirts. In the middle, where the

streets are orderly and the tents joined, there are all sorts of shops,

so regularly disposed, that all persons know where to go for any thing

they want. Every man of quality, and every trade, is regularly appointed

how far they are to be from the king's tents, in what direction, and

what ground they shall occupy, which continues ever the same without

alteration. All this may equal almost any town in Europe for size. But

no person must approach on any side within a musket shot of the

_atoskanha_, or royal quarter, which is so strictly observed that no one

is ever admitted but by name. The evening durbar is omitted, the time

being spent by the king in hunting or hawking rather, on tanks, by means

of boats, in which he takes great delight, his barges being moved along

with the leskar on carts. On these occasions he sits by the sides of the

tanks, to view the sport, these tanks being often a mile or two over.

The king is seen every morning at the _Jaruco_, formerly mentioned; but

business or speaking to him at this time is prohibited; all business

being conducted at night in the _guzalcan_, and there the opportunity is

often missed, his majesty being so frequently overcome by drowsiness,

proceeding from drunkenness.

There was now a whisper about the court of a new affinity between Sultan

Cuserou and Asaph Khan, and great hope was entertained of the prince

recovering his liberty. I will find an opportunity to discourse of this

hereafter, because the particulars are worthy of being preserved, as the

wisdom and goodness of the king were manifest above the malice of

others: And, in this affair, Noormahal made good the observation, that

women have always great influence in court factions, and she shewed that

they are not incapable of managing business. This history will discover

a noble prince, an excellent wife, a faithful counsellor, a crafty

step-mother, an ambitious son, a cunning favourite; all reconciled by a

patient king, whose heart was not understood by any of them all. But

this will require a separate place,[209] as not fit to be mingled with

matters of ordinary business. At this time the English complained of

being ill used at Surat; but their drunkenness, and riotous behaviour

proceeding from that cause, were so notorious, that it was rather

wonderful they were not all put to death.

[Footnote 209: This story does not however appear, the journal of Sir

Thomas Roe being left imperfect, both in the Pilgrims and in the

Collection of Churchill.--E.]

The 16th of December I visited the king, who was just returned from his

sports, having all his game laid out before him, both fish and fowl. He

desired me to take my choice, and then distributed all the rest among

his nobles. I found him sitting on his throne, having a beggar at his

feet, a poor silly old man, all in rags and ashes, attended on by a

young one. The country abounds in these professed poor and holy men, who

are held in great reverence, and who, in voluntary sufferings and

mortified chastisements of their bodies, exceed all the boasted

performances of heretics and idolaters in all ages and countries. With

this miserable wretch, who was cloathed in rags, crowned with feathers,

and covered, with filth, his majesty conversed for about an hour, with

such kindness, as shewed a humility not common among kings. All this

time the beggar sat before the king, which is not even permitted to his

son. The beggar gave the king as a present, a cake made by himself of

coarse grain, burnt on the coals, and all foul with ashes; which yet the

king accepted, broke off a piece and eat it, which a dainty person would

hardly have done. He then wrapt up the rest in a clout, and put it into

the poor man's bosom, and sending for 100 rupees, he poured them into

the beggar's lap, gathering up with his own hands any that fell past,

and giving them to him. When his collation or banquet was brought in,

whatsoever he took to eat, he gave half of to the beggar. Rising, after

many humiliations and charities, and the old wretch not being nimble, he

took him up in his arms, though a dainty person would have scrupled to

touch him, and embraced him three times, laying his hand on his heart

and calling him father, and so left him, all of us greatly admiring such

virtue in a heathen prince. This I mention with emulation and sorrow;

wishing, as we have the true vine, that we should not produce bastard

grapes, or that this zeal in an unbeliever were guided by the true light

of the gospel.

The 23d, being about three cosses short of a city called _Rantepoor_,

[Rantampoor,] where it was supposed the king would rest, and consult

what way to take in his farther progress, he suddenly turned off towards

_Mundu_, but without declaring his purpose. I am of opinion, he took

this way for fear of the plague at Agra, rather than from any purpose of

being near the army; for we only marched every other day no more than

four cosses, and with such a train of baggage as was almost impossible

to be kept in any degree of order.

The 26th we passed through woods and over mountains, torn with bushes

and tired by the incommodiousness of an almost impassable way, in which

many camels perished, and many persons, wearied of these difficulties,

went away to Agra, and all complained. In this laborious day's march, I

lost my tents and carts, but by midnight I again fell in with them. The

king now rested two days, as the leskar could not again recover its

order in less time; many of the king's women, and thousands of camels,

carts, and coaches, being left in the woody mountains, where they could

neither procure food nor water. The king himself got through upon a

small elephant, which beast can climb up rocks, and get through such

difficult passes, that no horse or other animal I have seen can follow.

The 29th we encamped beside the river _Chambet_, [Chumbull.]

The first of January, 1617, I complained to Asaph Khan of the injuries

offered to the English at Surat, though I was at the same time much

perplexed by various relations, giving me a bad account of the

disorderly and outrageous behaviour of my countrymen. Asaph Khan advised

me not to carry my complaint to the king, which would incense the

prince; but desired me to ask leave of his majesty to go to visit Sultan

Churrum, with a letter from him recommending the dispatch of my

business, and good usage to our nation; so that, carrying a present to

the prince, I should please both, and succeed in my business. This was

the same plan I had already formed, and therefore pleased me the better;

more especially as the king now certainly designed to go forwards to

Mundu, which is only eight days journey from Burhanpoor, where the

prince was; and I thought I might as well ride over to him, as remain

idle in the fields. At noon this day I visited the Persian ambassador,

being the first time we had leisure for this ceremony, and was received

by him with much respectful civility. After compliments on both sides

were over, I proposed to him the settlement of trade in his master's

dominions, which he engaged to promote as much as lay in his power. He

gave me a banquet of bad fruit, but being a good fellow, it went off

well, and he outdid in courtesy every thing I had met with in India. He

railed loudly against the court, and the king's officers and council,

using most unusual liberty. He offered to be my interpreter, desiring

that I might pitch my tents beside his, and he would impart whatever I

thought proper to the king. When about to part, after long discourse, he

pressed me to accept a horse with handsome furniture, which was brought

to the door, but I refused. He then sent for nine pieces of Persian

silks, and nine bottles of wine, that I might not depart without some

testimony of his love, but these also I refused to accept, with many

protestations of affectionate regard. I observed him looking earnestly

at my sword, which I offered to give him; but, following my example, he

refused.

At night I visited the king, who spent his time sadly with an old man,

after reading long letters, and few spoke with him. At his rising, he

presented to this person, who was a cripple from age, 5000 rupees, and

took his leave of him with many embraces. I here again met the Persian

ambassador, who, after some compliments, repenting that he had refused

my sword, and having a liking to it, now asked it from me, saying, that

such liberty among friends was reckoned good manners in his country. We

continued to remove four or five c. every other day, and came on the 7th

to the goodly river _Shind_. The 18th, the king passed through between

two mountains, the road having been cut through the woods, but with so

much trouble and difficulty, and so much encumbrance to the baggage,

that it was left behind, without provisions for man and beast. This day

likewise I lost my tents and baggage, but found them again at midnight,

having been obliged till then to take up my lodging under a tree. This

part of the country is much infested by thieves, and is hardly under

obedience to government, except so far as it is kept under by force. It

belongs to a rajah, who has no desire to see the king. The exactor

complained, and some few of the people that fled being taken, were

chained by the neck and brought before the king, all the rest having

fled into the mountains. At night the king caused the town near which he

was encamped to be set on fire, appointing a new governor, with orders

to re-build and new-people the town, and to reduce the district under

more regular government and better civilization. He left a party of

horse with the new governor, to enable him to perform this service.

On the 20th, the people who had fled to the mountains, being enraged at

the burning of their town, set upon a number of stragglers who had been

left behind, killing many of them, and plundering the rest. The 22d,

having no accounts of the presents I expected from Surat, I went at

night to visit the king, to observe how he might receive me. I found him

seated in an unusual manner, so that I knew not what place to occupy,

and not willing to mix among the great men, as was offered me, and

doubting whether I might go into the apartment where the king was, which

was cut down in the bank of a river, I went to the brink and stood

alone. There were none near the king, except _Etiman Dowlet_ his

father-in-law, Asaph Khan, and three or four others. The king observed

me, and having allowed me to stay a while, he called me in with a

gracious smile, and pointed with his hand for me to stand beside him, a

favour so unusual, that it pleased and honoured me, and of which I soon

experienced the good effects, in the behaviour of the great men of the

court. He led me to talk with him, and when I called for an interpreter,

he refused it, pressing me to use such Persian words as I had learnt.

Our discourse, in consequence, had not much sense or coherence, yet he

was pleased with it, and shewed his approbation in a very courteous

manner.

On the 24th of January, news came to court, that the Deccaners were not

to be frightened out of their dominions, as had been pretended by Asaph

Khan and Noormahal, on purpose to persuade the king into this

expedition. For they had sent off all their baggage and other

impediments into the interior of their country, and lay upon the

frontiers with 50,000 horse, resolved to fight in defence of their

dominions; while Sultan Churrum had hitherto advanced no farther than

Mundu, afraid both of the enemy and Khan Khana. The king's councellors

now changed their advice, declaring that they expected the Deccaners

would have been so alarmed by his majesty's passage over the last hills,

as to have submitted at the terror of his approach; and as they now

found the contrary, they advised the king to convert his journey into a

hunting excursion, and to turn his course towards Agra, as the Deccaners

were not worthy of exposing his sacred person. He answered, that this

consideration came now too late, as his honour was engaged by having

advanced so far, and he was resolved to prosecute their former advice

and his own purpose, whatever might be the hazard. He now daily

dispatched fresh troops to reinforce the army of his son Churrum, partly

from his own followers, and the rest commanded from different

governments. These reinforcements were said to be 30,000 horse, but the

actual musters were not so numerous. Water was sometimes very scarce in

camp, and provisions grew daily scarcer and dearer, the part of the

country in which we now were not being well reduced to good government.

Not feeling these distresses, the king took no care to have them

alleviated; and as his khans, or great men, had their provisions brought

after them, they neglected to inform the king. The whole burden fell

upon strangers, the soldiers, and the poor followers of the camp, who

were worst able to endure the hardships. Every alternate day, as

formerly, the king removed his camp, three, four, or five cosses; yet on

the 29th of January, we were still sixty cosses short of Mundu.

On the 3d of February, having left the road of the leskar for my own

ease, and for the benefit of the shade, and while resting me under a

tree, Sultan Cuserou came upon me suddenly, seeking the same

conveniences. This is the king's eldest son, formerly mentioned as in

confinement by the practices of his brother Churrum and his faction, and

taken out of their hands by the king at his leaving Agimere. He was now

riding on an elephant, with no great guard or attendance. His people

called out to me to give place to the prince, which I did, yet I staid

to look at him, and he called on me to approach; and, after asking some

familiar and civil questions, I departed. His person is comely, his

countenance chearful, and his beard hung down as low as his middle. This

I noticed, by his questions, that he seemed quite ignorant of all that

passed at court, insomuch that he had never heard of any English, or of

me their ambassador. The 4th and 5th we continued our march without

halting, and on the 6th at night, we came to a little tower, newly

repaired, where the king pitched his tent in a pleasant place, on the

banks of the river _Sepra_, one coss short of the city of _Ugen_,

[Oojain,] the chief city of Malwa. This place, called _Callenda_, was

anciently a seat of the Gentoo kings of Mundu, one of whom was there

drowned while drunk. He had once before fallen into the river, and was

taken out by the hair of his head, by a person who dived for him. When

he came to himself, it was told him how he had been saved from drowning,

in hopes of having the slave rewarded. He called his deliverer before

him, and asking how he dared to be so bold as to touch his sovereign's

head, caused his hands to be cut off. Not long afterwards, while sitting

drunk beside his wife, and no other person near, he had the same

misfortune to tumble into the water, at which time she might easily have

saved him, but did not. Being afterwards asked why she had not, she said

she knew not but she likewise might have had her hands cut off for her

reward.