_Journal of Sir Thomas Roe, Ambassador from King James I, to Shah
Jehanguiro, Mogul Emperor of Hindoostan_.[183]
INTRODUCTION.
There are two editions of this journal in our older Collections of
Voyages and Travels, but both exceeding defective and imperfect. The
_first_ of these is in the Pilgrims of Purchas, which is said to have
been "_Collected out_ of the Journal of Sir Thomas Roe, Knight, Lord
Ambassador from his Majesty of Great Britain, to the Great Mogul." It is
evidently to be considered as an _abridgement_ made by Purchas, which,
indeed, he fully acknowledges in a postscript, in the following
terms:--"Some readers may perhaps wish they had the whole journal, and
not thus contracted into _extracts_ of those things out of it which I
conceived more fit for the public. And for the whole, myself would have
wished it; but neither with the honourable Company, nor elsewhere, could
I learn of it, the worthy knight himself being now employed in like
honourable embassage from his majesty to the _Great Turk_." Besides that
it is a mere abridgement, often most confusedly, and almost
unintelligibly tacked together, this article in The Pilgrims breaks off
abruptly in a most interesting part of the narrative, which we have now
no means to supply. The full title of this article in The Pilgrims is as
follows:--"Observations collected out of the Journal of Sir Thomas Roe,
Knight, Lord Ambassador from his Majesty the King of Great Britain, to
the Great Mogul. Consisting of Occurrences worthy of Memory, in the way,
and at the Court of the Mogul; together with an Account of his Customs,
Cities, Countries, Subjects, and other Circumstances relating to India."
[Footnote 183: Purch. Pilgr. I. 535. Churchill's Collect. I. 617.]
The _other_ edition of this journal is in the collection published by
the Churchills, of which we quote from the third edition of 1744,
reprinted by Lintot and Osburn, booksellers in London. Of this edition
the editor of that collection gives the following account:--"Sir Thomas
Roe has before appeared in print, in part at least, in the collection of
Purchas, since translated into French, and published in the first volume
of the collection by Thevenot. He now comes again abroad with
considerable additions, not foisted in, but taken from his own original
manuscript, of which it would appear that Purchas only had an imperfect
copy. These additions, it is true, are not great in bulk, but they are
valuable for the subject; and several matters, which in the other
collection are brought in abruptly, are here continued in a more
methodical manner."
After an attentive comparison of these two former editions, it obviously
appears that the edition by Purchas, in 1625, is in general more
circumstantial and more satisfactory than that of Churchill, in 1744,
notwithstanding its superior pretensions, as above stated. Yet, on
several occasions, the edition in Churchill gives a more intelligible
account of particulars, and has enabled us, on these occasions, to
restore what Purchas, by careless abbreviation, had left an obscure and
almost unintelligible jumble of words. The present edition, therefore,
is formed upon a careful collation of these two former, supplying from
each what was defective in the other. On the present occasion, the
nautical and other observations made by Sir Thomas Roe during the voyage
from England to Surat, are omitted, having been already inserted into
the account of that voyage by Captain Peyton.
It were much to be desired that this first account of the political
intercourse between Britain and Hindoostan could have been given at full
length, more especially as that extensive, rich, populous, and fertile
country is now almost entirely reduced under the dominion of the British
crown; and as Sir Thomas Roe, even in the garbled state in which we are
forced to present his observations, clearly shews the inherent vices of
the Mogul government, through which it so rapidly fell into anarchy, and
was torn in pieces by its own cumbrous and ill-managed strength. Perhaps
the archives of the East India Company are still able to supply this
deficiency in the history of its original establishment; and it were
surely worthy of the more than princely grandeur of that great
commercial company, to patronise the publication of a collection of the
voyages, travels, negotiations, and events which have conduced to raise
it to a degree of splendour unexampled in the history of the world. The
importance of this first embassy from Great Britain to the Great Mogul,
and the vast consequences, both commercial and political, which have
since arisen from that early intercourse, have induced us to give the
following additional information respecting the mission of Sir Thomas
Roe, from the Annals of the East India Company, vol. I. p. 174, _et
sequ._, which will in some measure supply the defects in this journal,
as published by Purchas and Churchill.--E.
* * * * *
"The information which the Court [of Committees or Directors of the
East India Company] had received, in the preceding season, [1613-14]
induced them to apply to the king to grant his royal authority that an
ambassador should proceed in his name to the Great Mogul. King James, in
compliance with the wishes of the Company, on the 14th January, 1614-15,
granted his commission to the celebrated Sir Thomas Roe, "to be
ambassador to the Great Mogul, or king of India," the company agreeing
to defray the expence, in consideration, that, under their exclusive
privileges, they were to acquire such benefits as might result from this
mission.
"Sir Thomas Roe sailed from England in March 1615, on board the Lion,
Captain Newport, and arrived at Surat, whence he proceeded to the
Mogul's court at Agimere, which he reached in December, 1615; and on the
10th January, 1616, was presented to the Mogul as ambassador from the
king of England, when he delivered the king's letter and presents. Of
these, an English coach was the chief article, and with it the Mogul was
pleased to express his satisfaction, and to give the ambassador a
gracious reception. From the company's agents having already been too
profuse in their presents to the ministers and favourites, Sir Thomas
found that the articles which he carried out as presents were not so
highly estimated as he expected; he therefore informed the court that
nothing less than valuable jewels would be deemed worthy of acceptance;
and at the same time he advised that 'four or five cases of red wine'
should be sent as presents to the king and prince, as, in his own words,
'never were men more enamoured of that drinke as these two, and which
they would more highly esteem than all the jewels in Chepeside.'
"In describing his own situation, he stated that the natives could not
comprehend what was meant in Europe by the rank or quality of an
ambassador, and that in future it would be preferable to employ an agent
only, who could bear these affronts without dishonour, which an
ambassador, from, his rank, could not encounter. He complains also,
that, from want of an interpreter, he had experienced much difficulty in
explaining to the Mogul, and to his ministers, the object of his
mission; in particular, the grievances which the English had suffered
from the governor of Ahmedabad, because the native brokers, whom he was
obliged to employ, were afraid to interpret literally, lest they should
either incur the king's displeasure, or be disgraced by his ministers.
In his application for redress from the governor of Ahmedabad, he
discovered that this officer was supported by sultan Churrum, the
Mogul's eldest-son,[184] and Asaph Khan, the favourite. By perseverance
and firmness, however, the ambassador at length obtained the relief he
solicited.
[Footnote 184: Sultan Chesuro appears to have been the eldest son of
Jehanguire, but held in confinement for having endeavoured to supplant
his father in the succession, and Churrum seems only to have been the
third son.--E.]
"On the 24th January, 1616, Sir Thomas had a second audience of the
Mogul, at which he complained of the injuries the English had sustained
from the arbitrary conduct of the governor of Surat, and so effectual
were his remonstrances, that this officer was dismissed. The ambassador
then proposed to renew the articles of the _phirmaund_, or treaty
between the Mogul and the English nation, and solicited to have the
treaty ratified by the signatures[185] of the Mogul and Sultan Churrum,
which being procured, the treaty was concluded.[186]
[Footnote 185: This expression is rather ambiguous, as the ratifications
of such papers in India were by the seals of the princes, and not what
we understand by the term used in the text--E.]
[Footnote 186: It has not been thought necessary to insert the substance
of this treaty as contained in the Annals, as it is given in the
Journal.--E.] "The dispatches of Sir Thomas, of this year, concluded
with recommending to the company, as a commercial speculation, to send
out annually a large assortment of all kinds of toys, which would find a
ready sale at the great festival of _Noroose_, [the new year] in the
month of March.
"In 1616 we discover a jealousy in the factory at Surat, of Sir Thomas
Roe, notwithstanding his efforts and success in obtaining phirmaunds
from the Mogul favourable to the factories at Surat and Ahmedabad, and
in general for the encouragement of English trade in the Mogul
dominions; for the factors represented to the court that a merchant or
agent would be better qualified for a commercial negociator than a
king's ambassador; and, in support of this opinion, referred to the
practice of the king of Spain, who on no occasion would send an
ambassador, but always a commercial agent; and stated that Sir Thomas
Roe, besides, considered himself to be vested with the exercise of a
controlling power over the commercial speculations of the Surat factory,
and held himself to be better qualified to judge of the English
interests by combining the political relations which he wished to
introduce between the Mogul and the king of England, than by forwarding
any projects for trade which the factory might devise as applicable to
the Mogul dominions.
"In this year he reported that he had returned thanks to Sultan Churrum
for the protection which he had afforded to the English in relieving
them from the extortions of Zulfeccar Khan, the late governor of Surat,
and had remonstrated against the partiality which had been shown to the
Portuguese; representing to the Mogul that the king of Portugal had
assumed the title of king of India, and that the Portuguese trade could
never be so beneficial as that of England, as the English annually
exported from India calicoes and indigo to the amount of 50,000 rials.
To strengthen this remonstrance, Sir Thomas offered to pay to the sultan
12,000 rupees yearly, on condition that the English should be exempted
from the payment of customs at the port of Surat; and then gave it as
his opinion, that the plan of the agency at Surat, of keeping permanent
factories at Surat, and other parts of the Mogul dominions, ought to be
abandoned, as it would be preferable to make the purchases of goods
inland, by the natives, [particularly the indigo from Agra, and the
Bengal goods] who could obtain them at reasonable rates. But if the
court were of opinion that English factors ought to be stationed at
Agra, he recommended sending the goods in carts rather than on camels.
He concludes this part of his report by advising that agents should
reside at Cambay and Baroach, because the best cloths in India could be
procured at these towns.
"Though Sir Thomas Roe appears to have procured a phirmaund through the
means of Noor-Mahal, the favourite sultana or empress, for the general
good treatment of the English at Surat, and had desired that an
assortment of English goods, perfumes, &c. should be forwarded to him as
presents to her and to her brother, Asaph Khan, he yet describes, in
1618, the governor of Surat as reluctant to shew that favour to the
English which the phirmaund had enjoined. It therefore became a question
with him, as the governor of Surat would not allow the English to
strengthen or fortify their factory for the protection of their goods
and servants, whether it might not be expedient to remove to some other
station, where the means of self-defence might be more practicable. At
one time he thought of Goga, and subsequently of Scindy; but, after a
review of the whole, decided that it would be more expedient to remain
at Surat, though, from the character of the natives, and the instability
of the Mogul government, all grants of privileges must be considered as
temporary, and any agreement or capitulation which might be procured,
ought not to be depended on as permanent. He concludes, that, though a
general phirmaund for trade in the Mogul dominions had been obtained,
and of course a foundation laid for the English intercourse with the
rich provinces of Bengal, yet the attempt to enter on that trade would
be unwise, from being in the exclusive possession of the Portuguese.
"Sir Thomas Roe returned from the embassy to Surat in the spring of
1618-19, when it appears that the opposition in opinion between him and
the factors at that place had subsided, as the efforts of both were
united to establish a distinct system for the trade of the English at
Surat. It has been already stated that Sir Thomas Roe had procured a
phirmaund to the English from the Mogul, for the establishment of a
general trade in his extensive dominions, but that the relaxed situation
of the government, which always, under the administration of the Moguls,
preceded an expected succession to the throne, had rendered the governor
of Surat, at this juncture, less obsequious to the orders of his
sovereign than the absolute nature of the constitution would otherwise
have prescribed. Under these circumstances, and to improve upon the
general treaty already mentioned, Sir Thomas Roe made proposals to
Sultan Churrum to enter into an alliance for resisting the pretensions
of the Portuguese. After long discussions with that prince, this treaty
was concluded, and the following are its leading articles.
"That the governor of Surat should lend ships to the English, to be
employed in the defence of that port. The English, however, to be only
allowed to land ten armed men at one time; but the resident merchants to
be allowed to wear arms. That the English should be allowed to build a
house in the city, but distant from the castle.[187] That the governor
of Surat should receive the ambassador and his suite with marks of
honour. That the English should enjoy the free exercise of their
religion, and be governed by their own laws. That in any dispute between
the English and the natives; reference was to be made to the governor
and his officers, who should decide speedily and justly; but disputes
among themselves were to be decided by their own factory. That liberty
of trade was to be allowed the English, in its fullest extent, on
payment of the usual duties on landing the goods, from which pearls,
jewels, &c. were to be exempted. That freedom of speech was to be
allowed to the English linguists and brokers, in all matters regarding
the trade of their employers. And, lastly, That all presents intended
for the court were to be opened and examined at the customhouse of
Surat, and then sealed and given back to the English, and to pass
duty-free; but, in case these presents were not made, then these
articles were to become liable to pay duty.
[Footnote 187: Though not so expressed in the Annals, this appears to
have been a _fortified_ house; as, on an occasion, when Surat was taken
and plundered by an armed force belonging to Sevagee, the first
sovereign of the Mahrattas, the English were able to defend their
factory from injury.--E.]
"During his residence in India, Sir Thomas Roe had likewise used his
best endeavours to promote the trade of the English with the ports of
Persia, in which considerable opposition was experienced from the
Portuguese, who tried every expedient to engross the Persian trade to
themselves, and to exclude the English from any participation. In this
opposition Sir Robert Shirley had been implicated, who had gone to
Europe in 1615, on a mission from the king of Persia, to form a contract
with the king of Spain, then sovereign of Portugal, not only to sell to
his subjects the whole of the Persian silk, but to grant them licence to
fortify the sea-ports of Persia for the protection of their shipping and
factories. Mr Connock, the English agent in Persia, under these
circumstances, recommended the necessity of applying to king James, and
submitting to his consideration the danger of allowing the Portuguese to
enjoy the exclusive possession of that trade, which would render them
the most powerful European nation in the East Indies. In the mean time,
he represented to the king of Persia the necessity of seizing the island
of Ormus from the Portuguese, under the protection of which the Persian
dominions could be supplied by the English with all kinds of Indian
commodities.
"In this critical situation of the company's agents at Ispahan, an
ambassador arrived from the king of Spain, in June 1617, authorised to
adjust and settle the contract which Sir Robert Shirley had projected.
The English agent, in consequence, urged the factory at Surat to
dispatch the whole of the company's ships to Jasques for the defence of
that port, as the Portuguese fleet had rendezvoused at Muscat, and had
determined to blockade the passage into the Persian gulf against the
English trade. These events induced Sir Thomas Roe to grant a
commission, and to give instructions to the company's agent at Ispahan,
authorising him to treat with the king of Persia, in the name of the
king of England.
"In 1618, Captain Shillings, of the company's ship Ann, went to Mokha,
and obtained a phirmaund from the governor, by which the English were
allowed free trade, and protection to their persons and property, on
condition of paying three per cent. on merchandize, and three per cent.
on the prices of all goods exported by them from Mokha. On receiving
information of this event, Sir Thomas Roe addressed a letter to the
governor of Mokha, requesting that these privileges might be confirmed
by the Grand Signior, and promising, on the part of the English, that
all kinds of European goods should be regularly brought to Mokha, and
that the English should defend that port against all enemies, and
particularly against the Portuguese.
"This appears to have been the last transaction of Sir Thomas Roe in the
East Indies. In his voyage home he touched at Saldanha bay [Table bay]
in May, 1619, where he met, and held a conference with the Dutch admiral
Hoffman, who commanded the outward-bound fleet from Holland of that
season. From this officer he learned that the respective governments in
Europe, alarmed at the commercial jealousies and animosities between
their subjects in the East Indies, had appointed commissioners to take
that subject into consideration. It was therefore, with a becoming sense
of duty, agreed between them that each should address a letter to the
chiefs of their respective factories in India, recommending to them to
abstain from any opposition or violence against each other, till each
had received specific instructions from their superiors, or should be
informed of the result of the conferences between the commissioners of
the two nations in Europe."
§1. _Journey from Surat to the Court of the Mogul, and Entertainment
there, with some Account of the Customs of the Country_.
I landed at Surat on the 26th September, 1615, and was received in an
open tent by the chief officers of the town, well attended. On this
occasion I was accompanied by the general, and principal merchants,
Captain Harris being sent to make me a court of guard with an hundred
shot, and the ships, all dressed out to the best advantage, saluted me
with their ordnance as I passed. There was much controversy about
searching my servants, but at length they passed free to the city, where
we had a house provided for us. We continued there to the 30th October,
suffering much vexation from the governor, who forcibly caused search
many of our chests and trunks, taking away what he thought fit.
The 30th October I departed from Surat, and that day travelled only four
coss to _Sumaria_.[188] The 1st November I went eleven miles to a
village. The 2d, to _Biarat_, twenty-one miles, where there is a castle,
this town being on the borders of the kingdom of Guzerat, subject to the
Mogul, and belonging to _Abraham Khan_. The 3d I entered the kingdom of
_Pardaff shah_,[189] a pagan lord of the hills, who is subject to
nobody; and at the end of fifteen miles we lodged in the fields, beside
a city of note, called _Mugher_. The 4th we travelled nine miles by a
rocky way, and lay in the fields, beside a village called Narampore. The
5th, fifteen miles, and lay in the fields. The 6th, twenty miles, to a
city called _Nundabar_, in the kingdom of _Brampore_, [Burhanpoor] which
is subject to the Mogul. At this place we first procured bread, after
leaving Surat, as the Banians, who inhabit all the country through which
we had travelled, make only cakes instead of bread. The country
peculiarly abounds in cattle, as the Banians never kill any, neither do
they sell any for being slaughtered. One day I met at least 10,000
bullocks loaded with grain, in one drove, and most other days I saw
smaller parcels.
[Footnote 188: In this journal the names of places are exceedingly
corrupted, and often unintelligible. Such as admitted of being
corrected, from the excellent map of Hindoostan, by Arrowsmith, have
their proper names placed within brackets.--E.]
[Footnote 189: In the miserable map of Hindoostan, accompanying this
journal in the Pilgrims, this prince is called Partap-sha.--E.]
The 7th we went eighteen miles to _Ningull_. The 8th, fifteen to
_Sinchelly_, [Sindkera.] The 9th, other fifteen to _Tolmere_, [Talnere.]
And the 10th, eighteen to _Chapre_, [Choprah] where we pitched our tents
without the town, and the king's officers guarded us all night with
thirty horse and twenty shot, for fear of out being attacked by robbers
from the mountains, as I refused to remove into the town. The 11th we
travelled eighteen miles, eighteen on the 12th, and fifteen on the 13th,
which brought us to _Brampore_, [Burhanpoor] which I guessed to be 223
miles east from Surat.[190] The country is miserable and barren, the
towns and villages only built of mud. At _Bartharpore_,[191] a village
two miles short of Burhanpoor, I saw some of the Mogul ordnance, most of
which is too short, and too open in the bore. On coming to Burhanpoor,
the _cutwall_ met me, well attended, having sixteen stand of colours
carried before him, and conducted me to a _serai_ appointed for my
lodging. He took leave of me at the gate, which had a handsome stone
front; but, when in, I had four chambers allotted for me, no bigger than
ovens, with vaulted roofs and bare brick walls, so that I chose to lodge
in my tent. I sent word to the cutwall, threatening to leave the town,
as I scorned such mean usage, but he desired me to be content till
morning, as this was the best lodging in the city, which I afterwards
found to be the case, as it consists entirely of mud cottages, excepting
the houses inhabited by _Sultan Parvis_, the Mogul's second son, that of
_Khan Khanan_, and a few others. Sultan Parvis here represents the king
his father, living in great state and magnificence, but Khan Khanan, who
is the greatest subject of the empire, is at the head of a large army,
in which are 40,000 horse, and governs every thing, the prince only
having the name and pomp allowed him.
[Footnote 190: The particulars of the journey in the text amount to 214
miles.--E.]
[Footnote 191: Perhaps Babaderpore, but it is twelve or fifteen miles
short of Burhanpoor.--E.]
On the 18th, both to satisfy the prince who desired it, and whom I was
not willing to displease, and to see the fashions of the court, and
because it was proposed to establish a factory here, where sword-blades
were in great request for the army, and sold well, I went to visit the
prince, to whom, I carried a present. I was conducted by the cutwall,
and in the outer court of the palace I found about an hundred horsemen
under arms, who formed a line on each side, being all gentlemen waiting
to salute the prince on his coming forth. In the inner court the prince
sat in a high gallery encircling the court, having a canopy over head,
and a carpet spread before him, appearing in much, yet barbarous state.
Going towards him through a lane of people, an officer came and told me
that I must touch the ground with my head, and with my hat off. I
answered, that I came to do the prince honour by visiting him, and was
not to be subjected to the custom of slaves. So I walked on till I came
to a place railed in, just under where he sat, where there was an ascent
of three steps; and having there made him a reverence, to which he
answered by bending his body, I went within the rails, where stood all
the great men then in the town, holding their hands before them like
slaves. This place, as mentioned before, was covered over head by a rich
canopy, and all the floor was spread with carpets. It resembled a large
stage, and the prince sat on high, like a mock king in a theatre.
On entering, as I had no place assigned me, I went right forwards, and
stood before him at the bottom of the three steps, on which stood his
secretary, readily to convey to him any thing that is said or given. I
told him that I was ambassador from the king of England to his father;
and, while passing his residence, I could not but in honour visit his
highness. He answered that I was welcome, and asked me many questions
about the king my master, to which I gave fit answers. While standing in
that manner at the foot of the steps, I asked leave to come up and stand
beside him; but he said, even if the king of Persia, or Grand Turk, were
there, such a thing could not be allowed. To this I replied, that I must
be excused for believing he would, in such a case, come down and meet
them at his gate; and that I required no higher privilege than was
allowed to the ambassadors of these sovereigns, with whom I considered
myself entirely equal. He declared I should have that privilege in all
things. I then demanded to have a chair, to which it was answered, that
no person was ever allowed to sit in that place, but I was desired to
lean against a pillar covered over with silver, which supported the
canopy. I then requested his favour for an English factory to be
established at Burhanpoor, which readily granted, and gave immediate
orders to the _Buksh_ to draw up a _firmaun_, license, for their coming
and residence. I also requested an order for carriages for conveying the
presents for the king his father, which he gave in charge to the cutwall
to see provided. I then made him a present, which he took in good part.
After some other conference, he said, though I might not come up to
where he then sat, he would go to another place, where I might come to
him with less ceremony. But one part of the present I made him happened
to be a case of cordials, of which he tasted so freely by the way, that,
after waiting some time, I heard he had made himself drunk, and one of
his officers came to me with an excuse, desiring me to go home then, and
come some other time to see him. But that very night I was taken ill of
a fever.
The 27th of November, though, still sick, I was carried, from Burhanpoor
three coss to _Raypora_; the 28th, fifteen c. to _Burgome_, [Burgaw];
the 30th, seven c. December the 1st, ten c. to _Bicangome_; the 2d,
seven c. the 3d, five c. the 4th, eleven c. to _Ekbarpoor_, which stands
on a good river, [the Nerbudda] which runs into the sea near _Buroach_.
The 5th, I passed the river _Nerbuddah_. The 6th, I travelled eight c.
and lay in a wood, not far from the king's famous castle of _Mandoa_,
[Mundu] which stands on a steep hill, of great extent, the walls being
fourteen c. in circuit, this castle being of wonderous extent and great
beauty. The 7th, I proceeded ten c. the 8th, eight c. the 9th, ten c.
the 10th, twelve c. the 11th, sixteen c. the 12th, fourteen c. the 13th,
six c. the 14th we halted to take rest. The 15th, six c. the 16th, six
c. the 17th, twelve c. the 18th, five c. when we arrived at _Cytor_,
where I was met by Mr Edwards accompanied by Thomas Coryat, who had
travelled to India on foot.
_Cytor_, [Chitore] is an ancient town in ruins, situated on a hill, but
shews the remains of wonderful magnificence. There are still standing
above an hundred temples, all of carved stone, with many fair towers and
domes, supported by many enriched pillars, and innumerable houses, but
not a single inhabitant. The hill, or rock rather, is precipitous on all
sides, having but one ascent cut out of the rock in a regular slope; in
which ascent there are four several gates before reaching the gate of
the city, which last is extremely magnificent. The top of the hill,
about eight coss in circuit, is inclosed all round with walls, and at
the S.W. end, is a goodly old castle. I lodged close by a poor village
at the foot of the hill.
This city stands in the country of the _Rama_,[192] a prince newly
subdued by the Mogul, or rather brought to submit to pay tribute and
acknowledge subjection; and _Cytor_ was reduced by _Akbar Shah_, the
father of _Shah Jehan-Guire_, the present king of the Moguls. This
Hindoo raja is lineally descended from _Porus_, the valiant Indian
sovereign who was conquered by Alexander the Great; so that I suppose
this city to have been one of the ancient seats of Porus, though Delly,
much farther north, is reported to have been the chiefest, a famous
place, though now only in ruins. Near that stands a pillar erected by
Alexander the Conqueror, with a Greek inscription. The present Mogul and
his ancestors, descendants of Tamerlane, have reduced all the ancient
cities to ruin, dispeopling them and forbidding their restoration; I
know not wherefore, unless that they would have no monuments of
greatness remain, beyond their own commencement, as if they and the
world were co-equals in antiquity.
[Footnote 192: This is probably an error of the press in the Pilgrims
for the _Ranna_.--E.]
The 19th I proceeded twelve c. on my journey; the 20th ten c. the 21st
ten c. the 22d nine c. the 23d ten c. and arrived at _Ajimere_. The
first six days journeys from Burhanpoor towards Ajimere were west, or
northwest, to get round the hills; but after that northwards, so that
these two places bear nearly N. by W. and S. by E. from each other: the
whole distance being 209 cosses,[193] which I judge to be 418 English
miles; the cosses here being longer than near the sea.[194] On my
arrival at Ajimere I was so ill as to keep my bed; but on the 10th
January, 1616, at four in the afternoon, I went to the _Durbar_, which
is the place where the Mogul sits in public daily to entertain
strangers, to receive petitions and presents, to issue commands, and to
see and be seen. Before proceeding to give an account of my reception,
it may be proper to digress a little, that I may give some account of
the customs of the court.
[Footnote 193: The particulars in the text only amount to 200 cosses;
but the extent of one day's journey is omitted, which may explain the
difference.--E.]
[Footnote 194: The coss at Surat is repeatedly explained, in Purchas and
Churchill, to be 1-1/2 English mile, while that of Hindoostan Proper is
rated at two miles.--E.]
No men, except eunuchs, are permitted to come within the private
lodgings or retiring rooms of the royal palace, within which his women
keep guard with warlike weapons, and there likewise they execute justice
upon each other for offences. Every morning, the Mogul comes to a
window, called the _jarneo_,[195] which looks into the plain or open
space before the palace-gate, where he shews himself to the common
people. At noon he returns to the same place, where he sits some hours,
amusing himself with seeing fights of elephants and other wild beasts,
the men of rank then at court attending below within a railed space. He
then retires to sleep within the female apartments. In the afternoon he
comes to the before-mentioned Durbar. At eight in the evening, after
supper, he comes down to a fair court, called the _guzalcan_, in the
midst of which is a throne of freestone, on which he sits, yet
sometimes below in a chair of state, at which time only men of high
quality are admitted into the presence, and even of these only a few
have that privilege, unless by special leave. He here discourses very
affably on all subjects with those around him. No business is transacted
with him, concerning affairs of state and government, or respecting war
and peace, but at one or other of these two last-mentioned places,
where, after being publicly propounded and resolved upon, it is
registered by attendant secretaries, and any one, who has the curiosity,
may see the register for two shillings; insomuch that the common people
know as much of the affairs of state as the ministers and counsellors of
the king, and every day the king's acts and resolutions are circulated
as news, and are freely canvassed and censured by every rascal. This
course of proceeding is unchangeable, except when prevented by the
sickness of the king, or in consequence of his getting drunk, which must
always be known. Thus, though all his subjects are slaves, he lives in a
state of reciprocal bondage, being so tied to the observance of these
hours and customs, that if he were unseen one day, and no sufficient
excuse given, the people would mutiny; and no excuse will sanction his
absence for two days, unless the gates are opened, and he be seen by
some for the satisfaction of the rest. Every Tuesday, he sits in
judgement at the _jarneo_,[196] where he attends to the complaints of
his meanest subjects, listening patiently to both parties; and where
likewise he sometimes sees, with too much delight in blood, execution
performed on offenders by his elephants. _Illi meruere, sed quid tu ut
adesses_?
[Footnote 195: in subsequent passages, this is called the Jarruco.--E.]
Before going to the durbar, I had required to be allowed the customs of
my own country, which were freely granted. At the durbar, I was led
directly before the king, at the entrance of an outer rail, where two
noble slaves came to conduct me nearer. On entering the outer rail, I
made a profound reverence, at my entry within an interior rail I made a
second reverence, and a third when I came directly under where the king
sat. The place in which the durbar is held is a great court, to which
all sorts of people resort. The king sits in a small raised gallery;
ambassadors, great men belonging to the court, and strangers of quality,
are within the innermost rail directly under him, that space being
raised from the ground, covered overhead with canopies of silk and
velvet, and laid underfoot with good carpets. The meaner men,
representing what we would call gentry, are within the outer rail; the
common people being on the outside of all, in a base court, so that all
may see the king. The whole of this disposition hath much resemblance to
theatrical representation. The king sitting as in a gallery, the great
men raised as actors on a stage, and the vulgar below in a pit gazing at
the show. The king, on my presentation, interrupted the dull formality
of my interpreter, bidding me welcome to the brother of the king my
master. I then delivered a translation of the king's letter, and then my
commission, on both of which he looked curiously; and afterwards on my
presents, which were well received. He asked some questions; and, with a
seeming regard for my health, offered to send me his own physicians,
advising me to keep the house till I recovered strength, and that I
should freely send to him in the meantime for any thing I needed, with
assurance that I should have whatever I desired. He dismissed me with
more signs of grace and favour, if I were not flattered by the
Christians, than ever were shewn to any ambassador from the Turks or
Persians or any other nation.
[Footnote 196: This place, formerly described as a window looking to the
esplanade in front of the palace, called _jarneo_ in Purchas, is called
_jarruco_ in Churchill.--E.]
On the 14th I sent to offer a visit to Sultan _Churrum_,[197] the third
son of the Great Mogul, but first in favour. Hearing that he was an
enemy to all Christians, I therefore feared some affront; yet he sent me
word that I should be received with all due respect, and should have as
much content as I had already from his father. This prince is lord of
Surat, our chief residence in the empire, and his favour, therefore, was
important for our affairs. I went accordingly to visit him on the 22d at
nine in the morning, at which time he sits in public, in the same manner
as his father, to dispatch his business, and to be seen of his
followers. His character was represented to me as naturally proud, so
that I was in some fear for my reception; but, on hearing of my arrival,
instead of coming out to his public durbar, he sent one of his principal
officers to conduct me into a good inner room, never before done to any
one. The officer here entertained me with discourse concerning my
mission for half an hour, till the prince was ready; who now came forth
and used me better than his promise. I delivered him a present, but not
in the name of his majesty, as it was too mean for that purpose; but
excused the omission, by saying, That my sovereign could not know of his
being lord of Surat, which had been so lately conferred upon him; but I
had no doubt the king of England would afterwards send him one more
suited to his high rank, the one now presented being only sent by the
English merchants, who humbly commended themselves to his favour and
protection. He received all in very good part. After stating some
grievances and injuries suffered by the English at Surat, from his
governors, and of which I had forborne to complain to the king from
respect to him, he promised me speedy and effectual justice, and to
confirm our security in any way I might propose. He professed to be
entirely ignorant of any past transactions there, as stated by me,
except as informed by Asaph Khan; and especially denied having given any
order for our dismissal, which the governor had falsely alleged, and for
which he should dearly pay. He then dismissed me, full of hopes to have
our decayed state and reputation rectified, making me a promise of an
effectual firmaun for our trade and secure residence at Surat.
[Footnote 197: In the Pilgrims, this prince is uniformly named Corone;
but the name in the text has been adopted from the authority of Dow's
History of Hindoostan. He succeeded to his father in 1627, when he
assumed the name of Shah Jehan; and was, in 1659, dethroned and
imprisoned, by his third son, the celebrated Aurungzebe, who assumed the
name of Alumguire.--E.]
The 24th, I went again to the royal durbar to visit the king; who, on
seeing me far off, beckoned with his hand, that I should not wait the
ceremony of asking leave, but come up to him directly, and assigned me a
place near himself, above all other men, which I afterwards thought fit
to maintain. On this occasion I gave a small present; as it is the
custom for all who have any business to give something, and those who
cannot get near enough to speak, send in or hold up their gift, which he
always accepts, be it only a rupee, and demands to know their business.
He held the same course with me; for having looked curiously at my
present, and asked many questions respecting it, he demanded to know
what I wanted of him. I answered that I wanted justice. For, on the
assurance of his firmaun, which had been sent to England, the king my
master had not only given leave to his subjects to make a long and
dangerous voyage to his dominions with their goods, but had deputed me,
as his ambassador and representative, to congratulate and compliment his
majesty on the amity so happily commenced between two so mighty nations,
and to confirm the same. Yet I found that the English, who were settled
at Ahmedabad, were injured and oppressed by the governor in their
persons and goods, being fined, subjected to arbitrary exactions, and
kept as prisoners; while at every town new customs were demanded for
their goods on their passage to the port, contrary to all justice, and
in direct contravention of the formerly conceded articles of trade, as
contained in his majesty's firmaun. To this he answered, that he was
sorry to hear of such things, which should be immediately rectified; and
he gave orders for two firmauns to be immediately extended according to
my desire. By one of these, the governor of Ahmedabad was commanded to
restore the money he had exacted from Mr Kerridge, and to use the
English in future with all favour. By the other, all customs required on
any pretence by the way were abolished, and all such as had been taken
was ordered to be restored. Finally, he desired me, if these gave not
speedy and effectual remedy, that I should renew my complaint against
the disobeyer, who should be sent for to answer for his conduct; and so
dismissed me.
The 1st of March, I rode out to see a pleasure-house belonging to the
king, two miles from Agimere, which had been given him by Asaph Khan. It
was situated between two vast rocks, by which it was so sheltered that
scarcely could the sun be any where seen. The foundations and some rooms
were hewn out of the solid rock, the rest being built of freestone.
Close adjoining was a handsome small garden, with fine fountains, with
two great _tanks_ or ponds of water, one being thirty steps higher than
the other. The way to this retreat is so narrow that only two persons
could go abreast, and is almost inaccessible, being very steep and
stony. It is a place of much melancholy, yet of great security and
delight, abounding in peacocks, turtle-doves, wild fowl, and monkies,
which inhabit the rocks impending on every side around.
The 2d of March began the feast of _Norsose_ in the evening. This is the
festival of the new year, the ceremonies of which begin on the first new
moon after, which this year fell together. It is kept in imitation of
the Persian feast of that cause, signifying in that language _nine
days_, as anciently it continued only for that number; but these are now
doubled. On this occasion, a throne is erected about four feet high in
the _durbar court_; from the back of which, to the place where the king
comes out from the inner apartments, a space of fifty-six paces long by
forty-three broad is railed in, and covered over by _semianes_, or
canopies, of cloth of gold, velvet, and rich silk, all joined over
head, and held up by canes covered with similar stuffs. At the upper or
west end, were set out the pictures of the king of England, the queen,
the Princess Elizabeth, the Countesses of Somerset and Salisbury, and of
a citizen's wife of London. Below, there was a picture of Sir Thomas
Smith, governor of the East India Company. The whole floor was laid with
rich Persian carpets of large size, and into this place come all the
great men to wait upon the king, except a few, who were within a smaller
railed space, right before the throne, appointed to receive his
commands. Within this square there were set out many small houses, one
of which was of silver, and other curiosities of value. On the left
side, Sultan Churrum had a pavilion, the supporters of which were
covered with silver, as were also some others of those near the king's
throne. This was of wood and of a square form, inlaid with mother of
pearl, resting on four pillars covered with cloth of gold; and overhead
was a fringed drapery like a vallence of network, all of real pearls,
whence hung down pomegranates, apples, and pears, and other fruits, all
of gold, but hollow. Within that pavilion, the king sat on cushions,
very rich in pearls and other jewels. All round the court before the
throne, the principal men had tents or pavilions, mostly lined with
velvet, damask, and taffety, and some few with cloth of gold, in which
they were stationed, making shew of their wealth. Anciently, the kings
used to go to every tent, taking away whatever pleased him best: But now
the custom is changed, as the king remains on his throne, and receives
there such new-year's-gifts as are brought to him. He makes his
appearance every day, and retires at the usual hours of the durbar; and
in the interval all sorts of great gifts are made to him, which are very
great and almost incredible, though not equal to report. At the close of
this feast, in recompence for these gifts, the king advances some of his
courtiers, making additions to their charges of horse, according to his
pleasure.
On the 12th[198] I went to visit the king, and was brought immediately
before him to deliver my present, which gave him much satisfaction. He
then appointed me to come within the rail, that I might stand beside
him; but not being allowed to step up on the raised platform on which
the throne was placed, I could see little, as the railing was high, and
covered with carpets. But I had permission to view the inner room at
leisure, which, I must confess, was very rich; but consisted of so many
articles, all unsuitable to each other, that it seemed patched work,
rather than magnificent, as if it aimed to shew all; as if a lady, among
her plate on a magnificent cupboard, should exhibit her embroidered
slippers. This evening, the son of the Raima, the new tributary formerly
mentioned, was brought before the king, with much ceremony, being sent
by his father with a present. After kneeling three times, and knocking
his forehead on the ground, he was brought within the inner rail, when
the king embraced his head. His gift was an Indian tray or voider full
of silver, upon which was a carved silver dish full of gold. He was then
conducted to pay his respects to the prince. This evening, some
elephants were shewn, and some music girls sang and danced.--_Sic
transit gloria mundi_.
[Footnote 198: It may be proper to observe, that Churchill's edition
gives the commencement of this festival on the 11th, and says Sir Thomas
went to the durbar next day.--E.]
The 13th at night, I went again to wait upon the king at the _Guzalcan_,
at which is the best opportunity for transacting business, and took with
me my Italian interpreter, determined to walk no longer in darkness, but
to prove the king, as I had hitherto been delayed and refused on all
hands. I was sent for in, along with my old broker, but my Italian was
kept out, because Asaph Khan mistrusted I might say more than he was
willing should come to the king's ears. On coming to the king, he
appointed me a place to stand just before him, and sent to ask me many
questions respecting the king of England, and about the present I had
made him the day before. To some of these I made answers; but I at
length said, that my interpreter was kept out, and as I could not speak
Portuguese, I wanted the means of satisfying his majesty. On this,
though much against the wish or Asaph Khan, my Italian interpreter was
called in. I then made him tell the king that I requested leave to speak
to him, to which he answered, willingly. On this, the son-in-law of
Asaph Khan pulled away my interpreter by force, and that faction so
hemmed in the king, by gathering round him, that I could scarcely see
his majesty, nor could my Italian approach. Upon this, I ordered the
Italian to speak aloud, that I craved audience of the king; who
immediately called me before him, and the others made way. Asaph Khan
stood on one side of my interpreter, and I on the other: I to inform him
what to say, and the other to awe him by winks and signs.
I desired him to say, that I had now been two months at court, one of
which I had spent in sickness and the other in compliments, and had
effected nothing of all on which I had been sent by the king my master;
which was to conclude a firm and lasting treaty of peace and amity
between the two sovereigns, and to establish a fair and secure trade and
residence for my countrymen in his majesty's dominions. He answered that
this was already granted. I replied, it was so; but that it still
depended upon so slender a thread, and such weak conditions, as to be
very uncertain in its continuance. That an affair of so high importance
required an agreement dear and explicit in all points, and a more formal
and authentic confirmation than it now had, by ordinary firmauns, which
were merely temporary commands, and respected accordingly. He asked me
what presents we would bring him? To which I answered, the league was
yet new and weak; that many curiosities were to be found in our country,
of rare value, which the king of England would send; and that our
merchants would search for such things in all parts of the world, if
they were made sure of a quiet trade and secure protection on honourable
conditions, having been hitherto subjected to manifold wrongs. He asked
me what kind of curiosities I meant, and whether these were jewels or
precious stones? To this I answered, that we did not deem such things
fit to be sent back from Europe to India, of which he was the principal
sovereign, as they were common here in India, and of much higher price
with us in Europe: But that we would endeavour to find such things for
his majesty as were rare and uncommon in his dominions; such as
excellent specimens of painting, carving, enamelling, figures in brass,
copper, and stone, rich embroideries, stuffs of gold and silver, and the
like.
The king said that these things were all very well, but that he wished
to have an English horse. I answered, that this was utterly impossible
by sea, and that the Turks would not allow of any being sent by land. In
reply, he said he thought it not impossible by sea; and, when I
represented the dangers from storms, he said if six were sent in one
ship, one of them surely might live, and though it came lean, it might
be here made fat. I then told him, I feared it could not be done by so
long a voyage; yet, for his majesty's satisfaction, I should give due
notice of his desire.
He then asked to know what were my demands? I answered, That his majesty
would be pleased to sanction by his royal signature, certain reasonable
conditions which I should propound, in confirmation of a league of
peace and amity, and for the security of our nation in their residence
and trade in his dominions; as they had hitherto been often wronged, and
could not continue on their present terms, of which I forbore to make
any specific complaint, because I hoped to procure amendment from his
majesty. At these words, Asaph Khan offered to pull away my interpreter,
but I held him fast, while Asaph Khan continued to make signs to him not
to interpret my words. On this the king became suddenly very angry,
pressing to know who had wronged us, and seemed in such fury, that I was
unwilling to follow it out, and spoke in broken Spanish to my
interpreter, desiring him to say, That I would not trouble his majesty
with what was past, but would seek justice of the prince his son, whose
favour I doubted not to obtain. Not attending to what my interpreter
said, but hearing the name of his son, the king mistakingly conceived I
accused him; and hastily saying _mio filio! mio filio_! he called for
the prince, who came in great fear, humbling himself. Asaph Khan
trembled, and all those present were amazed.
He chid the prince roundly, and he excused himself. But as I perceived
the king's error, I made both the king and prince understand the
mistake, by means of a Persian prince who offered himself as
interpreter, as my Italian understood Turkish better than Persian. By
this means I appeased the king, saying that I in no respect accused the
prince, but wished to inform his majesty that I should appeal to the
prince's justice, in regard to the past wrongs our nation had suffered
in those places which were under his government. The king then commanded
the prince, that he should give as effective justice. In his
justification, the prince said that he had already offered me a firmaun,
which I had refused. The king asked me the reason of this. To which I
answered, that I humbly thanked the prince, but he knew that it
contained a condition I could not accept; and besides, that I wished to
propound our own demands, in which I would insert all the desires of the
king my master at once, that I might not daily trouble his majesty and
the prince with complaints. And, when the conditions on both sides were
mutually agreed upon, I would reciprocally bind my sovereign, to mutual
offices of friendship, and to such reasonable conditions for the benefit
of his majesty's subjects as he might propose: All of which being drawn
up in tripartite, I hoped his majesty would graciously sign one, his son
the prince another, and I would confirm the third in the name of my
sovereign, in virtue of my commission.
The king pressed to know what was the condition in the prince's firmaun
which I had refused, which I stated. So we fell into earnest dispute
before the king, with some heat. Mukrob Khan interposed, saying he was
advocate for the Portuguese, and spoke slightingly of us, alleging that
the king ought to grant no articles to us that were unfavourable for
them. I answered, that I did not propose any against them, but only in
our own just defence, and that I had not conceived he was so great a
friend to the Portuguese. On this the jesuit and all the Portuguese
faction struck in, so that I explained myself fully concerning them; and
as I offered a conditional peace, so I valued the friendship of the
Portuguese at a very low rate, and their enmity at a still lower. After
some time, having explained my demands, the king said my proposals were
just and my resolution noble, and bade me clearly propound the
conditions I desired. Asaph Khan, who had stood silent during all this
debate, and who now wished to end it, as we were warm, now interposed,
saying, If we talked all night, it could only come to this at last, that
I should draw my demands in writing and present them; which, if found
reasonable, would be granted by the king. The king said he certainly
would do so; and at my request the prince engaged to do so likewise. The
king then rose to go away, but on my request he turned round, and I
desired my interpreter to say, That I came the day before to see his
majesty and his greatness, and the ceremonies of the feast, on which
occasion I was placed behind him, in an honourable place certainly, but
where I could not see around; and therefore humbly requested his majesty
would be pleased to let me stand on the platform beside his throne. In
answer to this, he commanded Asaph Khan to let me choose my own place in
future.
In the morning of the 14th, I sent a messenger to Asaph Khan, lest he or
the prince might have misunderstood me, by reason of the king's mistake,
and had supposed I had complained against either of them, which I did
not, neither did I so intend; yet I was willing to let them see that I
did not entirely depend upon Asaph Khan, by whom I had hitherto done my
business with the king; but, if he should continue his manner of only
delivering to the king what he himself pleased, and not what I said, I
would find another way. My message was intended to clear up any such
doubts, if they remained, and to entreat he would move the prince to
favour my demands respecting our residence and trade at Surat. His
answer was, that neither the prince nor he had any reason to suspect I
intended to complain against them, the error being sufficiently obvious;
and that, for his part, he had ever been disposed to favour the English,
and would so continue.
The 15th I went again in the evening to see the ceremonies of the
_Norose_; and according to the Mogul's order, I chose my place of
standing on his right hand, and on the raised platform, the prince and
the son of the Ranna standing on the other side. I here had a full view
of every thing that was to be seen; viz. the presents, and the
exhibition of the elephants, horses, and dancing girls.
The 23d, the Mogul condemned one of his own nation on suspicion of
felony; but as he was one of the handsomest men in India, and the proof
was not very clear against him, instead of condemning him to death, he
sent him in irons to me as a slave, to be disposed of as I pleased. This
was looked upon as a great favour, and I accordingly returned thanks;
yet added, that we had no slaves in England, not thinking it lawful to
make the image of God like unto a beast, but that I should employ him as
a servant, and should restore him to liberty if he behaved well. The
king was well pleased with this message.
I went to the _Guzalcan_ on the 26th, and it delivered in the articles
which I had drawn up, which were referred to Asaph Khan for his
consideration and report. Some time after, Asaph Khan sent a message,
desiring me to remove from the place I occupied near the king, because I
stood alone, which was not the custom. I refused at the first; but, as
he still insisted I should rank myself among the nobles, I removed to
the other side, where the prince and young Ranna were. This still more
displeased Asaph Khan, who persuaded the prince to complain of me to the
king, which he did. On hearing their complaint and my answer, that I had
changed my place by order of Asaph Khan, the Mogul said I had done well,
and they were wrong to pretend to displace me. So I kept my place in
quiet. The following is the substance of the articles delivered to the
Great Mogul, which were delayed and opposed: But the conclusion
respecting them will be seen hereafter.
_Proposed Articles of Treaty, between the Great Mogul and the King of
Great Britain_.
1. There shall be perpetual peace and amity between the king of Great
Britain and his majesty the emperor of India.--2. The subjects of
England shall have free trade in all the ports of India.--3. The
governors of all sea ports shall make public proclamation of this
agreement three several times, upon the arrival of any English
ships.--4. The English merchants and their servants, shall not be liable
to search, or to any ill usage.--5. No presents sent to the Mogul shall
be opened.--6. The goods belonging to the English shall not be stopped
more than twenty-four-hours at the custom-houses; where they shall only
be sealed, and sent to the house or factory of the merchants, to be
there opened and rated within six days afterwards.--7. No governor shall
take any goods by force, nor unless upon payment at the owner's price;
neither shall any be taken away under pretence of being for the king's
service.--8. The English merchants shall not be hindered from selling
their goods to whom they please, nor from sending them to other
factories; neither shall they pay any more in this case than has been
already paid at the port of entry.--9. Whatever goods the English may
purchase in any part of the dominions of the Mogul, shall be allowed to
be transmitted to the ports, without any hindrance or molestation, and
shall pay no other duty than may be agreed upon at the port of
shipping.--10. No goods already entered at a port shall be again opened,
the English shewing a certificate of their numbers, qualities, and
conditions, from the governor or other proper officers of the place
where they were purchased.--11. No confiscation shall be made of the
goods or money belonging to any of the English who may die in
India.--12. No duties shall be demanded for provisions, purchased during
the stay of English ships at any of the ports.--13. The servants of the
English merchants, whether English or natives, shall not be punished or
beaten for doing their duty.--14. The Mogul shall cause any governor or
officer to be punished for the breach of any of these articles.--15. The
English ships shall permit all others to pass and repass freely, to and
from the ports in the dominions of the Mogul, except those of their
enemies with whom they are at war: And the English, while ashore, shall
conduct themselves quietly and peaceably, as merchants.--16. The English
shall yearly furnish the Mogul with all such European rarities, and
other things, as he may desire, and at reasonable rates.--17. The
English shall pay duty on their commodities, reasonably rated, at three
and a half per cent. and two per cent. on rials of eight or money, and
shall not be liable to any other duty or exaction whatsoever.--18. The
English shall be ready to assist the Great Mogul against all his
enemies. And, lastly, The Portuguese shall be admitted to come into this
peace within six months; or, if they refuse, the English shall be at
liberty to exercise all hostilities against them.
On the 31st of March, the Great Mogul dined at the house of Asaph Khan,
all the way from the palace, which was an English mile, being laid under
foot with silks and velvet sewed together, but rolled up as the king
passed. It was reported that this feast, and the present made on the
occasion, cost six lacks of rupees, which amount to £60,000
sterling.[199]
[Footnote 199: According to Thevenot, a _lack_ contains 100,000 rupees,
and a rupee is a French crown and five sols. At which rate, the _six
lacks_ must amount at least to £150,000 sterling.--_Churchill_.
The editor of Churchill's Collection must here have been mistaken the
French crowns alluded to by Thevenot. The rupees in India are various,
and consequently differ in their value; but two shillings may be assumed
as a fair average, in which case the computation in the text is quite
correct.--E.]
I received intelligence on the 26th April, that the prince had made one
of his servants ask the king at the durbar wherefore he gave so great
countenance to the English as to banish the Portuguese from Surat, who
brought much more profit to the king in rubies, pearls, and other jewels,
while the English came there only in search of profit, by the sale of
cloths, swords, knives, and other articles of small value? The king
acknowledged that this was true, yet could not be mended. By this the
affections of the prince were made sufficiently manifest, and I had fair
warning to be on my guard, that I might study to preserve ourselves in
the good graces of the king, in which only we could be safe. I resolved,
however, to take no notice of this, except by endeavouring to give the
prince a better opinion of our nation.
On the 22d of May I went to the king at the durbar, to solicit his
authority to get back a youth named Jones, who had run away from me to
an Italian, who protected him to the disgrace of our nation, by using
the king's name. The king gave me an order for his delivery; but the
prince, who waited every opportunity to injure us, for the sake of his
favourite, _Zulphecar Khan_, moved the king in private to send for the
youth first, to the Guzalcan, which was done. I had newly broken off
from conferring with the prince, on account of his partiality to
Zulphecar Khan, and had sent him word that I would no longer refrain
from stating our grievances to the king in person, which was the cause
of his enmity towards me. When Jones was brought before the king, being
instigated by the protection and countenance of the prince, he railed
against me to my face, with the most virulent malice, beseeching the
king to save his life; on which the king resolved not to deliver him up
to me, but to send him as a prisoner to Surat. But the prince, to brave
me, begged to have him for a servant, as the fellow had renounced his
country, on which the king did so, in spite of every thing I could
allege. On this the prince gave him 150 rupees, with the pay of two
horsemen, and commanded me not to meddle with him.
On the night of the 23d, Jones came and threw himself at my feet, asking
pardon for his lies and mad behaviour. I told him I would not now keep
him prisoner, as he was the prince's servant; but I would not give him
any answer till he had made public reparation for his misbehaviour, as
far as he could. Accordingly, on the next day, he contrived to get to
the _Guzalcan_, and there asked pardon of the king for the lies he had
spoken against me, denying every word he had then spoken, alleging he
had done so to protect himself against me, whom he had offended, and
prayed the king to send for me, that he might ask my pardon in public.
The king was well pleased, but the prince fell into a rage. I went to
the Guzalcan on the 25th, when the king protested he never believed what
Jones had said against me, and that he considered him a villain, yet
could not but protect him, as he had cast himself on his mercy. Jones
was sent for, and asked my pardon on his knees, declaring on oath to the
king that he had in every thing belied me, and that he now made this
declaration in a voluntary manner, as he durst not return to his
country. The king chid him a little, saying to me that neither he nor
any good man could believe such a slanderer. The prince grew angry, and
endeavoured to make Jones stand to what he had said formerly against me;
and as Jones refused, the prince basely desired him to restore the 150
rupees he had received for bearing witness against me. Jones promised to
return the money, for which purpose an under-treasurer was sent along
with him to the house in which he lodged, as I would not suffer him to
come to mine.
I was forced to seem content, having no way to seek redress, as I had no
presents to give, and the king never listens to any request unless well
backed, and will even demand it in plain terms, of which the prince
takes advantage, urging that the Portuguese bring rich jewels, rubies,
and pearls, and treating our English commodities with great scorn. On
the 29th of May the Portuguese were admitted to the king with a present,
and to sell a ballass ruby, which was said to weigh thirteen _toles_,
two and a half of these being equal to an ounce.[200] For this they
asked five lacks of rupees, but the king only offered one lack. Asaph
Khan also was an advocate for the Portuguese, who made him a present of
jewels. They had many rich rubies, ballasses, emeralds, pearls, and
other jewels, for sale, with which they so much gratified the king and
his great men, that we were for a time eclipsed. The prince and the
jesuit fell out about presenting them, which the prince desired, but it
had been promised before to Asaph Khan. I had formerly judged concerning
the credit of the Portuguese at court by report, but I now experienced
the difference between them and us; for they were sought after by all,
while they only bought our commodities as it were by way of giving us
charity. Besides, the Portuguese had an advantage over us in consequence
of their establishments in the neighbourhood, by which they could hinder
trade into the Red Sea, being always more at hand to do harm than we,
who are only entertained out of a little fear, while our trade and
commodities are little cared for.
[Footnote 200: This must be an enormous exaggeration, or error, as in
this case the ruby would have weighed 5 1-5th ounces.--E.]
§2. _Occurrences in June, July, and August 1616, from which the
Character and Dispositions of the Mogul and his Subjects may be
observed_.
The 12th of June a resolution was taken that Sultan Churrum should go to
the wars in the Deccan, and a day was fixed for his setting out on his
journey, for which all the Bramins were consulted. On this occasion it
is reported that Sultan _Parvis_, who is to be recalled, wrote to his
father the Mogul, that if his elder brother were sent to assume the
command, he would readily obey; but, if dishonoured by sending this his
younger brother, he, in the first place, would fall upon him, and would
afterwards finish the Deccan war. All the captains, such as Khan-Khanan,
Mahomed Khan, Khan Jeban, and others, refuse to serve under the command
of Sultan Churrum, who is reputed a tyrant, of whom all men are in
greater awe than of the king, more especially now that he is to have the
command of the army. Yet the king cannot be persuaded to change his
resolution, so that the departure of the prince, with his favourite
Zulphecar Khan is determined to take place at the distance of twenty-two
days; wherefore I must make haste to finish my business, as after his
departure with his minion, Zulphecar Khan, I shall have no chance to
recover a single penny, nor to get any justice against him.
The 18th, the king commanded one of his brother's sons, who had been
made a Christian out of policy, to bring him into hatred of the people,
to touch a lion on the head which was brought in before the king. But he
refused it, being afraid, on which the king desired his youngest son to
touch the lion, which he did, without receiving any harm. On this the
king commanded his nephew to be taken to prison, whence he is never
likely again to be released.
On the 24th a son was born to Sultan Churrum, and being now preparing to
set out for the Deccan wars, all men's eyes are upon him, either for
flattery, gain, or envy, none for love. He has received twenty lacks of
rupees, equal to £200,000 sterling, towards his expences, and begins to
act with more than his usual liberality. Notwithstanding this shew of
his father's affection, a khan at court endeavoured to persuade the king
that this expedition would be productive of danger, as prince Parvis,
whose honour would be thereby wounded, would certainly not submit
without revenge. To this the king answered, "Let them fight, and he who
proves the better captain, shall pursue the war."
The 25th I had an audience of the king, being sent for by Asaph Khan,
and was received by his majesty with much courtesy. This Asaph Khan was
much in the prince's favour, wherefore I was unwilling to disoblige him,
though he had given me several provocations. At this time Mukrob Khan,
another of the great men, made me offers of service, being of a contrary
faction to Asaph Khan, but I thought it best to endeavour to make
friends of them both. Among other subjects of discourse, Mukrob told me
that the English brought too much cloth and broad-sword blades for sale
to India, and hardly any thing else, wherefore he advised they should
forbear for two or three years, and rather bring the curiosities of
China and Japan, which would be more acceptable, and to bring from
England the best cloth of gold, and the richest silks wrought with gold
and silver, and above all things, large quantities of Arras hangings.
The 30th I visited Abdalla Hassan, having need of his friendship; and,
what is rare in this country, he refused to accept of any present.
Abdalla is captain over all the soldiers maintained at court, and
treasurer of all the armies. He entertained me with great civility, and
few compliments, and made me sit beside him to see the soldiers shoot at
marks with their bows and firelocks. Most of them hit the mark with a
single bullet, being about the size of a hand, affixed to a butt. We had
some discourse together about the manner of using weapons in Europe,
after which I took my leave and departed.
Most of July passed in soliciting the prince to sign the articles I had
presented to the king, as mentioned before. On the 13th I sent him three
bottles of Alicant, and a letter concerning the difference between us
and the Portuguese about trade, offering to take all the customs to
farm, both inwards and outwards, for the use of the company. The prince,
according to his usual barbarous custom of transacting all business in
public, caused my letter to be twice read over to him by his secretary,
often interrupting him with discourse, and sent word that he would read
it again at night and consider its contents, and that I should have his
answer through _Mirza Sorocalla_.
That night I went to the durbar to visit the king, who, as soon as I
came in, sent Asaph Khan to say that he heard I had an excellent painter
in my house, and that he wished to see some of his work. I replied,
there was only a young man, a merchant, who drew some figures for his
amusement, in a very ordinary manner, with a pen, but which were far
from having any claim as paintings. The king said I need not fear his
taking any man from me by force, as he would neither do me any injury
himself, nor suffer any to be done me by others, and desired he might
see the young man and his work. I answered, I had no fears of injury
from his majesty, and, for his satisfaction, should bring the young man
to the Guzalcan with such drawings as he might have, which were probably
figures of elephants, deer, or the like. On this the king bowed his
head, saying, if I desired to have an elephant, or any other thing in
his country, I had only to let him know freely what I wished, and he
would give it me, for he was my friend. I made a low reverence, humbly
thanking his majesty, and said that elephants were of no use to me,
neither was it the custom of any person of our nation, especially of my
rank, to ask any thing: Yet, if his majesty were pleased to give me even
the value of a rupee, I should thankfully accept it as a mark of his
favour. He answered, that he knew not what I might wish for, but there
were many things in his country rare in mine, and desired I might not be
dainty, but speak to him freely, and he would give me such things as
were most acceptable. He then desired me to be merry, for he was the
friend of our nation and of me, and should take care we had no injury
done to us. He then desired me to attend that night at the Guzalcan, and
to bring with me the young man who painted pictures. Then Asaph Khan
wished me to send for him to come to his house, where also he invited me
to go till the time when the king came out again, assuring me I should
be welcome, which I agreed to. I had never before been so graciously
treated by the king as now, which all the great men took notice of, and
accordingly altered their deportment towards me. It so happened that the
jesuit acted as my interpreter on this occasion, by the king's
appointment.
I went from the durbar to the house of Asaph Khan, according to
invitation, and continued there till the king came out again, when I was
conducted back, accompanied by Mr Hughes, the supposed painter, with
whom the king had some discourse. After this, I shewed the king a
curious picture I had of a friend of mine, which pleased him much, and
he shewed it to all his company. The king sent for his chief painter,
who pretended he could make as good, which I denied, on which a wager of
a horse was made between Asaph Khan and me in the king's presence, and
to please him, but Asaph afterwards retracted. After this, the Mogul
fell to drinking some Alicant wine which I had presented him, giving
some of it to those about him, and then sent for a full bottle, and
drinking a cup, sent it to me, saying it soured so fast it would be
spoiled before he could drink it, and I had none. This done, he turned
him to sleep, when all the candles were put out, and I had to grope my
way out in the dark.
This day, a gentlewoman attendant upon _Noor-mahal_ was taken in the
king's house in some improper act with an eunuch, when another animal of
the same kind, who loved her, slew her paramour. The poor woman was set
up to the arm-pits in the ground, with the earth hard rammed around her,
being condemned to remain there three days and two nights in that
situation, without sustenance, her head and arms exposed to the violence
of the sun. If she survived, she was then to be pardoned. The eunuch was
condemned to the elephants. This damsel was found to be worth, in
pearls, jewels, and money, sixteen lack of rupees.[201]
[Footnote 201: In Purchas this sum is rated in words at sixteen hundred
thousand, while in Churchill it is only in figures 160,000.--E.]
On the 22d, I had letters from Burbanpoor in answer to those I had
written to Mohabet Khan, who granted my desire of a firmaun in favour of
our nation, granting them a house near the governor's, strictly
commanding that no person should molest them by sea or land, neither to
exact from them any customs, or to give them trouble on any pretence,
with entire liberty to buy, sell, and transport any commodities at their
pleasure, without let or hindrance. I received this in a letter from
himself, full of civility and kindness, far exceeding any I had hitherto
met with in India, protesting the highest respect, and his earnest wish
to give me every content in whatever I might desire. I caused this
firmaun to be immediately sent to Surat, so that Broach is now provided
as a good retreat from the prince's injuries, and the customs given up,
by which £1500 a-year will be saved, besides all manner of searches and
extortions. No person doubts the performance of this firmaun, as Mohabet
Khan careth not for the prince, and feareth no man, neither needeth he
any person's favour, being much beloved of the king, and reckoned the
second man in the empire. He has all his life been liberal of his purse,
and honourable in his word, so that he has the good report of all men.
In regard to the customs on trade, as the king takes none, and the
governors convert them to their own profit, he professes to scorn
abusing the liberties of the king's ports.
On the 6th of August I was sent for to the durbar, where I had much talk
with the king, who asked me many questions to satisfy his curiosity, and
desired me to come to the Guzalcan at night, when I should see my
picture so exactly copied, that I should not know the copy from the
original. He asked me what reward I would give the painter who had made
the copy so like, to which I answered, I would give fifty rupees, a
painter's reward. To which the king replied, that his painter was a
gentleman, and my proffered reward was too small. I said, that I gave
the picture willingly, esteeming it rare, and had no inclination to make
comparisons or wagers; and that, if his majesty's servant had performed
well, and would not accept my gift, his majesty was most fit to reward
him. So, after many merry jests, and brags of the arts in his dominions,
his majesty asked me how often I drank in the day, and how much, and
what we drank in England. Mentioning beer, he asked what beer was, how
it was made, and whether I could make it here in India. To all of which
serious state questions I answered to his satisfaction.
He sent for me again at night, being impatient to triumph in the skilful
execution of his painter, and shewed me six pictures, all pasted on one
board, one being my own, and the other five done by his artist, and all
so like, that by candle-light I was at some loss to determine which was
which, being greatly beyond my expectation. At length, by closer
inspection, I pointed out my own, and explained the differences between
it and the copies, which were not apparent to an inexperienced eye. The
king was much pleased that I had not seen the difference at first sight,
for which he was full of mirth, and exulted over me. I gave him way, and
satisfied him much by praising his painter, saying, that I saw his
majesty needed no pictures from our country. He then asked me what
reward I would give his painter? To which I answered, I would double my
former offer, and if he came to my house, would give him an hundred
rupees to buy a nag. The king took this kindly, but said his painter
would not accept money, but some other gifts which I had before
promised. I said this was referable to my own discretion. To which he
answered, that this was true, yet he wished I would name it. To this I
said, I would give him a good sword, a pistol, and a picture. "Then,"
said the king, "you confess he is a good workman, send for him to your
house, and shew him such rarities as you have, and let him choose one,
in return for which you shall have any one of these pictures you please,
that you may shew in England we are not so unskilful as you supposed."
He then pressed me to make a choice, which I did, and which the king
wrapped in paper, and placed in a little book of mine, expressing much
exultation at the supposed victory of his painter. I then shewed him a
picture I had of his majesty, far inferior to the work I now saw, saying
I had judged from it, supposing it among the best. When told where I got
it, he asked why I bought any such thing? "Have not I the best, and have
not I told you that I would give you any thing you desired?" I thanked
his majesty, but said I held it impertinent for me to trouble him in
trifles, especially as a beggar. To this he replied, that it was no
shame to ask from him, and desired me to speak freely at all times, and
pressed me to ask for something. To this I answered, that I would not
make choice of any gift, as whatever he was pleased to give, I would
joyfully accept as a mark of honour. He then said, if you desire my
picture, I will either give you one for yourself or for your king. To
this I answered, that if his majesty thought proper to send one to my
king, I would gladly carry it, and knew that my sovereign would esteem
it much, and take it as a mark of friendship; but, as his majesty had
emboldened me by his gracious condescension, I would humbly ask one for
myself, which I would keep and leave to my posterity, as a memorial of
his majesty's favour. He answered, as my king did not desire one, but I
did, I should have one, and so gave immediate order for its making. He
then turned himself to sleep, and we had to go out as before, in the
dark.
The 9th of August a band of an hundred robbers were brought in chains
before the Great Mogul, together with their accusation. Without any
ceremony of trial, he ordered them to be carried away for execution,
their chief being ordered to be torn in pieces by dogs, and all the rest
to be put to death in the ordinary manner. The prisoners were divided
into portions, sent for execution to several quarters of the city, and
executed in the streets. Close by my house, the chief was torn in pieces
by twelve dogs, and thirteen of his fellows, having their hands and
feet tied together, had their necks cut by a sword, yet not quite
through, and their naked and bloody bodies were left to corrupt in the
street, to the annoyance of the whole neighbourhood.
On the 10th, 11th, and 12th, I was occupied at court in giving notice to
the king and prince that a Dutch ship lay before Surat, and refused to
give notice of its object till the arrival of a fleet to which it
belonged, which was expected with the first fair wind. I took advantage
of this circumstance to make them apprehensive of the designs of the
Hollanders, and the dangers that might arise from them, all of which was
well taken. And, being consulted on the subject, I advised not to come
to a rupture with them, and yet to exclude them from trade.
The last of these days I went to visit _Gemaldin Ussen_,[202] the
viceroy of _Patan_,[203] and lord of four cities in Bengal, a man of
seventy years of age, who had often been employed as an ambassador by
the Mogul, had more understanding and courtesy than all his countrymen,
was universally esteemed for his hospitality and regard to strangers,
and was considered as entirely free from secret ambition. He had often
invited me to his house, to which I went this day, and was received with
extraordinary kindness and friendship. He even offered me a lack of
rupees, and such other demonstrations of courtesy, as bespoke their own
refusal. He offered me likewise his credit and favour with the king, and
his best advice in every emergence; indeed, omitting nothing that could
evince his desire to serve me. All this seemed cordially to proceed from
the heart, especially from a person of his years and experience; and, in
the course of our conversation, he spoke so plainly of many of the chief
men about the court, which, from my own experience, I knew for truth,
that I was satisfied he was a true-hearted and well-disposed old man. He
gave me much information respecting the customs of this empire, their
want of laws, their servitude, the increase of the empire, and many
other things, having served in grace and favour under three successive
kings. He shewed me a book containing the annals of all memorable
actions in his time, which he daily committed to record, and offered me
a copy if I would procure it to be translated. This also treated
concerning the king's revenue, and the manner in which it was raised,
besides confiscations, gifts, and deductions upon the great men. He
shewed me that the government of every province paid yearly a certain
rent to the king. Thus, for his government of Patna, he gave yearly to
the king eleven lacks of rupees;[204] all other profits of the
government being his own, he having entire power and authority to take
what he thought fit. His government was estimated at 5000 horse, the pay
of each being 200 rupees yearly, of which he only kept 1500 on foot,
being allowed the surplus as dead pay. Besides which, he had a daily
pension of 1000 rupees, and enjoyed some smaller governments. Yet he
assured me that several of the great lords had double the emoluments he
enjoyed, and that there were above twenty equal to himself.
[Footnote 202: This name does not appear rightly reported, yet we have
no means of correcting its orthography, neither is it of much
importance. Perhaps it may have been Jemal-ul-dien Ussan Khan.--E.]
[Footnote 203: This is probably a mistake for Patna in Bengal, and he
may have been Nabob, or Nawab, perhaps Soubah of Bengal.--E.]
[Footnote 204: Eleven lack, or 1,100,000 rupees, on the computation
formerly assigned, are equal to £110,000. In the Pilgrims, at this
place, the rupee is said to equal 2s. 2d, which would add £9166:12:4 to
that sum.--E.]
In the course of our conversation, this lord praised the good prophet
Jesus, and his laws, and was full of much pleasant and profitable
discourse. Some days after this visit, when I thought his kindness had
been at an end, he borrowed the king's banqueting-house and
pleasure-garden, called _Havar Gemall_, a mile from town, on purpose to
treat me, and earnestly inviting me, I promised to come. He went there
himself at midnight, carrying his tents and all requisite furniture and
provisions, and fitted up a place very handsomely, by the side of the
tank, for the entertainment. I went there in the morning, and on my
arrival he came to meet me with extraordinary civility, carrying me into
the pavilion he had prepared, where he had some company, among whom were
two of his sons, of whom he had thirty in all. He had likewise an
hundred servants attending. To amuse me, he carried me to see the king's
little closets and retiring rooms, which were painted in the antique
manner, having pictures of some of the French kings, and other Christian
princes, on several of the pannels. He said he was only a poor servant
of the king, yet wished I might have some content, and had therefore
invited me to a slight banquet, that we might eat bread and salt
together, to seal a friendship which he entreated me to accept. There
were many great men, he alleged, who were better able to shew me
kindness, but were proud and false-hearted, and he wished me therefore
to trust none of them. For, if I had any business to transact concerning
the Portuguese or any other, they who acted as my interpreters would
never deliver the truth, but only what pleased themselves, or would give
satisfaction in the relation. That, therefore, I should never be rightly
understood, nor be able to effect my business without being abused and
cheated, nor ever clearly know the situation in which I stood, until I
had an Englishman who could speak Persian, who was able rightly to
deliver what I wished to have said, without using any other person. And,
if I could find any such, the king would readily grant me leave to
employ him, having conceived a good opinion of me; insomuch, that the
preceding night, at the Guzalcan, when the jewels of _Sheik Ferid_,
governor of Lahore, who was lately deceased, were presented to him, he
remembered me of his own accord, and seeing a picture of himself which
pleased him, he delivered it to Asaph Khan, commanding him to send it to
me, that I might wear it for his sake, with many words of favour
concerning me, which would make all the great men respect me.
While thus conversing, dinner was served. So sitting down on a carpet, a
cloth was spread, divers kinds of banqueting dishes were set before us.
The like was done a little on one side for the gentlemen of his company,
with whom he went to eat, as they hold it a kind of uncleanness to
mingle with us. Upon this, I told him that he had promised we should eat
bread and salt together, and without his company I felt little appetite,
whereupon he arose from the rest, and sat down beside me, and we fell
heartily to our repast. It consisted of various kinds of dishes,
together with raisins, almonds, pistachio nuts, and various fruits.
After dinner, he played at chess, and I walked about, and after some
time spent in discourse, I offered to take my leave. But he said he had
invited me to eat with him, and hitherto we had only had a collation,
wherefore he entreated I might not depart till we had supped together,
to which I readily consented.
About an hour after, the ambassador of one of the kings of the Deccan
came to visit him, whom he presented to me, using him with civility, but
much inferior to the respect he had shewn me. He afterwards asked me,
if the king my master would scorn the offer of service from so poor a
man as he was, and if he would vouchsafe to accept a present from a
stranger, as he proposed to send a gentleman to England with me to kiss
the hands of my sovereign, and to see our country. I answered him as
became me, with all civility; so he sent for one presently, whom he
questioned if he would venture upon such a journey, and as this person
seemed willing, he presented him to me, saying he would provide some of
the curiosities of the country for the king my master, and send them by
this gentleman along with me. By the manner all this seemed to be in
earnest.
While we thus spent our time in friendly converse, supper was brought
in; and, as in the morning, two cloths were spread, one before me and my
chaplain, with one merchant, on which were set various dishes of roast,
fried, and boiled meats, with rice and sallads. On this occasion my
honourable entertainer desired me to excuse his company, as it was their
custom to eat among themselves, and his countrymen might take it ill if
he did not eat with them; so he and his guests, and I with my
companions, solaced ourselves with good cheer. The meats were not amiss,
but the attendance and order were excellent, as the servants were very
diligent and respectful. After the manner of this country of giving
presents to invited guests, he made me a present of five cases of
sugar-candy flavoured with musk, and a loaf of the finest sugar, as
white as snow, weighing fifty pounds, and requested my acceptance of an
hundred such against my departure. He then addressed me in these
terms:--"You refuse these from me, thinking I am poor, but being made in
my government, it costs me nothing, as it comes to me _gratis_." To this
I answered, that he had already much too far obliged me, yet would I not
refuse his kindness when ready to go away. On which he replied, that he
might not be then provided, and therefore desired I would accept now,
that he might not lose both his offer and his labour. Thus, calling
himself my father, and me his son, we took leave of each other, with
many compliments.
I went to visit the king on the 16th, who, as soon as I came in, called
to his women, and reached out his own picture set in gold, and hanging
to a chain of gold wire, with a pendant of foul pearl, which he
delivered to Asaph Khan, whom I warned not to demand any reverence from
me on the occasion which I would not willingly perform; as it is the
custom here, when he bestows any gift, that the receiver kneels down and
touches the ground with his head; and which ceremony had been exacted
from the ambassador of Persia. Then Asaph Khan came to me with the
picture, which I offered to take in my hand, but he made a sign to me,
to take off my hat and put it about my neck, leading me right before the
king. Not understanding his purpose, and doubting he might require my
conformance with the custom of the country, called _sizeda_, I resolved
rather to forego the present than comply. He made a sign to me to return
thanks to the king, which I did after the fashion of our country; on
which some of the officers called for me to make _sizeda_, but the king
immediately said, No, no, in Persian. So, with many gracious words, I
returned to my place. You may judge of the king's liberality by this
mighty gift, which was not in all worth thirty pounds, yet was five
times the value of such as he usually gives of that kind, and which are
yet held as a special favour, as all the great men wear the king's
picture, which yet none may do but those to whom it is given. This
ordinarily consists of only a small gold medal, not bigger than a
sixpence, impressed with the king's image, having a short gold chain of
six inches to fasten it on their turbans; and to which, at their own
charges, some add precious stones or pearl pendents.
_Gemaldin Ussen_, who had invited me to the _Havaer Gemal_, as before
mentioned, being newly appointed governor of _Sinde_, came to dine at my
house on the 19th, accompanied by two of his sons and two other
gentlemen, and attended by about an hundred servants. He partook of some
part of the banquet, which had been prepared at my house by a Mahomedan
cook, but declined eating of any of the dishes which were cooked after
our English fashion, though he seemed to have a good inclination, being
influenced by a superstitious notion; yet he desired that four or five
dishes, of his own choice, might be sent to his own house, being all
baked meats, dressed in a way he had not before seen, saying he would
afterwards eat of them in private, which was accordingly done. At this
entertainment, he offered us a free trade and secure residence at the
chief town, of Sinde, his new government, and having filled himself with
my banquet, he took his leave, after receiving a small present from me,
according to the fashion of the country. This day, Mr Hall, my chaplain,
died suddenly, to my great grief. He was a man of mild and gentle
manners, and a most sincere Christian, of unspotted life and
conversation.
On the 20th and the night before, there fell a vast storm of rain,
called in this country the _elephant_, owing to which such prodigious
streams of water flowed into the great tank, the head of which is of
stone and apparently of great strength, that it gave way in one place,
causing a sudden alarm that the whole fabric would give way and drown
all that part of the town in which I dwelt. Insomuch that the prince and
all his women forsook their house, and my nearest neighbour carried off
his goods and his wife to the skirts of the hills on his elephants and
camels. All persons had their horses ready at their doors, that they
might save their lives by flight in case of necessity. We were in the
utmost consternation, and sat up till midnight, having no alternative,
as we thought, but to flee ourselves and abandon all our goods, for it
was reported that the water would rise three feet higher than the top of
our house, and carry all away, being only a slight mud building. The
foot of the tank was level with our dwelling, and the water was of great
extent and very deep, so that the surface of the water stood
considerably higher than the top of my house, which stood in a hollow,
in the very course of the water, and where every ordinary heavy rain
occasioned such a current at my door as to be for some hours impassable
by man or horse. But the king caused a sluice to be cut during the
night, to conduct the water by another course, so that we were freed
from the extreme danger; yet the excessive rain had washed down a
considerable part of the walls of my house, and so weakened it by
breaches in different parts, that I now feared its falling down, as much
as I had dreaded its being swept away by the flood. It was every where
so bemired with dirt and water, that I could hardly find a place in
which to sit or lie dry, and was forced to be at material charges in
having it repaired. Thus were we every way afflicted, by fires, smoke,
floods, storms, heats, dust, and flies, and had no season of temperate
air and quietness.
On the 27th, I received advice from Surat, that the Dutch had obtained
permission to land their goods, and to secure them in a warehouse at
that place, carrying on trade till the pleasure of the prince were
known, and under condition that they should depart at the first warning.