rode to that city, to speak with a dervise, or holy man, who dwelt upon
a hill, and was reported to be 300 years old, but I did not think this
miracle worth my examination. At noon this day, I received news by a
foot-post, that the prince, notwithstanding all the firmauns and
commands of his father, had intercepted the presents and goods on their
way up, to satisfy his own base and greedy inclinations; and no
entreaty, gifts, or persuasions, that Mr Terry could offer, who had the
charge of them, could prevail on him to part with them, and he compelled
them by force to follow him towards Burhanpoor. Yet he forbore to break
open the packages, but pressed the English to consent, which they
refused by my orders, and he thought to win them to his purpose by
vexatious usage. For it is the custom in this country, for the great men
to see all merchant goods before even the king, that they may chuse
first; but I resolved, if possible, to break that bad custom, in our
behalf.
That he might satisfy his own cupidity, the prince sent up a courier to
the king, before I could get intelligence, giving notice of having
detained the goods, but without mentioning that they were presents, and
requested his authority to have them opened, that he might purchase what
he fancied. This faithless proceeding of the prince, contrary to his
promise and his own written orders, satisfied me that I was justifiable
in the eyes of all, if I carried my complaint directly to the king,
having used every possible means to procure favour from the prince, and
having already suffered beyond the patience of a free-born man; so that
I must now be blameless by using rougher means, having already
fruitlessly proved all smoother expedients. I therefore resolved to
appeal for justice, by complaint to the king in person, yet as calmly
and warily as possible. I feared to go to Asaph Khan on this occasion,
lest he might oppose my purpose, yet thought my neglect of him might be
displeasing; wherefore, if I sent to acquaint him that I proposed to
visit the king at the guzalcan, I dreaded he might suspect my purpose,
if he had learnt the injury I meant to complain of. For all which
reasons, I considered how best to avoid being counteracted.
The visit of the king to the dervise, just mentioned, gave me a good
opportunity, and my new linguist, who was a Greek I had sent for from
Agimere, being ready, I rode out to meet the king, who was returning
from the holy man on his elephant. On his majesty's approach, I
alighted, and made a sign that I wished to speak to the king, who
immediately turned his monster towards me, and prevented me, by saying,
"My son has taken your goods and my presents; be not therefore sad, for
he shall not touch nor open a lock or a seal; for at night I shall send
him an order to set them free." He made other gracious speeches,
intimating that he knew I had come brim-full of complaints, and that he
had spoken first to ease me. At this time, seeing that the king was on
the road, I could do no more; but at night, without farther seeking to
Asaph Khan, I went to the guzalcan, determined to proceed with my
complaints, to get back my goods, and to seek redress for the charges,
troubles, and abuses at Surat, and all our other grievances.
As soon as I came in, the king called my interpreter before him, and, by
means of his own, intimated that he had already dispatched his orders so
effectually, that not even to the value of a hair should be abstracted
from our goods. In reply, I stated that the injuries, charges, and
abuses we suffered from the prince's officers, were so numerous and
intolerable as could not be endured, and that I craved effectual
redress. To this it was answered, that I must apply to his son for all
past matters; but I could obtain nothing except fair words, through the
intermediation of Asaph Khan, so that I was forced to seem satisfied,
and to seek opportunities as might be for redress, when this false
friend and pretended advocate was out of the way. The good king fell at
length to dispute about the laws of Moses, Jesus, and Mahomet; and,
being in drink, turned lovingly to me, saying, "As I am a king, you
shall be all welcome, Christians and Jews as well as Mahometans, for I
meddle not with their faiths; they all come in love, and I will protect
them from wrong while they are under my dominion, and no one shall be
allowed to molest or oppress them." This he frequently repeated, but
being extremely drunk, he fell a-weeping, and into various passions, and
so kept us till midnight.
Any one may easily conceive how much I was now disconcerted by the
unjustifiable conduct of the factors, who had detained the presents for
four months at Surat, and now sent them to fall into the hands of the
prince, who was then within two days march of Burhanpoor, by which my
trouble was infinitely increased. But having now began, and suspecting
that the prince was already sufficiently exasperated upon matters of
small importance, I thought I might as well lose his favour upon great
as small matters, so I resolved to try what I could do with the king;
and, while I waited the result, I sent back the messenger to Mr Terry,
who was with the presents, desiring him to remain firm, waiting for the
king's ultimate orders, which I should send him soon.
During this interval, the king had caused the chests to be privately
brought to him, and had opened them, which came to my knowledge, on
which I determined to express my dissatisfaction at this usage, and
having obtained an audience, I made my complaint. He received me with
much mean flattery, more unworthy even of his high rank than the action
he had done, which I suppose he did to appease me, as seeing by my
countenance that I was highly dissatisfied. He began by telling me that
he had found some things that pleased him much, particularly two
embroidered cushions, or sweet-bags, a folding glass cabinet, and the
mastiff dogs, and desired me not to be discontented, for whatever I was
not disposed to give him, he would return. I answered, that most of
these things were intended for his majesty, but that it was a great
indignity to the king my master thus to seize upon what was meant to be
presented, and not permitted to come through my hands, to whom they were
sent in the first place. I added, that besides what were destined for
his majesty, some of these things were intended for Noormahal, some for
the prince, and the rest to remain in my hands, to serve as occasion
might require, to bespeak his majesty's favour to protect us from
injuries daily offered to us by strangers, and some for my friends, or
my own use, while the rest belonged to the English merchants, with which
I had no concern. He desired me not to be grieved that he had thus got
his own choice, as he had not patience to forbear from seeing them, in
which he did me no wrong, as he believed I wished him to be served
first, and that he would make satisfaction to the king my master, to
whom he would justify me. As for the prince and Noormahal, they were all
one with himself. As to bringing any presents hereafter to procure his
favour, I might be easy on that score, as it was merely a needless
ceremony, for I should be always welcome to come to him empty-handed,
and he would hear me, as it was not my fault, and he would see me
righted at all times. That he would return me some things to enable me
to go to his son, and he would pay the merchants for such things as
belonged to them. He concluded by desiring me not to be angry with the
freedom he had taken, as he meant well. As I made no reply, he pressed
to know if I were pleased, to which I answered, that his majesty's
satisfaction must always please me.
He then began to enumerate all the things he had taken, beginning with
the mastiffs, embroidered sweet bags, the case of combs and razors, and
so forth; saying, with a smile, "You would not have me to restore these
things, and I am delighted with them?" To which I answered in the
negative. He then mentioned two glass-cases, as mean and ordinary,
asking me for whom they were intended. I answered, that one was intended
for his majesty, and the other for Noormahal. "Why then," said he, "you
will not ask me for that I have, but will be satisfied with one?" To
this I was under the necessity of yielding. He next asked for whom
certain hats were intended, which his women liked? I answered, that
three were for his majesty, and one for myself. He then said, I surely
would not take back those meant for him, and that he would return mine
if I needed it; and would not bestow it upon him. To this likewise I had
to agree. He then asked, whose were the pictures? I answered, that they
were sent me to use as occasion offered, and to dispose of as my
business might require. So he called for these, and caused them to be
opened, examining me about the women, and other little questions, asking
my judgment and opinions concerning them. The third was a picture of
Venus leading a satyr by the nose. Commanding my interpreter not to tell
me what he said on this subject, he shewed it about among his nobles,
asking them to expound its moral or interpretation, pointing out the
satyr's horns and black skin, and many other particulars. Every one
answered according to his fancy; but, liking none of their expositions,
he reserved his own opinion to himself, and commanding that all these
notions should be concealed from me, he ordered the interpreter to ask
me what it meant. I answered, that it was an invention of the painter,
to shew his art, and that it represented some poetical fable, which was
all I could say, having never seen it before. He then called upon Mr
Terry to give his opinion, who could not; on which the king asked him,
why he brought up with him an invention in which he was ignorant? On
this I interposed, saying Mr Terry was a preacher, and did not meddle
with such matters, neither had he any charge of them, having only come
along with them.
I have related this anecdote of the picture for the instruction of the
gentlemen of the East India Company, and for him who may succeed me, to
be very careful that what they send into this country may not be
susceptible of an evil interpretation; for the king and people are
pregnant with, and full of, scrupulosity and jealousy. For, though the
king concealed his opinion, yet I had ground, from what he did say, to
believe he thought the picture was meant in derision of the Asiatics,
whom he conceived to be represented by the satyr, as being of their
complexion; and that Venus leading him by the nose denoted the great
influence exercised by the women of that country over the men. He was
satisfied that I had never seen the picture, and therefore pressed me no
farther about its explanation; yet he shewed no discontent, but rolled
up the pictures, saying he would accept even the satyr as a present from
me. As for the saddle, and some other trifles, he said he would have
them sent to his son, for whom they were fit, as a present from me, to
whom he would write so effectually, pursuant to his promise, that I
should stand in no need of a solicitor near him in any of my affairs. He
added many compliments, excuses, professions, and protestations, such as
might proceed either from a very noble or very base mind.
He then enquired what was meant by the figures of the beasts, and
whether they had been sent for me to give him? I had understood that
they were very mean and ill-shaped images, from which the varnish had
come off, and were ill-formed lumps of wood. I was really ashamed of
them, and told him this was no fault of mine, those who had seized them
being guilty of the affront, in conveying them to his majesty, for whom
they were not intended, having only been sent to shew the forms of
certain animals in our country. He quickly replied, "Did you think in
England that a horse or a bull were strange to me?" I answered, that I
thought not upon such mean matters, the sender being an ordinary man,
who had sent these things out of good-will to me, and that I could not
know what might have been his thoughts. The king then said he would keep
them all; but that he desired I would procure for him a horse of the
largest size, a male and female mastiff, some tall Irish greyhounds, and
such other hunting-dogs as we had in England, adding, on the word of a
king, if I would procure him these, he would fully recompense me, and
grant every thing I desired. I answered, that I would engage to have
them sent by the next ships, but could not answer for their lives in so
long a voyage, but should direct their skins and bones to be preserved
if they died, to convince his majesty I had obeyed his commands. Upon
this he bowed to me repeatedly, laid his hand on his heart, and shewed
me so much kindness, favour, and familiarity, that all present declared
they had never seen him use the like to any man before.
This was all my recompence, except that he often desired me to be merry,
as he would royally requite the wrongs he had done me, and send me home
to my country with grace and rewards befitting a gentleman. Thus, seeing
nothing returned of all that was seized but words, I requested his
majesty would order the velvets and silks to be delivered back, as these
were merchant goods sent up among mine by the command of his majesty, by
which they had escaped the rapacity of the prince's officers. He then
desired Mr Bidulph to be called for, that he might agree with and pay
him for their value. I then delivered in a memorial, which I had ready
written, containing my demands for privileges and justice, as otherwise
I should return home a mere useless person, and under disgrace with my
sovereign. I pressed likewise to have justice in regard to a debt due by
Zulphecar Khan, lately deceased. He replied, that he would take such
order with his son, in regard to our affairs at Surat, that I should
have no cause to complain, and would give such orders for other places
as should in every respect shew his regard for me; and, that I might
return to my master with honour, he would send by me a rich and worthy
present, together with his letters certifying my good behaviour, and
giving me much praise. He likewise commanded me to name what I thought
would be most acceptable. To this I answered, that I could not crave, as
that was not our custom, neither was it consistent with the honour of my
sovereign; but I had no doubt that whatever he was pleased to send would
be acceptable from so potent a monarch, who was already so much loved by
my master. He then said, that I thought he only asked in jest to please
me, as he saw I was still discontented; but he assured me he was my
friend, and would prove so in the end, and swore by his head that he
spoke sincerely in regard to the presents, and that therefore I must not
refuse to name some for his satisfaction.
This earnestness forced me to say, that, if his majesty pleased, I
thought some large Persian carpets might be fittest, as my master did
not look for gifts of cost and value. To this he answered, that he would
provide them of all sorts and sizes, and should add to them what else he
thought fit, that my master might know how great was his respect. Having
venison of various kinds before him, he gave me half a stag, which he
said he had himself killed, and that I should see the rest bestowed on
his ladies. This was presently cut up into four pound pieces, and was
sent into the interior apartments by his young son and two women in
their bare hands, just as if he had been doling out such small fragments
to the poor by way of charity. I had now as abundant grace and fair
words as might have flattered me into conceit, but our injuries were not
to be compensated by words, though I was glad of these as a colour for
dissembling my discontent. In conclusion, he repeated his expressions of
desire to satisfy me, saying, he hoped I went away contented. To which I
answered, that his majesty's favour was sufficient to make me any
amends. He then said that he had only one farther question to ask: "How
comes it, now that I have seen your presents for two years, that your
master, before you came, sent by a mean man, a merchant, five times as
many and more curious toys, and having sent you his ambassador, with a
commission and his letters mentioning presents, that you should have
brought so little, so mean, and so much inferior to the other? I
acknowledge you as an ambassador, and have found you a gentleman in your
behaviour, but am amazed you are so slightly provided."
I was about to reply, when he cut me short, saying, "I know that all
this is not your king's fault nor yours, but I shall shew you that I
esteem you more than those who employed you. At your return, I shall
send you home with honour and reward, according to your quality and
merit, not regarding what you have brought me, and shall send a present
to your lord and master, befitting a king to send. Only this will I
require from you, and do not expect it from the merchants, that you will
take with you patterns of the following articles: a quiver and bow-case,
a coat of mail, a cushion to rest my head upon in our fashion, and a
pair of boots, which you shall cause to be embroidered for me in England
in the richest manner, as I know they can do these things in your
country better than any I have seen. These things I shall expect from
you, and if you send them, I promise you, on the word of a king, that
you shall be no loser." This I most chearfully undertook, and he
commanded Asaph Khan to send me the patterns. He then asked if I had
any grape wine, which I said I had. He desired to have some of it to
taste next night, and if he liked it, he would be obliged to me to let
him have it, otherwise I might make merry with it myself. Thus the whole
of this night being spent in discourse only with me, he rose up, and I
departed.
On the 3d of March we arrived at Mundu, into which the king was expected
to make his entry; but the day for that was not yet fixed, as he waited
till the astrologers had determined upon an auspicious hour for the
ceremony, so that we had all to remain without, waiting for the good
hour. The 6th I entered Mundu, and my servants, whom I had sent before
to seek out for quarters, had taken possession of a fair court, well
walled round, in which was a goodly temple and a tomb. Some of the
king's servants had already taken up their quarters there, but I got
possession and kept it, being the best within the whole circuit of
Mundu, though two miles from the king's house; yet it was so nearly
sufficient, that a very small charge was sufficient to make it
defensible against the rains, and save me 1000 rupees. The air was
wholesome, and the prospect pleasant, as it was on the very edge of the
hill.
I went at night of the 11th to meet the king, but was told, that, on the
news of a lion[210] having killed some horses, the king had gone out to
hunt for that animal. I thus had leisure to look out for water; for such
was the unaccountable want of foresight, that we were brought, with a
multitude of people and beasts, to a hill on which was no water, so that
the men and cattle were ready to perish. What little was to be found in
certain wells and tanks had been taken possession of by the great men,
and kept by force, so that I could not procure any. The poor forsook the
city; many more were commanded away by proclamation, and all horses or
other cattle were ordered to be removed. Thus, those who were in hopes
of rest, were enforced to seek out new dwelling places, and had to go
away some two, three, and even four cosses, to the extreme trouble and
inconvenience of all, and occasioning provisions to rise greatly in
price. For my own part, I was greatly troubled how to determine. My
house was very good, and, though far from markets, it was still less
inconvenient to submit to that trouble than to remain in the fields
without house or shelter, where I must have gone to encamp, but then I
was in want of water. Riding about with this view, I came to a great
tank or pool, which was guarded for a khan, to whom the king had granted
its use. I sent to acquaint him of my needs, and asked leave to draw
water at his tank, when he was pleased to allow me to have four loads
daily. This satisfied me in some sort; and, by selling off some of the
goods that had been sent me from Surat, and putting away some of my
cattle, I had hope of being able to live; for which purpose I sent two
of my carriages, with their servants and cattle, to remain out of town,
and thus relieved myself from this public calamity. There was not a
misery or inconvenience that I was not subjected to, in thus following
the court of the Mogul, owing to the want of good management in the
government, and the intemperature of the climate.
[Footnote 210: It is almost certain that the lions of these early
voyages and travels, at least in India, were tigers.--E.]
§7. _A New-Year's Gift.--Suspicions entertained of the English.--Trade
of Dabul.--Dissatisfaction of the Persian Ambassador.--English Ships of
War in the Indian Seas_.
On the 12th March, 1617, I carried, as a new-year's gift to the king, a
pair of very handsome knives belonging to myself, and six glasses
belonging to the Company, making an apology for the smallness of the
present, which was well received, and the king used me very graciously,
saying, that whatever came from my hands he looked on as a sufficient
present, and as a proof of my love, and that it was now his part to give
me. He gave orders to an officer to send for Mr Bidulph, to pay him his
demands to his satisfaction, and all others who were indebted to us were
ordered by name to pay what they owed to the Company. The king said
likewise, that he would write to the prince in our favour. But I found
him unwilling to part with any of our things, of which the best sweet
bag then lay before him. I replied, that I was very unwilling to go
empty-handed. The king then commanded that I should come up and stand
beside him on the steps of the throne, where stood on one side the
Persian ambassador, and the old king of Candahar on the other, with whom
I ranked. As soon as I had taken my place, the king asked me for a
knife, which I sent him next day. The king then called the Persian to
stand before him, to whom he gave a jewel and a young elephant, for
which he kneeled and saluted the ground with his head.
On this occasion the same throne and furniture were used as last year,
the upper end of the hall being adorned with the pictures of the king my
master, the queen, the princess Elizabeth, Sir Thomas Smith, and some
others, with two pieces of beautiful Persian tapestry hung below them.
The throne was of gold, bespangled all over with rubies, emeralds, and
turquoises. On one side, on a little stage or scaffold, was a company of
women-singers. I this day sent a dispatch to Surat, giving my advice
respecting the trade of Persia, and of what had passed on that subject
with the ambassador, and sent some remembrance to the governor, Ibrahim
Khan. I had a letter from him in return, stating that the English nation
had been wronged without his knowledge; but as his authority was now
augmented by Prince Churrum, we might rest confident in his protection,
as while he lived and held authority at that place, we should never more
be liable to abuses, but should be allowed to reside and trade in
perfect freedom and security.
The 13th I sent as a present to Asaph Khan a richly embroidered pair of
gloves, and a fair wrought night-cap of my own. He received the cap, but
returned the gloves, as useless in this country, and requested to have
some Alicant wine, which I sent him next night. Aganor, whose diligence
now gave me great hope of success in my desires, sent his Banian
secretary to inform me that he had orders for the dispatch, of the
merchant goods, and that his man should attend Mr Bidulph to finish that
business; that the patterns should be sent me, and that the Mogul meant
to give me a robe, and money to bear my charges in going to wait upon
the prince. I returned for answer, that I had no need of a garment or of
money, but begged his majesty would graciously consider the injuries of
which I had complained, and of which I had already given an account in
writing, and that he would please to give me a letter to the prince,
with some of our own presents which were intended for him, or else state
my excuse in writing, that his majesty had intercepted and appropriated
the whole. This was all I wished, as instead of gifts from the king, I
only required justice.
The 21st I discovered that the Mogul suspected that I meant to steal out
of the country. These doubts had been insinuated by the prince, either
as a cover for his own guilt, or out of fear, or perhaps as a cunning
pretence to cover his own designs. He had informed the king that the
English meant next year to surprise Surat, and retain possession of that
place. Indeed, their own folly gave some colour to the idea; as lately,
upon one of the usual brawls at that place, our people had landed 200
musqueteers, with whom they marched towards Surat; and, during their
march, some of the jovial tars gave out to all they met that they meant
to take the place. This was a most absurd bravado, for a handful of men
to march twelve miles against a walled town that was able to oppose them
with 1000 horse, and as many foot armed with match-locks, and having
besides to pass a river which could be defended by a handful of men
against an army. It gave, however, just occasion both of scorn and
offence; and the prince, perhaps to serve some ends of his own, took
occasion from it to strengthen the fortifications of the town and
castle, and to send down ordnance for their defence; perhaps a good
precaution to have an open door to flee to in case his brother should
live, and have the means of checking his ambitious views. But this
information concurring with my discontents here, and some free language
on that occasion, and my pressing demands to be allowed to go to
Burhanpoor, together with flying reports that we had taken Goa, and were
preparing a great fleet in England, raised suspicions in the mind of the
king, though he concealed them as well as he could from me. By my
explanations, however, I satisfied the king thoroughly, though I was by
no means so, having been fed only with words, and knew well that our
residence was only permitted out of fear. The complaints I was enforced
to make at this court against the misconduct of its officers towards us,
greatly offended all the great men, as being in some sort their own
case; for they all live by farming the several governments, in which
they all practise every kind of tyranny against the natives under their
jurisdiction, oppressing them with continual exactions, and are
exceedingly averse from any way being opened by which the king may be
informed of their infamous proceedings. They grind the people under
their government, to extract money from them, often hanging men up by
the heels to make them confess that they are rich, or to ransom
themselves from faults merely imputed with a view to fleece them. Thus
my complaints against exaction and injustice made me hated of all about
the court, as an informer.
The 25th I received a letter from Captain Pepwell, then in Dabul roads,
stating,--That, according to advice, he had stopped the junk bound for
Mokha; but having well weighed the caution I had given him respecting
the correspondence between that prince and Masulipatam, where the
Solomon then was, he had freed her without spoil. By this courtesy he
had procured such good entertainment as is seldom had in the Indies,
being allowed free trade, with a promise of taking 300 pieces of
broad-cloth yearly, and had sold a good quantity of lead for ready
money, besides some ordnance. This part of his procedure I do not like
much, as tending to arm the Indians, and the Portuguese, their friends,
against the Moguls. If these courtesies proceeded not from the junk
being still under his command, they give good prospect of an yearly sale
at that port. However, the freeing of this junk gives me good assurance
that Captain Pepwell will do nothing prejudicial to the Company, and
will deliver himself honestly from the jealousies entertained of him at
Dabul. He signifies his intention of proceeding to Calicut, and if that
factory be not likely to succeed, he proposes transferring it to Dabul.
The 27th, by a foot-post from Masulipatam, I received advice that the
Solomon had put to sea, and that the Hosiander was arrived from Bantam,
with the bad news of the loss of the Hector and Concord, while careening
in the roads of Jacatra, in the island of Java; but with the good news
that the Dragon, Clove, and Defence were laden homewards from Bantam. I
took the opportunity of this post to convey a letter to the governor of
Dabul respecting the overture made by him of trade to that port; and,
though I had no great opinion of the place, I would neither have it
entirely neglected, nor would I encourage the next fleet to proceed
there, unless on better assurance than a forced friendship, and offers
made when their junk was in our power. I signified the causes of our
having stopped their goods formerly for refusing trade to Sir Henry
Middleton; but finding him now better disposed, and willing to establish
a league of trade and amity, and to take a good quantity of our cloth, I
required to know if he were hearty in these motions; and willing to act
as a man of honour; as a pledge of which, I requested him to procure for
us a firmaun from his sovereign, with such privileges as were fit for
merchants, with a royal engagement under his seal to fulfil all the
friendly offers made to us by this officer; desiring this firmaun might
be transmitted to me with all expedition, to my present residence at
the Mogul court. By this, I said, I should be satisfied that they meant
to treat us with good faith, and on its reception, I would undertake, on
the behalf of the king of England, that a firm and lasting peace should
be established with his master, whose subjects should have free passage
on the seas without molestation from our ships; and should send yearly a
ship to trade at his port, or, if desired, should establish a resident
factory there. I have no doubt, either through fear or favour, that some
good sales may be made there yearly, but I doubt of being able to
procure any valuable investments.
In this I proceed cautiously, as all men ought on such occasions, not
with too eager apparent desire, nor swallowing hungrily any offered
conditions, without due assurances. Strict care in the first settling is
of the utmost importance, as you can never mend your first
establishment, and may often impair it. Every man succeeds best at
first, when new and a stranger; for, by the natural levity of these
barbarians, they are fond of changes, and grow weary of things in their
usual train. I have committed this dispatch to the care of Mr Bangham,
whom I have directed to make diligent enquiry into the commodities,
advantages, and inconveniences attendant on our projected trade, and to
make himself acquainted with the humours and affections of the Deccaners
towards us.
On the 30th of April the Persian ambassador sent to excuse himself for
going away without paying his respects to me, alleging illness, but his
messenger said he was not so sick as he pretended; but, finding no
success in his negociations with the king, he had taken his leave, and
made a present of thirty-five horses at his departure. In return, the
king gave him 3000 rupees, which he took in great scorn. Upon which, to
justify himself, the king caused two lists to be drawn up, in one of
which all the presents made by the ambassador were enumerated, with
their values, meanly rated, much lower than their real worth; and, in
the other, all the gifts the king had presented to him since his
arrival,--as slaves, melons, pine-apples, plantains, hawks, plumes of
feathers, the elephant, and not even forgetting the drink he had
received, all charged at extremely high prices, much above their value.
These two lists were laid before the ambassador, with their amounts
summed up, offering him the rest of the money to make up the balance.
Owing to this bad usage, the Persian feigned himself sick of a fever, as
an excuse for not waiting upon Asaph Khan and Etemon Dowlet, for which
reason he could not come through the town to visit me, without
discovering the counterfeit, but desired his messenger to acquaint me
with the truth, which Aganor as freely delivered, and with no small
bitterness against the king, and to which I seemed unwilling to listen.
The ambassador also desired him to assure me that he was ready to serve
my nation in his country, to the utmost of his power. I presented him
with some Alicant wine, and a few knives, to be taken to his master, and
so we parted. The 12th May I received news of a great blow given by the
Turkish army to the Persians, the former having taken and utterly
destroyed Tauris; and that Shah Abbas was unable to keep the field.
On the night of the 25th, a lion and a wolf[211] broke into my quarters,
and gave us great alarm, carrying off some sheep and goats that were in
my court-yard, and leaping with them over a high wall. I sent to ask
leave to kill them, as in that country no person may meddle with lions
except the king. Receiving permission, and the animals returning next
night, I ran out into the court upon the alarm, and the beast missing
his prey, seized upon a little dog before me, and escaped; but my
servants killed the wolf, which I sent to the king.
[Footnote 211: More likely to have been a tyger and hyena.--E.]
The 14th of June, a cabinet belonging to the jesuits was sent up from
Cambay, containing medicines and other necessaries, and a letter, which
were betrayed by the bringer, and delivered to the king. He opened the
cabinet, and sent for the _padre_ to read the letter, and to see every
thing contained in the boxes; but, finding nothing to his liking, he
returned all. I mention this circumstance as a caution to all who deal
in this country, to be careful of what they write or send, as it is the
humour of this prince to seize and see every thing, lest any curiosity
or toy should escape his greed.
The 18th, I had letters from Ahmedabad, advising that indigo had greatly
fallen in price, in consequence of the non-arrival of the flotilla from
Goa. The unicorn's horn had been returned, as without virtue, concerning
which I sent new advice.[212] Many complaints were made concerning Surat
and others, which I do not insert. I received two letters from
Burhanpoor, stating the doubtfulness of recovering the debt due to Mr
Ralph Fitch. Spragge had returned from the leskar or camp of the Deccan
army, where Melick Amber, with much show of honour, had given instant
orders for searching the whole camp; but the Persian had fled to
Visiapour, so that the business was referred by letter to a Dutchman who
resided there. The general of the Deccan army desired Spragge to be the
means of sending English cloth and swords to his camp, which is within
six days march of Burhanpoor; and, in my opinion, this might be a good
employment for some idle men, and an excellent opportunity to get vent
for our dead commodities.
[Footnote 212: This of the unicorn's horn, or rather the horn of a
rhinoceros, may allude to some supposed inherent virtue of detecting
poison, anciently attributed to cups made of that material.--E.]
The 30th of July I received news from Surat of two Dutch ships being
cast away on the coast near Damaun. They were from the southwards, laden
with spices and China silks, and bound for the Red Sea; but losing the
season, with much bad weather, they had tried to take shelter in
Socatora, or some other port on the coast of Arabia, but failing after
beating about many weeks, they bore away for Surat, hoping to be able to
ride out the adverse monsoon in safety, as they had done in other years.
But the years differ, and being forced to come to anchor, they had to
cut away their masts by the violence of the gale; the smaller vessel of
sixty tons was beaten to pieces, and the cables of the other breaking,
she was driven ashore in oosy ground, within musket shot of the land.
The ship kept upright; but having lost their long-boat, and the skiff
being unable to live, four men got ashore on a raft. The spring-tides
heaved her up so near the shore, that much of her goods and all her
people were saved.
_Maree Rustam_, who had been king of Candahar, came to visit me on the
21st of August, and brought a present of wine and fruit, staying about
half an hour, and concluded his visit by begging a bottle of wine. This
day Sultan Cusero had his first prospect of long-hoped liberty, being
allowed to leave his prison, and to take the air and his pleasure in a
banqueting house near mine. Sultan Churrum had contracted a marriage at
Burhanpoor, without waiting for the king's consent, for which he had
fallen under displeasure; and some secret practices of his against the
life of his brother had been discovered, on which he was ordered to
court in order to clear himself. By the advice of their father, Etimon
Dowlet, Noormahal and Asaph Khan now made proposals of friendship and
alliance with Cusero. This news has diffused universal joy among the
people, who now begin to hope that their good prince may recover his
full liberty. The 22d the king feasted Asaph Khan. The 25th Asaph Khan
feasted Noormahal. It is reported the Prince Cusero is to make a firm
alliance, as above stated, and is to take a wife of his father's choice.
This will produce his entire liberty, and the ruin of our proud
oppressor, Churrum.
The 1st of September was the solemnity of the king's birth-day, when he
is publicly weighed, to which I went. I was conducted into a beautiful
garden, in the middle of which was a great square pond or tank, set all
round with trees and flowers, and in the middle was a pavilion or
pleasure-house, under which hung the scales in which the king was to be
weighed. The scales were of beaten gold, set with many small stones, as
rubies and turquoises. They hung by chains of gold, large and massy, yet
strengthened by silken ropes for more security. The beam and tressels
from which it hung were covered with thin plates of gold. In this place
all the nobles of the court attended, sitting round on rich carpets; and
waiting the king's arrival. He appeared at length, cloathed, or laden
rather, with diamonds, rubies, pearls, and other precious vanities,
making a great and glorious shew. His sword, target, and throne were
corresponding in riches and splendour. His head, neck, breast, and arms,
above the elbows, and at the wrist, were all decorated with chains of
precious stones, and every one of his fingers had two or three rich
rings. His legs were as it were fettered with chains of diamonds, rubies
as large as walnuts, and some larger, and such pearls as amazed me. He
got into one of the scales, crouching or sitting on his legs like a
woman; and there were put into the other scale, to counterpoise his
weight, many bags said to contain silver, which were changed six times,
and I understood his weight was 9000 rupees, which are almost equal to a
thousand pounds sterling. After this, he was weighed against gold,
jewels, and precious stones, as I was told, for I saw none, as these
were all in bags, and might only have been pebbles. Then against cloth
of gold, silk stuffs, cotton goods, spices, and all sort of commodities;
but I had to believe all as reported, as these were all in packages.
Lastly, against meal, butter, and corn, all of which is said to be
distributed to the Banians, with all the rest of the stuff, but I saw
all carefully carried away, and nothing distributed. The silver only is
reserved for the poor, and serves for the ensuing year, as it is the
king's custom at night frequently to call for some of these before him,
to whom, with great familiarity and humility, he distributes some of
this money with his own hands.
While the king was sitting in the scale, he looked upon me and smiled,
but spoke not, as my interpreter could not be admitted. After he was
weighed, he ascended the throne, and had basins of nuts, almonds, and
spices of all sorts, artificially made of thin silver, which he threw
about, and for which his great men scrambled prostrate on their bellies.
I thought it not decent for me to do so, which seeing, he reached one
basin almost full, and poured the contents into my cloak. The nobles
were so bold as to put in their hands to help themselves, and so thick,
that they had soon left me none, if I had not pocketed up a remainder.
Till I had myself been present, I was told that he scattered gold on
this occasion, but found it to be only silver, and so thin, that all I
had at first, being thousands of small pieces, had not weighed sixty
rupees, of which I saved to the amount of twenty rupees, yet a good
dishful, which I keep to shew the ostentation of this display of
liberality; for, by my proportion, I think all he cast away could not
exceed the value of an hundred pounds. At night he drinks with his
nobles from rich plate, to which I was invited; but, being told that I
must not refuse to drink, and their liquors being excessively hot and
strong, I durst not stay to endanger my health, being already somewhat
indisposed with a slight dysentery.
On the 9th September the king rode out to take the air on the banks of
the river _Darbadath_, [Nerbuddah] a distance of five cosses. As he was
to pass my house, I mounted my horse to meet him; and, as it is the
custom for all men whose gates he passes, to make him some present,
which is taken as a good sign, and is called _mombareck_, or good news;
and as I had nothing to give, neither could go with nothing, nor stay
without offence, I ventured to take with me a fair book, well bound,
filleted, and gilt, being the last edition of Mercator's Maps of the
World, which I presented, saying, That I had nothing worthy the
acceptance of so great a king, but begged to offer him the world, in
which he had so great and rich a share. He accepted it in good part,
laying his hand repeatedly on his breast, saying, that every thing which
came from me was welcome. He asked about the arrival of our ships, which
I said we daily expected. He then said, he had some fat wild-hogs lately
sent him from Goa, and if I would eat any he would send me some at his
return, I made him due reverence, answering, that any thing from his
majesty was to me a feast.
He rode on upon his elephant, and when I offered to accompany him to the
gate, the way being stony, he desired me to return, bidding God keep me.
He asked which was my house, and being told, praised it, as indeed it
was one of the best in the place, though only an old temple and a large
tomb, enclosed by a wall. Repeating his farewell, he said the way was
bad, and desired me to go home, with much shew of courtesy and kindness,
on which I took my leave.
On the 16th I went to repay the visit of Maree Rustam, prince of
Candahar, who sent word at my arrival that he dared not receive any
visit unless he asked leave of the king, or acquainted Etimon Dowlet or
Asaph Khan, which he would do at the next durbar. I made answer, that he
needed not, as I never meant any more to trouble myself about so uncivil
a person. That I knew well this was a mere shift out of ill manners, as
the king would be no more angry for his receiving me at his house than
for coming to mine, and that I cared not for seeing him, and had only
come in pure civility to return his visit. His man desired me to wait
till he had reported what I said to his master, but I would not. At
night I waited upon the king at court, who spoke to me about the book of
maps; but I forbore to speak to him about our debts. But on the 25th,
though very weak, I went again to court to make trial of the king about
our debts. _Muckshud_, one of our debtors, having pled in excuse for not
paying that he had missed receiving his _prigany_, and knew not how to
pay unless he sold his house. I delivered the merchants petition to the
king, which he caused to be read aloud by Asaph Khan; all the names of
the debtors, with the sums they owed, and their respective sureties,
being distinctly enumerated. The king then sent for Arad Khan, the chief
officer of his household, and the cutwall, and gave them some orders
which I did not understand. Then reading over the names, and finding
some of them dead, and some strangers, he made enquiry as to their
abilities and qualities, and what goods they had received. Concerning
Rulph,[213] Asaph Khan undertook to speak to the prince on the subject,
and to get that affair concluded when he came.
[Footnote 213: In the edition by Churchill, this person is named Sulph,
but no elucidation is given.--E.]
My interpreter was now called in, and the king, turning to me, said that
our merchants had trusted people according to their own fancies, and to
whom they pleased, not coming to him with an inventory of their goods,
and therefore, if their debtors were insufficient, it was their own
faults, and they had no reason to expect payment of their money from
him. This I supposed to allude to his servant _Hergonen_, lately dead,
whose goods had been seized to the king's use. He added, however, as
this was the first time, he would now assist me, and cause our money to
be paid: but, if the English should hereafter deliver their goods to his
servants without money, they must stand to the hazard themselves. But if
when they brought their commodities to court, they would bring the
inventory of the whole to him, he would first serve himself, and then
distribute the rest among such as were willing to buy them; and then, if
any failed in payments, he would pay the money himself.
This indeed is the custom of the Persian merchants, who bring all to the
king, as I have often seen. He first takes his own choice, and delivers
the rest among his nobles, his scribes writing down the names of all to
whom they are delivered, and the sums, another officer settling the
prices. After which a copy is given to the merchant, who goes to their
houses for his money; and if they do not pay, there is a particular
officer who has orders to enforce payment. It was then told to my
interpreter that Arad Khan was to call the debtors before him, and cause
them to pay. This did not satisfy our merchants, but it seemed to me a
just and gracious answer, and better than private persons usually get
from great princes.
Hearing that I had been sick and was in want of wine, the king ordered
me to have five bottles, and when these were done that I should send for
five more, and so from time to time as I needed. He sent me also the
fattest wild-hog I ever saw, which had been sent from Goa by Mucrob
Khan. This was sent to me at midnight by a _huddy_, with this message,
that it had eaten nothing but sugar and butter since it came to the
king. I accepted this as a sign of great favour, which, in this court, I
know to be a great one. He then sent for the book of maps, saying, that
he had shewed it to his _mulahs_, and not one of them could read a word
of it, wherefore I might have it again. To this I answered, that his
majesty in this would use his pleasure; and so it was returned.
The 26th, a rajah of the Rajpoots being in rebellion in the hills, not
above twenty cosses from the leskar, the king sent out two Omrahs with a
party of horse to fetch him in a prisoner. But he stood on his defence,
slew one of the omrahs and twelve _maansipdares_, [munsubdars] and about
500 men, sending an insulting message to the king to send his son
against him, as he was no prey to be subdued by ordinary forces.
The 2d September, Sultan Churrum made his entry into Mundu, accompanied
by all the great men, in wonderous triumph. Contrary to all our
expectations, the king received him as if he had been an only son. All
the great men and the queen-mother[214] went to meet him at the distance
of five cosses from the town. I had sent to Asaph Khan to excuse me not
meeting him, for I was not able to stir from sickness, and besides, had
no presents to give. I also sent some of my servants with my just excuse
to the prince, to which he, in his pride, only answered by a nod.
[Footnote 214: Both in the Pilgrims and in Churchill's Collection this
personage is termed the king's mother; but it is more probable she was
the mother of Sultan Churrum.--E.]
The 5th of September I received advice of our ships being arrived at
Surat, the admiral amissing, but all the rest well, and that they had
taken two English rovers or pirates, which were found in chase of the
queen-mother's ship returning from the Red Sea, which they fortunately
rescued and brought safe in. Had this ship been taken, we had all been
in trouble. With these letters, I received the Company's letter, the
invoice of the goods, and instructions for Persia, with various other
notes of advice. They advised me also, that, owing to the admiral's
absence, they knew not what course to take with the pirates they had
taken. I immediately sent orders to Surat concerning all business, as
will appear in my letters.
The 6th, I rode to visit the prince at his usual hour of giving
audience, intending to bid him welcome, and to acquaint him with our
business, meaning to shew him all proper respect; and, that I might not
come empty-handed, I bought a fine gold chain, made in China, which I
proposed to have presented to him. On sending in to acquaint him that I
was in waiting, he returned a message, desiring me to come next morning
at sun-rise, when he sat to be worshipped, or to wait till he rode to
court, which I must have done at his door. I took this in high dudgeon,
having never been denied access by the king his father; but such is this
prince's pride, that he might even teach Lucifer. This made me answer
roundly, that I was not the prince's slave, but the free ambassador of a
great king; and that I would never more visit or attend upon him who had
denied me justice; but I should see him at night with the king, to whom
only I should now address myself, and so I departed. I went at night to
the king, who received me graciously. I made my reverence to the prince,
who stood beside his father, but he would not even once stir his head.
Then I acquainted the king, that, according to his order, I had brought
an abstract to him of our merchandize, and waited his commands. After
his usual manner, he asked many questions as to what were brought, and
seemed mightily satisfied with what was in the inventory, especially
with the tapestry, promising me all the favour and privileges I could
desire. He enquired for dogs, but I could say nothing on that subject.
He then asked for jewels, but I told him these were dearer in England
than in India, at which he rested satisfied. I durst not name the pearls
for many reasons, but chiefly as I knew our people in that case would be
way-laid by the prince, and it would have cost me infinite trouble to
get them back. I thought they might easily be brought on shore, and so
to court, by stealth, and I thought they would be the more valued the
less they were expected: but my main reason of concealment was, that I
expected to make friends by their means; therefore; when Asaph Khan
pressed me on that head, I desired him to make the answer already
mentioned of their dearness, saying that I would speak to him farther
when alone. He readily understood me, and made my excuse accordingly.
Seeing the king to be well pleased, I thought it a good time to move
him again about our debts; and having my petition ready, I opened it and
held it up, as offering it to the king. He happened not to notice this,
and it being discovered by some others what was its contents, who knew
the king would be enraged that his order was neglected, one of them
stept up to me, and gently drew down my hand, requesting me not to
present that petition. I answered, that Arad Khan had absolutely refused
me justice, and I had no other resource. Arad heard this, being by, and
went in much fear to Asaph Khan, desiring him to hinder me from making
my complaint. I answered, that our ships were arrived, and we could
neither brook nor endure such delays and loss of time. Thereupon they
consulted together, and calling the cutwall, gave directions for him to
put the king's orders, into execution. The cutwall, accordingly, beset
the tents of our debtors that very night, and catched some of them; so
that we shall now have justice. I had many thanks from all the omrahs
for the protection given to the queen's ship, and the civility shown by
our people to the passengers. This they said they had properly
represented to the king, who took it kindly, and they all declared they
were obliged in honour to love our nation, and would do us every service
in their power; yet they all wondered we could not govern our own
people, and that any should presume to take ships out of the kingdom,
and to rob upon the seas without leave of our king.
When the king arose, Asaph Khan carried me with hint to his
retiring-place, where we first translated the inventory of our goods
into Persian, to shew the king an hour after. In this inventory I
inserted the money with some addition, that the king might see we
brought profit into his dominions by our trade. I next inserted the
cloths of different kinds, with the fine wares; and, lastly, the gross
commodities, concluding by praying his majesty to give orders for what
he wished to purchase, and then to give us liberty of selling the rest.
When this was finished, Asaph Khan asked why I wished to speak with him
in private, desiring me to speak my mind with freedom, bowing, and
protesting such friendship as I never could have expected. I told him,
that my reason for asking this private conference was to have his
advice. It was certainly true that I had some things which were not
enumerated, but had been so badly used last year that I durst not trust
any one; but, to shew my confidence in him, I was willing to open
myself to him, on his oath of secrecy, which he readily gave. I then
told him that I had a rich pearl, and some other strings of fair pearls,
and knew not whether it were fit to tell the king, lest the prince might
be displeased. I informed him likewise, how I had gone in the morning to
visit the prince, and of his discourtesy, and my consequent
determination; yet I knew his favour was necessary for us, and I had
hopes to recover it by means of this pearl, which I had purposely
concealed for him. This was my purpose, and the reason of my
concealment; and as he was father-in-law to the prince, and the king's
favourite, I was desirous to please both, and therefore begged his
advice.
After embracing me, he said I had done discreetly, and should acquaint
neither; for, if I did, I should never get out of trouble. If the king
were to know of it, he would indeed use me courteously, but would make a
great stir to get it into his hands, and then, according to custom, I
might sue in vain to recover my own. The prince, I knew, was ravenously
greedy and tyrannical, and wearied all with his scandalous exactions. He
desired me to steal all ashore, trusting none, and explained to me many
means of conveyance, bidding me observe the usage of the Portuguese on
the like occasions; adding, that he wished to purchase the pearl, and if
I would grant his desire, would deposite its value in my hands, whatever
I chose to ask, and, in recompence for this confidence I had reposed in
him, he would hereafter be my solicitor in all things, and assured me I
could do nothing without him. I answered, that I was most willing to let
him have the pearl, and hoped he would never betray my confidence.
Having received his oath, and a ceremony of mutual covenant, by crossing
thumbs according to the custom of the country, we embraced. I promised
to be guided entirely by him, and he engaged to do every thing I
required for the safe conveyance of the other things, engaging to give
me firmauns so that no person should touch any thing, but all should
come safely to me, to dispose of at my pleasure.
He engaged likewise to reconcile me to the prince, and would take me
with him the next time he went to visit him, and would make the prince
use me with all manner of grace and favour; adding, that I should have a
particular judge assigned me to take care of our business, and to give
us every satisfaction we could desire. He also advised me to make a
present to his sister, Queen Noormahal, and she would prevail upon the
king to give me money. To this I replied, that I wished only for the
good usage of my countrymen. He then carried me to the king, to whom I
presented the inventory translated into Persian, and was graciously
received. He asked me if the arras were a present, to which I answered
in the affirmative, as the prince was by, lest it might be seized. In
conclusion, the king said he would take a considerable quantity of our
cloths and other commodities, desiring me to cause them to be brought up
speedily, and directed Asaph Khan to make out an order for their free
passage in the prince's name. I was well pleased with the success of
this day; for though I knew that there was no faith to be placed in
these barbarians, yet I was sure Asaph Khan would deal truly in this, as
he was to help himself, and durst not betray me, lest he should miss the
pearl, neither could I suspect him afterwards, as he could not betray my
secret without discovering his own falsehood to the prince.
§8. _Asaph Khan protects the English for hope of Gain, as also
Noormahal.--Arrival of Mr Steel.--Danger to the Public from private
Trade.--Stirs about a fort_.
On the 12th October, according to his promise, Asaph Khan carried me
along with him to visit the prince, and introduced me into his private
apartment, when I presented ham with a small Chinese gold chain in a
china cup. He used me indifferently, but Asaph Khan persuaded him to
alter his course towards us, representing that he gained yearly by us a
lack of rupees, and that as our trade increased every year, it would in
time bring him greater profit; but that if we were harshly used, we
would be enforced to quit both Surat and the country, from which great
inconveniences might arise. We were in some measure his subjects, and
if, from desire of procuring rarities, he used us ill, we would
necessarily strive to the utmost to conceal all we brought from his
knowledge; but if he gave us that liberty and encouragement which was
fitting, we would then use our endeavours to bring every thing to him.
He represented, that my only study was to give content to his highness,
and to procure his favour and protection, and therefore that he ought to
receive me honourably when I came to visit him, and according to my
quality, which would give satisfaction to my nation, and encourage me to
serve him. Finally, be moved his highness to give me a firmaun for our
present use, which he easily obtained, with a promise of all manner of
satisfaction. The prince accordingly gave immediate orders to his
secretary to draw it up in every point to our content, and to write a
letter to the governor recommending it to his attention; adding, that I
should at all times have any other letters I desired.
It is thus easy to be seen what base and unworthy men I have to deal
with. For the sordid hope only of buying some toys, Asaph Khan has
become so reconciled to me as to betray his son-in-law, and is
obsequious even to flattery. The ground of all his friendship is his
desire to purchase the gold taken in the prize, and some other knacks;
for which purpose he desires to send down one of his servants, which I
could not deny without losing him, after having so long laboured to gain
his favour; neither was this any disadvantage to us, as his payment is
secure, and will save us much trouble and charge in selling elsewhere,
especially the wine and other luggage that is apt to spoil in carriage.
For this purpose he obtained an order from the prince under false
pretences, and wrote himself in our favour to the governor of Surat,
doing us all manner of kindness. There is a necessity for his
friendship, as his word is a law in this empire, and therefore I did not
choose to seem to notice his unworthiness. I hope by this procedure to
win him to our advantage, or at least to make our present good use of
him. On this occasion I moved him to procure us a firmaun for trade with
Bengal, which he has promised, though he would never before hearken to
that request. He likewise now prosecutes our debtors as if they were his
own; and in passing the residence of the cutwall on his elephant, he
called upon him to command dispatch, which was a most unusual favour.
Upon this _Groo_ was immediately imprisoned, and _Muckshud_ had only two
days allowed him to pay us. Thus I doubt not that in ten days we shall
recover to the amount of 44,000 rupees, though our debtors are the most
shifting false knaves in all India.
On the 21st, a servant came to me from Asaph Khan, bearing a message
from Noormahal, intimating that she had moved the prince for another
firmaun, which she had obtained, and by which all our goods were taken
under her protection; and that she was ready to send down her servant
with authority to take order for our good establishment, and to see that
we were no way wronged. He said farther, that Asaph Khan had done this,
for fear of the prince's violence, and to guard against his custom of
delays; and that now when the queen his sister had desired to be our
protectress, he was sure the prince would not meddle; and farther
assured me, upon his honour, that I should receive every thing consigned
to me, for which the queen had written the most positive orders, and had
directed her servant to assist our factors, that we might never more
have any cause of complaint at Surat. He desired, therefore, that I
might write a few lines to the captains and factors, directing them to
use the queen's servant kindly, and allow him to buy for her some toys,
such as I could spare. This I durst not deny, though I clearly saw the
greediness which was covered under this request; and I gave him a note,
as desired, making a condition that I should see a copy of the firmaun,
which was already sealed, and could not be seen without leave.
By all this you may see how easy it were to sell commodities here, by a
little good management. Last year we were not looked at; but now, that I
have translated the inventory of fine wares for the king, yet concealing
the pearls, every one is ready to run down to Surat, to make purchases.
Noormahal and Asaph Khan now study how to do me good offices; and many
of the great men are soliciting me for letters, that they may send down
their servants, so that if you had trebled the present consignment, it
might all have been bought up aboard ship, and have saved you the
customs, expence of carriage, and much spoil. I have therefore directed
the factory to sell to the servants of Noormahal and Asaph Khan,
whatsoever can be spared, so as to leave me a decent proportion for my
uses at court. By this, much trouble and charges will be saved, the
prince prevented from plunder and exactions, and our friends confirmed;
and yet I hope to have enough remaining to please the king and his son.
At the delivery of their presents, Asaph Khan has undertaken to procure
the phirmaunds for our trade at Bengal or any other port, and even to
procure us a general privilege for free trade and residence in every
part of the king's dominions.
On the 24th of October the king departed to a considerable distance from
Mundu,[215] and went from place to place among the mountains, leaving us
quite at a loss what way we should take, as no one knew his purpose. On
the 25th I had a warrant for ten camels at the king's rates of hire; and
on the 29th I removed to follow the king, being forced to quit Mundu,
which was now entirely deserted. The 31st I arrived at the king's tents,
but found he had gone with few company on a hunting party for ten days,
no person being allowed to follow without leave. The leskar or camp was
scattered about in many parts, suffering great inconveniences from bad
water, scarcity and consequent dearness of provisions, sickness, and all
sorts of calamities incident to so great a multitude; yet nothing can
prevent the king from following his pleasures. I here learnt that it was
quite uncertain whether the king proposed going to Agra or Guzerat; and,
though the latter was reported, the former was held to be more probable,
as his counsellors wished to be at rest. Yet, because the king was
expected to linger here about a month, I was advised and thought it best
to send for the goods and presents, and endeavour to conclude my
business, rather as defer it upon uncertainties. By this means, I hoped
to obtain some rest, which I much needed, as I was very weak, and not
likely to recover by daily travel, and the use of cold raw muddy water.
[Footnote 215: In the edition of Churchill, the king is said to have
removed twenty-four cosses from Mundu, while in the Pilgrims it is
called only four cosses.--E.]
Richard Steel and Jackson arrived on the 2d November, 1617, with the
pearls and other small matters, which they had brought privately on
shore according to my order, which I received and gave them acquittance
for. I had a conference with Mr Steel about his projects of water-works,
intended to advance the sale of lead, which I did not approve of,
because I knew the character of this people, and that this affair must
be begun at our expence, while after trial we should not enjoy the
profit, but the natives be taught.[216] Besides, it did not promise any
advantages for the sale of our commodity, as the lead would be trebled
in price by land-carriage, and could not be delivered at Agra so cheap
as other lead could be purchased there. Yet I was willing that he should
make a trial, by carrying his workmen to Ahmedabad, and meeting me
there; where, by the aid of Mukrob Khan, who only among these people is
a friend to new inventions, I would make offer to the king of their
inventions, and try what conditions might be procured; but, in my
opinion, it is all money and labour thrown away. The company must shut
their ears against these projectors, who have their own emoluments much
more in view than the profits of their masters. Many things look fair in
discourse, and in theory satisfy curious imaginations, which in practice
are found difficult and fanciful. It is no easy matter to alter the
established customs of this kingdom; where some drink only of rain
water, some only that of a holy river, and others only of such as is
brought at their own cost.
[Footnote 216: This project is no where explained, but might possibly be
intended for conveying water, by means of machinery and leaden pipes,
for the supply of some palace or city in India.--E.]
As for his second project, of inducing the caravans and merchants of
Lahore and Agra, who are in use to travel by Candahar into Persia, to
come by the river Indus and to go by sea in our ships to Jasques or the
Persian gulf it is a mere dream. Some men may approve of it in
conversation, but it will never be adopted in practice. The river Indus
is but indifferently navigable downwards, and its mouth is already
occupied by the Portuguese; while its navigation upwards, against the
stream, is very difficult. Finally, we must warrant their goods, which
cannot be done by a fleet; neither did even the Portuguese transport any
of these goods, excepting only those of Scindy and Tatta, which traded
by means of their own junks, having _cartas_ or passes from the
Portuguese, for which the natives paid a small matter, to secure them
from being captured by the Portuguese cruizers; and the emoluments of
these passes came into the pockets of the chiefs of Diu, Damaun, and
Ormus. Even if all other difficulties were removed, yet will the caravan
of Lahore be never induced to take this passage, as it mostly consists
of returning Persians and Armenians, who know the journey from Jasques
to be almost as bad as that through Candahar; and the small trade from
the environs of Scindy is not worth mentioning. Yet, for his better
satisfaction, I am content that he may learn his errors by his own
experience, so that it be not done at the charges of the company: But I
suppose he will let it fall to the ground, not knowing at which end to
begin.
As to the third project, for uniting the trade of the Red Sea with this
of Surat, I recommended to him to use his endeavours; for it is already
begun. The peril of this trade in the Guzerat ships is very obvious,
owing to pirates in these seas; wherefore I have no doubt that many
merchants may be induced to load their goods in our ships on freight; by
which means we should make ourselves many useful friends among these
people, supply our own wants, save the export of bullion, and for this
year employ one of the ships belonging to the old account, that should
return in September, receiving the remains of this joint stock, which
will be sufficient to re-load a great ship, and would otherwise be
transported at great loss. This I explained and urged, shewing which
way it might be accomplished, and recommended by him to the commander,
the Cape merchants and your factors, as will appear by my letters. This
measure, if followed, must evidently be to your profit, even if nothing
were procured towards it by freight from the Guzerat merchants; as,
having so many empty vessels for so small a stock, and two pirate ships
fallen into your hands, they had better even go empty as not go. There
are many good chances in the Red Sea and in the way, and though they did
nothing else than bring back the goods you have at Mokha and other ports
in that sea, this would repay the charges of the voyage and be ready in
time.
I find Mr Steel high in his conceits, insomuch that he seems to have
forgotten the respect due to me. He and Mr Kerridge are at variance,
which I use every endeavour to assuage. As for his wife, I have told
Steel that she cannot remain in this country without much inconvenience
to us, and injury to his masters, as she could not be allowed her
expences of travelling and living at the charges of the Company; that he
must live frugally and like a merchant, as others do, and must therefore
send home his wife. If he did so, he was welcome to remain in the
Company's service; but otherwise, I should have to take measures with
them both, much against my inclination. Having thus persuaded him, I
likewise endeavoured to deal in the same manner about Captain Towerson's
wife. You know not the danger, the trouble, and the inconvenience, of
granting these liberties. For this purpose, I persuaded Abraham, his
father-in-law, to hold fast; stating the gripings of this court, and the
small hope of any relief by this alliance, from which he expected great
matters, and endeavoured to persuade him to return quietly. To further
this, I wrote to your chief factor, that such things as he had brought
and were vendible, should be bought for your use by bill of exchange,
and at such profit to him as might answer both parties; but I utterly
prohibited the taking of his trash, to remain a dead stock on your
hands, on any conditions. Such inconveniences do you bring upon your
hands by these unreasonable liberties.
By the strict commands in your letter respecting private trade, as well
respecting your own servants as others, I find you do not mean him to
have that liberty he expects; for he is furnished to the value of above
£1000, first cost here, and Steel to at least £200. This, as he proposes
sending home his wife, and his merit is so good towards you, I shall
send home; as I presume you will admit of this to get rid of such
cattle. I will not buy these goods however, but order them to be marked
and consigned to you, by which you will have the measure in your own
hands. By these liberties, you discourage all your old servants. Some
may do all things for fair words, and some will do nothing for good
actions. I could instance some, gone home two years since, who only
employed themselves in managing their own stock, and did no other
business, who now live at home in pleasure; and others that raised their
fortunes on your monies, trading therewith from port to port, and are
now returned rich and unquestioned. Last year a mariner had twenty-six
_churles_ of indigo, others many fardles; another had to the value of
7000 mahmudies in bastas, chosen at Baroach and purchased with your
monies, and he would not probably chuse the worst for himself; a fourth
did the same to the value of above £150. I do not mention these things
out of spite or ill will, but to induce you to equality of proceeding
with your servants, that an impartial restraint be imposed upon all, and
that by such instances your profits may not be all swallowed up.
For effecting these purposes, the sending the woman home, and the
prosecution of trade to the Red Sea, I have sent back Richard Steel to
Surat with the necessary orders. As it is now declared that the king
intends going to Guzerat, I have altered my purpose about the goods and
presents; and have appointed Richard Steel, after having dispatched
other matters, to meet me there with the goods and presents, and his
engineers. I have also sent my advice and directions to Captain Pring,
to make out an inventory of all the monies and goods in the two pirate
ships, and to land the whole, making it over to your stock; to give a
passage home to some of the chiefs, and to take the rest into your
service, referring to you at home to deal with the owners. My own fixed
opinion is, that their capture is legal and justifiable, and all their
goods forfeited. If you are pleased to restore any thing, be it at your
pleasure; but the more rigour you show to these, the better example you
will give to such scandalous piracies; for, if this course be pursued,
you may bid adieu to all trade at Surat and in the Red Sea, and let the
Turkey Company stand clear of the revenge of the Grand Signior.
I went to Asaph Khan on the 6th November, and shewed him the pearls
according to promise. As I had been previously informed, he told me the
sorts were not fit for that country; yet he was so pleased that I had
kept my word with him, that I believe I may say to you in the words of
Pharaoh, "The land is before you, dwell where you will, you and your
servants." We talked not about the price, but he vowed the utmost
secrecy, and that for my sake he would give more for them than their
value, not returning any, and would pay ready money. Of this he
professed to be in no want, and even offered to lend me whatever I
needed. I have promised to visit his sister, whom he has made our
protectress; and indeed, every contentment that good words can give, I
have received, besides good deeds. When the presents arrive, I shall
take care not to be too liberal to your loss; a little shall serve in
that way. Indeed Asaph Khan himself has given me this advice, saying
that such things are as well taken in this country sold as given, which
I find by the experience of others to be true.
Finishing these conferences in his bed-chamber, Asaph Khan rose to go to
dinner, having invited me and my people; but he and his friends dined
without, appointing us our mess apart, for they scruple to eat with us.
I had good cheer, and was well attended, the residue being given to my
servants. After dinner, I moved about the debt due by Groo, and told him
of the delays. He desired me to say no more, as he had undertaken that
business; that Groo, at his orders, was finishing accounts with a
jeweller, and he had given orders, as the money was paid, that it should
remain in the hands of the cutwall for us. This I found afterwards to be
true, and the cutwall has promised to finish in three days, desiring me
to send no more to Asaph Khan on that business.
I must not omit to mention here, an anecdote of baseness or favour, call
it which you please. When the prisons are full of condemned men, the
king commands some to be executed, and sends others to his omrahs, to be
redeemed at a price. This he esteems a courtesy, as giving the means of
exercising charity: But he takes the money, and so sells the virtue.
About a month before our remove, he sent to me to buy three Abyssinians,
whom they suppose to be all Christians, at the price of forty rupees
each. I answered, that I could not purchase men as slaves, as was done
by others, by which they had profit for their money; but that I was
willing to give twenty rupees each for them in charity, to save their
lives and restore them to liberty. The king was well pleased with my
answer, and ordered them to be sent me. They expected the money, which I
was in no haste to give, and even hoped it had been forgotten. But the
king's words are all written down[217], and are as irrevocable decrees.
Seeing that I sent not for the malefactors, his officers delivered them
into the hands of my _procurator_, in my absence this day, taking his
note for the sixty rupees, which I paid at my return, and set free the
prisoners.
[Footnote 217: Dixit, et edictum est; fatur, et est factum.--_Purch_.]
Having notice of a new phirmaund sent down to Surat to disarm all the
English, and some other restrictions upon their liberty, owing to a
complaint sent up to the prince, that we intended to build a fort at
Swally, and that our ships were laden with bricks and lime for that
purpose, I visited Asaph Khan on the 10th November, to enquire into this
matter. This jealousy arose from our people having landed a few bricks
on shore, for building a furnace to refound the ship's bell; yet the
alarm was so hot at court, that I was called to make answer, when I
represented how absurd was this imaginary fear, how dishonourable for
the king, and how unfit the place was for any such purpose to us, having
neither water nor harbourage. The jealousy was however so very strongly
imprinted in their minds, because I had formerly asked a river at Gogo
for that purpose, that I could hardly satisfy the prince but that we
intended some such sinister end. You may judge from this how difficult
it were to get a port for yourselves, if you were so disposed.
Notwithstanding all remonstrances, this furnace must be demolished, and
a _huddey_ of horse sent down to see it done. The disarming of our men
was what chiefly disobliged our people, though the weapons were only
lodged in the custom-house, and those only belonging to the ship's
company. I told Asaph Khan, that we could not endure this slavery, nor
would I stay longer in the country, as the prince gave us one day a
phirmaund for our good usage, with a grant of privileges, and
countermand all the next by contradictory orders, in which proceedings
there was neither honour nor good faith, and I could not answer for my
continuing to reside among them. Asaph Khan said, he would speak to the
king at night on the subject, in the presence of the prince, and
afterwards give me an answer.
I went again to wait upon Asaph Khan on the 18th, when he made many
protestations of the Mogul's affection to my sovereign and nation, and
to me, and assured me he had risked the prince's disfavour for our
sakes, and had full assurance of a complete redress of all our
grievances: and that he proposed getting the _prigany_ of Surat
transferred to himself, which the prince would have to resign, as he had
been made governor of Ahmedabad, Cambay, and that territory. To satisfy
me that he did not dissemble, he desired me to come at night to court,
bringing the king my master's letter and the translation, as the time
was favourable for its delivery; desiring me at the same time to persist
in my complaint, and to offer taking leave, when I should see what he
would say for us. Accordingly, I went at night to wait upon the king,
whom I found surrounded by a very full court. The king was sitting on
the ground, and when I delivered the letter, it was laid before him, of
which he took no great notice, being busy at the time. Asaph Khan
whispered to his father, Etimon Dowlet, desiring him to read the letter
and assist us, which he could better do than himself. Etimon Dowlet took
up both letters, giving that in English into the king's hands, and read
the translation to the king, who answered many of the complaints. On
coming to that point, of procuring our quiet trade, by his authority
with the Portuguese, he demanded if we wanted him to make peace with
them? I answered, that his majesty knew long since I had offered to be
governed entirely by him, and referred that matter to his wisdom, and
waited therefore to know his pleasure. On this he said, that he would
undertake to reconcile us, and to cause agreement to be made in his
seas, which he would signify in his answer to my master's letter, in
which he would farther satisfy his majesty in all his other friendly
desires.
Notwithstanding of this, I asked leave to go before to Ahmedabad, to
meet the king's presents, and to prepare for my return home. Upon this,
a question arose between the king and the prince, who complained that he
derived no profit from us, and was very willing to be rid of us. Asaph
Khan then took up the discourse, and plainly told the king, that we
brought both profit and security to the port of Surat and to the
kingdom, but were very rudely treated by the prince's servants, and that
we could not continue our trade and residence, unless matters were
amended; for which reason it would be more honourable for his majesty to
licence and protect us, than to treat us discourteously. The prince
angrily replied, That he had never wronged us, and had lately given us a
phirmaund at the desire of Asaph Khan. It is true, replied Asaph Khan,
that you granted him a phirmaund to his satisfaction; but in ten days
you sent down another, virtually to contradict and annul the former; and
as he stood as surety between both, and had undertaken our redress on
the prince's word, the shame and dishonour of this double procedure fell
upon him. He said he spoke for no ends, but for the king's honour and
justice, as he owed me nothing, nor I him, and for the truth of his
words he appealed to me, who complained that our goods were taken away
from us by force, and that Rulph,[218] who began this two years ago,
would never pay us, and his officers continued the same procedure every
season. If the prince were weary of the English, he might turn us away;
but then he must expect that we would seek for redress at our own hands
upon the seas. He demanded whether the king or the prince gave me the
means of living, or, as they did not, at whose expence I was maintained?
saying, that I was an ambassador and a stranger, who lived in this
country and followed the progress of the king at great charges; and if
our goods continued to be taken from us by force, so that we could
neither get back our goods, nor yet their value in money, it would be
impossible for us to subsist.
[Footnote 218: On a former occasion, where this person is mentioned, it
has been said that his name, in the edition of this journal given by
Churchill, is written Sulph. From the circumstances in the context at
this place, it is possible that Sulpheckar Khan, or Zulfeccar Khan,
governor of Surat under Sultan Churrum, may be here meant.--E.]
This was delivered with some heat, and the king, catching at the word
force, repeated it to his son, whom he sharply reprehended. The prince
promised to see me paid for all that had been taken. He said likewise
that he had taken nothing, having only caused the presents to be sealed;
and, as his officers had received no customs on these, he desired to
have them opened in his presence. This I absolutely refused to consent
to, telling the king that I only did my duty to my master, in insisting
to deliver the presents free from duty, and that, when I had so done, I
should give the prince full satisfaction in all other things. At this
time, Etimon Dowlet, who had been made our friend by his son Asaph Khan,
whispered to the king, and read a clause or two from my master's letter,
on which the king made the prince stand aside. Asaph Khan joined in this
private conference, which they told me was for our good; and in
conclusion, the prince was commanded to suffer all the goods to come
quietly to me, and to give me such privileges for our trade as were fit,
and as should be proposed by Asaph Khan.
The prince would not yield the presents, unless Asaph Khan became his
surety that he should have a share, which he did, and we were then all
agreed on that point. The king paid me many compliments in words, and
even gave me two pieces of _pawne_ out of the dish then before him,
desiring me to partake of what he was eating. I then took my leave for
Ahmedabad; and that same night I began my journey, leaving my tents, as
I expected to reach that city the next day: But I had to ride two
nights, with the intermediate day and half of the next, with excessively
little accommodation or refreshment; and arrived at Ahmedabad on the
15th at noon.
The 8th January, 1618, there was some question about presents by the
prince, whom I told that his were ready whenever he was ready to receive
them. He asked me, why I had broken the seals? On which I said, that it
would have been dishonourable and discourteous in me to have delivered
the king's presents in bonds, and having waited his highness' licence
during twenty days, but seeing no hope of its arrival, I had been under
the necessity of breaking open the seals. Some heat was likely to have
arisen on this subject, but a gentleman from the king, who was sent to
observe what passed between us, told us both that the king commanded our
presence before him immediately, at a garden where he then was, on the
river side, a coss from the town. The prince went there immediately in
his palanquin, and I followed in a coach, well attended upon by the
servants of the king and prince. On my arrival, the women were going in,
on which occasion no man dare enter except the prince, who accordingly
made bitter complaints against me for having broke open the seals,
taking out from the packages whatever I pleased, without his knowledge.
Asaph Khan was called, who was my surety, and the prince laid the blame
of all this upon him, but he strenuously denied all knowledge or
participation; yet I had not accused him, but took it all upon myself,
knowing he would deny it, as is the custom, to excuse himself, and I
knew myself better able to bear it.
I was then sent for to the water-side, where the king had been sitting
in private, and went in, having the presents along with me, but the king
was gone into the female apartments. Asaph Khan blamed me for breaking
his word, saying, that the prince had shamed him. I answered, through
Jaddow, that he well knew I had his consent, of which this man was a
witness. He denied this to us both, and when I again said, that,
although I would not lay the blame on him, that it was still true, as
this man could witness; Jaddow refused to interpret my answer, saying,
that he durst not tell Asaph Khan to his face that he lied. This is a
quite usual thing among them; for if any command comes from the king
which he afterwards forgets or denies, he that brought the message will
deny it stoutly. I bore up as high as I could, on which some of the
great men said that it was a great affront, of which no other man durst
have been guilty, while others smiled. I answered, it was by no means so
great as the prince had often done to me. We thus spent the day, during
which the king never appeared, having privately stole away, leaving us
all in anxious expectation.
At night, word came that the king was gone, when I offered to have gone
home, but was so well attended, that I was in some measure constrained
to force my way. While on the road, new messengers came to seek me, and
I had to return to court, without having either eaten or drank. The king
was not however come back, and I could not get free from my attendants,
who yet used me very respectfully. After waiting an hour, a sudden order
was given to put out all the lights. The king now came in an open
waggon, drawn by bullocks, having his favourite Noormahal along with
him, himself acting as waggoner, and no man near. When he and his women
were housed, the prince came in on horseback, and immediately called for
me into the place where the king was. It was now midnight, and I found
the king and prince only attended upon by two or three eunuchs. Putting
on an angry countenance, the king, as he had been instructed by his son,
told me I had broken my word, and he would trust me no more. I answered
roundly, that I held it fit to give freely, not upon compulsion, and had
committed no offence, according to my judgment; and if their customs
were so very different from ours, I had erred only from ignorance, and
ought therefore to be pardoned. After many disputes, the prince offered
his friendship, with many fair promises, and we were all reconciled.
I then opened the chests, gave the king his presents, and the prince
his, and sent in those intended for Noormahal. We were about two hours
engaged in viewing them. The king was well pleased with the tapestry,
but said it was too coarse, and desired to have a suit of the same
quality with the sweet bags. Three articles were detained besides the
presents; and for these the prince said he would pay, as his father had
taken them. He likewise desired me to come to see him in the morning,
promising to be my protector and procurator, which I willingly accepted
in all things except the goods.
I waited upon the prince on the 10th, when I was well received, and had
orders for a phirmaund about the murdered man[219]. He likewise made a
public declaration of his reconcilement, desiring all his officers to
take notice of it, and act accordingly. He likewise ordered his chief
_Raia_ to be in future my procurator, and to draw out whatever
phirmaunds I required. I presented to him Captain Towerson, and some
others of the English, whom he received graciously; and, in confirmation
of our renewed friendship, he presented me with a robe of cloth of
silver, promising to be the protector of our nation in all things we
could desire. I then told him about Mr Steel and his workmen, when he
desired me to bring a small present at night to the king, to whom he
should present them, which I did. He kept his word, and spoke in our
favour to the king, who seemed disposed to entertain them. On this
occasion I presented Captain Towerson to the king, who called him up,
and after a few questions, rose. At the _Gitshel Choes_[220] I presented
Mr Steel and his workmen. The king called for Mr Paynter, and gave him
ten pounds, promising to take him and all the rest into his service. On
this occasion the king sat all night in a hat which I had given him.
[Footnote 219: This circumstance is perhaps explained in the sequel, as
relating to the death of a person at Burhanpoor.--E.]
[Footnote 220: This is probably meant for the same public audience
called, in other parts of the journal, the Gazul Khan.--E.]
The 13th, the Dutch came to court, bringing a great present of China
ware, saunders-wood, parrots, and cloves, but were not allowed to
approach the third degree, or raised platform. After some time, the
prince asked me, who they were? I answered, that they were Hollanders
who resided at Surat. He then enquired if they were our friends? I
answered, that they were of a nation which was dependent upon the king
of England, but not welcome in all parts, and that I did not know their
business. He then said, since they were our friends, that I ought to
call them up. So I was obliged to call upon them, that they might
deliver their presents, on which occasion they were placed beside our
merchants, yet without any farther speech or conference. Finally, every
thing I asked was complied with, or at least promised, and I now wait
for performance and money. I am satisfied, that, without this
contestation, I had never succeeded in our just demands; for I told the
prince's messenger, in the presence of all the English, that if he chose
to use force against me or my goods, he certainly might, but it should
cost blood, for I would set my _chop_ upon his master's ship, and send
her to England.
On the 18th I received notice from Surat of the imprisonment of Spragge
and Howard at Burhanpoor, where their house and goods were seized, and
their lives in question, on the following account:--The cutwall had been
drinking at their house, and one of his men had died that night, on
which they were accused of having poisoned him, and the cutwall, in
excuse for having been at their house, pretended that he had gone to
fetch away a man's wife who was detained by Thomas Spragge. What may be
the truth of this affair I know not; but information has been sent to
the king against them. I went therefore to the prince, who had promised
to undertake all our causes, but could not get speech of him, though I
had likewise to complain of force having been used against a caravan of
ours on the way, notwithstanding a phirmaund from the rajah of the
country, on both of which subjects I shall present a petition at night
to the king. My trouble with this barbarous and unjust people is beyond
all endurance. When at the prince's, I found the promised phirmaund
drawn up indeed, but half of the agreed conditions were omitted, upon
which I refused to accept it, and desired leave to depart, that I might
treat with them in the sea.[221]
[Footnote 221: This obscure expression seems to imply a threat of taking
vengeance, or making reprisals at sea, for the oppressions of the Mogul
government against the English trade.--E.]
On the 21st, a command was issued to set free the English at Burhanpoor,
and to restore their goods; on which occasion the king observed, that,
if they had killed the Mahometan who came to drink at their house, he
had only met with his just reward. Another order was issued, commanding
Partap-shah to repay us all exactions whatsoever, and that he should
hereafter take no duties upon our goods in their way to the sea-port,
threatening, in case of failure, to deliver his son into my hands. On
the 22d, I went in person to receive these phirmaunds, and carried the
merchants along with me, together with some pearls the prince was eager
to see, and which were pretended to belong to Mr Towerson. The prince
had received some vague accounts of our having pearls to the value of
twenty or thirty thousand pounds, which he hoped to have extracted from
us. When his secretary saw our small pearls, he observed that his master
had _maunds_ of such, and if we had no better, we might take these away.
You may judge how basely covetous these people are of jewels. I told him
that we had procured these from a gentlewoman to satisfy the prince, and
as they could not be made better, it was uncivil to be angry with
merchants who had done their best to shew their good will.
I then spoke to him about the phirmaunds, when he bluntly told me I
should have none; for as we had deceived the prince's hopes, he would
disappoint us. I had asked leave to depart, and I might come to take
leave whenever I pleased. To this I answered, that nothing could please
me more, but that I should requite their injustice in another place, for
I should now apply to the king, and depend no more on them, as I saw
their conduct was made up of covetousness and unworthiness. So I arose
to depart, but he recalled me, desiring that I might come next day to
the king and prince together, when I should have complete satisfaction.
* * * * *
"And now, reader, we are at a stand: some more idle, or more busy
spirits, willing either to take their rest, or to exchange their labour;
and some perhaps wishing they had the whole journal, and not thus
contracted into extracts of those things out of it which I conceived
more fit for the public. And, for the whole, myself could have wished
it, but neither with the honourable Company, nor elsewhere, could I
learn of it; the worthy knight himself being now employed in like
honourable embassage from his majesty to the Great Turk. Yet, to supply
the defect of the journal, I have given thee the chorography of the
country, together with certain letters of his, written from India to
honourable lords, and his friends in England; out of all which may be
hewed and framed a delightful commentary of the Mogul and his subjects.
Take them therefore, reader, and use them as a prospective glass, by
which thou mayst take easy and near view of these remote regions,
people, rites, and religions."--_Purchas_.
* * * * *
In the Pilgrims, in supplement to the journal of Sir Thomas Roe, Purchas
has inserted a formal complimentary letter from king James to the Great
Mogul, or emperor of Hindoostan, together with another from the Mogul to
king James, containing nothing besides hyperbolical expressions of
regard; both of which are here omitted, as entirely devoid of interest,
amusement, or information. Purchas has also added several letters said
to have been found among the papers of Sir Thomas Roe, with some others
which he says were transcribed from _Sir Thomas Roe's own book_. As
these letters merely repeat circumstances and opinions already more
fully and more methodically expressed in the preceding journal, they
could only have served unnecessarily to swell our pages, without any
adequate advantage, and are therefore omitted.
Purchas also informs us that Sir Thomas Roe, before he left the court of
the Great Mogul on his return for England, requested to be favoured with
a recommendatory letter from the Mogul to king James. This request was
granted with the utmost readiness, and a letter written accordingly; but
the Mogul, or his ministers, shewed much scrupulousness about the
placement of the seal to this letter, lest, if placed under the writing,
it might disparage the dignity of the Mogul, or, if placed over the
letter, king James might feel disobliged. On this account, the letter
was delivered to Sir Thomas unsealed, and the seal was sent separately,
that it might be afterwards affixed, according to the pleasure of the
king of England.
This seal was of silver, and Purchas has given an engraving, or _fac
simile_ of it, consisting of an inner and larger circle, bearing the
style or title of the reigning king, or _Padishah_ Jehanguire;
surrounded circularly by eight smaller circles, containing the series of
his direct ancestors, from Timor, or Tamerlane, downwards. These are all
of course in the Persian language and characters; but Purchas gives
likewise a copy or translation of the same in English letters. It seemed
quite superfluous to insert here the Persian _fac simile_, being merely
writing without ornament, armorial bearing, or cognizance. The following
is the series, expressed in English characters; the last being the
central circle, which contains the name and title of the reigning
emperor:--
1. Ebn Amir Temur Saheb Quran.
2. Ebn Miran Shah.
3. Ebn Mirza Soltan Mohamed.
4. Ebn Soltan Abu Said.
5. Ebn Mirza Amar Shah.
6. Ebn Bahar Padishah.
7. Ebn Humaiun Padishah.
8. Ebn Akbar Padishah.
9. Abu Amozaphar Nurdin Jebanguire Padishah.