papers on Huguenots in America. Cf. Poole’s _Index_, p. 612.
[812] In April, 1883, there was formed in New York a Huguenot Society
of America, under the presidency of John Jay, with vice-presidents to
represent each of the distinct settlements of French Protestants prior
to 1787,—Staten Island, Long Island, New Rochelle, New Paltz, New
Oxford, Boston, Narragansett, Maine, Delaware, Pennsylvania, Virginia,
and South Carolina. Their first report has been printed. Monograph
iv. of Bishop Perry’s _American Episcopal Church_ is “The Huguenots
in America, and their connection with the Church,” by the Rev. A. V.
Wittmeyer.
[813] Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 1,046, 1,778.
[814] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,306. There is a copy in Harvard College
library [12353.2]. The _Dinwiddie Papers_ throw some light on Glen’s
career. The _Second Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission_,
p. 38, notes a collection of letters sent from South Carolina during
Gov. Lyttleton’s term, 1756-1765, as being in Lord Lyttleton’s archives
at Hagley, in Worcestershire.
[815] Brinley, ii. no. 3,989; Haven, “Ante-Revolutionary Bibliog.”
(Thomas’ _Hist. of Printing_, ii. 559). Cf. Bancroft’s _United States_,
original ed. iv. ch. 15. Cf. also John H. Logan’s _History of the Upper
Country of South Carolina, from the earliest periods to the close of
the War of Independence_, Charleston, 1859, vol. i. It largely concerns
the Cherokee country.
[816] A MS. copy of De Brahm appears (no. 1,313) in a sale catalogue of
Bangs, Brother & Co., New York, 1854.
[817] Cf. Emanuel Bowen, in his _Complete System of Geography_, ii.
1747 (London), who gives a _New and accurate map of the Provinces of
North and South Carolina, Georgia, etc._, showing the coast from the
Chesapeake to St. Augustine.
[818] See _post_, ch. vi.
[819] The latest writer on the theme, Doyle, in his _English in
America_, thinks Hewatt “may probably be trusted in matters of
notoriety.” Grahame (iii. 78) says: “Hewit is a most perplexing writer.
A phrase of continual recurrence with him is ‘about this time,’—the
meaning of which he leaves to the conjecture of readers and the
laborious investigation of scholars, as he scarcely ever particularizes
a date.” Again he adds (ii. p. 110): “While he abstains from the
difficult task of relating the history of North Carolina, he selects
the most interesting features of its annals, and transfers them to the
history of the southern province. His errors, though hardly honest,
were probably not the fruit of deliberate misrepresentation.” Cf.
Sprague’s _Annals of the Amer. Pulpit_, iii. p. 251.
[820] That portion about South Carolina, ending with the revolution of
1719, is printed in Carroll, ii. 273.
[821] These volumes are described in the _Sparks Catalogue_, pp.
214-215, and are now in Harvard College library.
[822] Grahame (ii. 167) says of Chalmers that “he seems to relax
his usual attention to accuracy, when he considers his topics
insignificant; and from this defect, as well as from the peculiarities
of his style, it is sometimes difficult to discover his meaning or
reconcile his apparent inconsistency in different passages.”
[823] Cf. _Belknap Papers_ (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._), ii. 218, 219.
[824] Harvard College library.
[825] _An introduction to the history of the revolt of the American
colonies, derived from the state papers in the public offices of Great
Britain._ Boston, 1845. 2 v.
[826] The copy referred to is also marked in Mr. Chalmers’ autograph
as “from the author to Mr. Strange as an evidence of his respect
and kindness.” It is also noted in it that it is the identical copy
described by Rich in his _Bibliotheca Americana Nova_ (under 1782),
no. 2, where it is spoken of as “apparently entirely unknown,” and
having the bookplate of George Buchanan with a manuscript note, “Not
published, corrected for the press by me, G. B.” No such evidences of
Buchanan’s ownership are now in the volume, and the title as given
by Rich is more extended than that written by Chalmers. A slightly
different title too is given in the only other copy of which trace has
been found, that given in the _Murphy Catalogue_, no. 534.
[827] A large number of the Chalmers manuscripts relating to America
are enumerated in Thomas Thorpe’s _Supplement to a Catalogue of
Manuscripts_, 1843. Such as relate to periods not of the Revolution are
somewhat minutely described under the following numbers:—
No. 616. Copies of papers, 1493-1805, two volumes, £12 12_s._
No. 617. Papers relating to New England, 1625-1642, one volume, £2 2_s._
No. 618. Papers relating to Maryland, 1627-1765, one volume, £3 3_s._
No. 619. Papers relating to New York and Pennsylvania, 1629-1642, £1
11_s._ 6_d._
No. 620. Short account of the English plantations in America, about
1690, MS., £2 2_s._
No. 666. Papers on Canada, 1692-1792, one volume, £4 4_s._
No. 669. Letters and State Papers relating to Carolina, 1662-1781,
two volumes, £12 12_s._ [I suppose these to be the volumes now in Mr.
Bancroft’s hands.]
No. 673. The manuscript of vol. ii. of the Annals, £7 7_s._
No. 707. Papers on Connecticut, 15_s._
No. 726. Papers on the ecclesiastical jurisdiction over the colonies,
1662-1787, one volume, £2 2_s._
No. 745. Papers on Georgia, 1730-1798, one volume, £5 5_s._
No. 782. Papers on the Indians, 1750-1775, one volume, £10 10_s._
No. 823. Papers on Maryland, 1619-1812, two volumes, £15 15_s._
No. 838. Papers on New England, 1635-1780, four volumes, £21.
No. 842. Papers on New Hampshire, 1651-1774, two volumes, £10 10_s._
No. 843. Papers on New Jersey, 1683-1775, one volume, £6 6_s._
No. 845. Papers on New York, 1608-1792, four volumes, £52 10_s._
No. 857. Papers on Nova Scotia, 1745-1817, one volume, £7 7s.
No. 867. Papers on Pennsylvania, 1620-1779, two volumes, £10 10_s._
No. 869. Letters from and Papers on Philadelphia, 1760-1789, two
volumes, £15 15_s._
No. 891. Papers on Rhode Island, 1637-1785, one volume, £5 5_s._
No. 949. Papers on Virginia, 1606-1775, four volumes, £31 10_s._
[828] He was born in 1735, and was a Pennsylvanian, whom commercial
aims brought to Edmonton, in North Carolina, where he practised
medicine, and as a representative of the district sat in Congress. He
had removed, however, to New York when he published his history. He
died in 1819. Cf. Scharf and Westcott’s _Hist. of Philadelphia_, ii.
1146.
[829] _North Amer. Rev._, xii. 37. In 1829 Judge A. D. Murphy sought,
unsuccessfully, to induce the legislature to aid him in publishing
a history of North Carolina in six or eight volumes. _North Amer.
Review_, xxiv. p. 468.
[830] Orig. ed., i. p. 135.
[831] Cf. _N. Eng. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, Oct., 1870.
[832] J. D. B. DeBow’s _Political Annals of South Carolina_, prepared
for the _Southern Quarterly Review_, was printed separately as a
pamphlet, at Charleston, in 1845. A writer in this same _Review_ (Jan.,
1852) deplores the apathy of the Southern people and the indifference
of Southern writers to the study of their local history. In the series
of the _Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political
Science_, Mr. B. J. Ramage has published an essay on “Local government
and free schools in South Carolina.”
[833] There is also a list of papers prior to 1700 in the appendix of
Rivers’ _Sketch_, etc., p. 313.
[834] The _Third Report_ (1872) _of the Commission on Historical
signified his wish to present his valuable collection of manuscripts
Manuscripts_ (p. xi.) says: “In April, 1871, the Earl of Shaftesbury
to the Public Record Office. These papers have been arranged and
catalogued by Mr. Sainsbury.” The same _Report_ (p. 216) contains Mr.
Alfred J. Horwood’s account of these papers, the ninth section of
which is described as comprising letters and papers about Carolina,
and many letters and abstracts of letters in Locke’s handwriting. Cf.
_Charleston Year Book_, 1884, p. 167.
[835] _A review of documents and records in the archives of the State
of South Carolina, hitherto inedited_ (Columbia, 1852), points out
the gaps in its public records. Of the Grand Council’s Journal, only
two years (1671, etc.) are preserved, as described by Dalcho and in
_Topics in the History of South Carolina_, a pamphlet. Cf. also Rivers’
_Sketch_, etc., p. 370.
[836] Abstracts of many of them are necessarily included in Sainsbury’s
_Calendars_.
[837] [This story is told in Vol. II. chap. iv.—ED.]
[838] [Vol. II. p. 244.—ED.]
[839] [See Vol. III. p. 157, and chap. v., _ante_.—ED.]
[840] [He was born in 1698; but see W. S. Bogart on “the mystery of
Oglethorpe’s birthday,” in _Magazine of American History_, February,
1883, p. 108. There is a statement as to his family in Nichols’s
_Literary Anecdotes_, ii. 17; copied by Harris, in his _Life of
Oglethorpe_.—ED.]
[841] The corporate seal adopted had two faces. That for the
authentication of legislative acts, deeds, and commissions contained
this device: two figures resting upon urns, from which flowed streams
typifying the rivers forming the northern and southern boundaries of
the province. In their hands were spades, suggesting agriculture as the
chief employment of the settlers. Above and in the centre was seated
the genius of the Colony, a spear in her right hand, the left placed
upon a cornucopia, and a liberty cap upon her head. Behind, upon a
gentle eminence, stood a tree, and above was engraven this legend,
_Colonia Georgia Aug_. On the other face,—which formed the common
seal to be affixed to grants, orders, and certificates,—were seen
silk-worms in the various stages of their labor, and the appropriate
motto, _Non sibi sed aliis_. This inscription not only proclaimed
the disinterested motives and intentions of the trustees, but it
suggested that the production of silk was to be reckoned among the most
profitable employments of the colonists,—a hope not destined to be
fulfilled.
[842] There is in Lossing’s _Field Book of the Revolution_, ii. 722, a
sketch of the remains of the barracks as they appeared in 1851.
[843] As Captain-General he was entitled to command all the land and
naval forces of the province, and by him were all officers of the
militia to be appointed. As Governor-in-chief he was a constituent part
of the General Assembly, and possessed the sole power of adjourning,
proroguing, convening, and dissolving that body. It rested with him to
approve or to veto any bill passed by the Council and the Assembly.
All officers who did not receive their warrants directly from the
Crown were appointed by him: and if vacancies occurred, by death or
removal, in offices usually filled by the immediate nomination of the
King, the appointees of the governor acted until the pleasure of the
home government was signified. He was the custodian of the Great Seal,
and as Chancellor exercised within the province powers of judicature
similar to those reposed in the High Chancellor of England. He was to
preside in the Court of Errors, composed of himself and the members
of Council as judges, hearing and determining all appeals from the
superior courts. As Ordinary, he collated to all vacant benefices,
granted probate of wills, and allowed administration upon the estates
of those dying intestate. By him were writs issued for the election
of representatives to sit in the Commons House of Assembly. As
Vice-Admiral, while he did not sit in the court of vice-admiralty,—a
judge for that court being appointed by the Crown,—in time of war he
could issue warrants to that court empowering it to grant commissions
to privateers. With him resided the ability to pardon all crimes except
treason and murder. It was optional with him to select as his residence
such locality within the limits of the province as he deemed most
convenient for the transaction of the public business, and he might
direct the General Assembly to meet at that point. He was invested with
authority, for just cause, to suspend any member of Council, and, in a
word, might “do all other necessary and proper things in such manner
and under such regulations as should, upon due consideration, appear to
be best adapted to the circumstances of the colony.” The King’s Council
was to consist of twelve members in ordinary and of two extraordinary
members. They were to be appointed by the Crown, and were to hold
office during His Majesty’s pleasure. In the absence of the governor
and lieutenant-governor, the senior member of the Council in Ordinary
administered the government. When sitting as one of the three branches
of the legislature the Council was styled the Upper House of Assembly.
It also acted as Privy Council to the governor, assisting him in the
conduct of public affairs. In this capacity the members were to convene
whenever the governor saw fit to summon them. When sitting as an Upper
House, the Council met at the same time with the Commons House of
Assembly, and was presided over by the lieutenant-governor, or, in his
absence, by the senior member present. The forms of procedure resembled
those observed in the House of Lords in Great Britain.
The qualification of an elector was the ownership of fifty acres of
land in the parish or district in which he resided and voted; that
of a representative, was the proprietorship of five hundred acres of
land in any part of the province. Writs of election were issued by
order of the Governor in Council under the Great Seal of the province,
were tested by him, and were returnable in forty days. When convened,
the Representatives were denominated the Commons House of Assembly.
Choosing its own speaker, who was presented to the governor for
approbation, this body,—composed of the immediate representatives of
the people, and conforming in its legislative and deliberative conduct
to the precedents established for the governance of the English House
of Commons,—when convened, continued its session until dissolved by
the governor. It claimed and enjoyed the exclusive right of originating
bills for the appropriation of public moneys. Thus constituted, the
Upper and Lower Houses formed the General Assembly of the province and
legislated in its behalf. Bills which passed both Houses were submitted
to the governor for his consideration. If approved by him, the Seal of
the Colony was attached, and they were duly filed. Authenticated copies
were then prepared and transmitted for the information and sanction of
the Home Government.
Provision was also made for the establishment of a “General Court,” of
a “Court of Session of Oyer and Terminer and General Gaol Delivery,”
and of courts of inferior jurisdiction. There was also a “Court of
Admiralty.”
The presiding judge was styled Chief-Justice of Georgia. He was a
“barrister at law” who had attended at Westminster, was appointed by
warrant under His Majesty’s sign-manual and signet, and enjoyed a
salary of £500, raised by annual grant of Parliament. The assistant
justices were three in number. They received no salaries except on
the death or in the absence of the chief-justice, and held their
appointments from the governor.
Arrangements were also made for appointment of Collectors of
Customs, of a Register of Deeds, of a Receiver of Quit Rents, of
a Surveyor-General, of a Secretary of the Province, of a Clerk of
Council, of a Provost Marshal, of an Attorney-General, and of other
necessary officers.
The device approved for a public seal was as follows: On one face was
a figure representing the Genius of the Colony offering a skein of
silk to His Majesty, with the motto, “Hinc laudem sperate Coloni,” and
this inscription around the circumference: “Sigillum Provinciæ nostræ
Georgiæ in America.” On the other side appeared His Majesty’s arms,
crown, garter, supporters, and motto, with the inscription: “Georgius
II. Dei Gratia Britanniæ, Franciæ, et Hiberniæ Rex, Fidei Defensor,
Brunsvici et Luneburgi Dux, Sacri Romani Imperii Archi Thesaurarius et
Princeps Elector.”
[844] Cf. Chapter IV., on “Ancient Florida,” by Dr. John G. Shea, in
Vol. II.; and a chapter in Vol. I.
[845] [Sabin, xii. no. 51194; Barlow, no. 809; Carter-Brown, iii. no.
224; Brinley, no. 3911; Murphy, no. 1743; Rich (1835), p. 25. This
tract is reprinted with the plan in Force’s _Tracts_, vol. i. There is
a copy in Harvard College library [12354.7]. Coming within the grant to
Mountgomery and lying “within a day’s rowing of the English habitations
in South Carolina” are certain islands called by Sir Robert, St. Symon,
Sapella, Santa Catarina, and Ogeche, which were described in a tract
printed in London in 1720, called _A description of the Golden Islands
with an account of the undertaking now on foot for making a settlement
there_. (Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. no. 266.)
There is in Harvard College library a tract attributed to John
Burnwell, published also in 1720 in London: _An account of the
foundation and establishment of a design now on foot for a settlement
on the Golden Islands to the south of Port Royal, in Carolina_. (Sabin,
iii. no. 10955.)—ED.]
[846] [This plan is reproduced in Jones’ _History of Georgia_, vol. i.
p. 72; and in Gay’s _Pop. Hist. of the U. S._, iii. 142.—ED.]
[847] [In this separate shape this tract was a reprint with
additions from the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1872. It has a
“new map of the Cherokee nation” which it is claimed was drawn by
the Indians about 1750, with the names put in by the English. A
later map of the region about the Tennessee River above and below
Fort Loudon appeared as “A draught of the Cherokee country on the
west side of the 24 mountains, commonly called Over the hills, taken
by Henry Timberlake, when he was in that country in March, 1762:
likewise the names of the principal herdsmen of each town and what
number of fighting men they send to war” [809 in all], which appeared
in Timberlake’s _Memoirs_, 1765; and again in Jefferys’ _General
Topography of North America and West Indies_, London, 1768. A copy
of Timberlake with the map is in Harvard College library. The above
fac-simile is from Harris’s _Oglethorpe_.—ED.]
[848] [This was reviewed by Sparks in _No. Amer. Rev._, liii. p.
448.—ED.]
[849] [The story of the founding of Georgia is necessarily told in
general histories of the United States (Bancroft, Hildreth, Gay, etc.),
and in articles on Oglethorpe like those in the _Southern Quart. Rev._,
iii. 40, _Temple Bar_, 1878 (copied into _Living Age_, no. 1797), and
_All the Year Round_, xviii. 439.—ED.]
[850] [It was reprinted in London in 1733. Both editions are in
Harvard College library. It was again reprinted in the _Georgia Hist.
Soc. Collections_, i. p. 42. Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. no. 494. Grahame
(iii. 182) calls it “most ingenious and interesting, though somewhat
fancifully colored.” Sabin (_Dictionary_, xiii. nos. 56, 846) says
it is mostly taken from Salmon’s _Modern History_, 4th ed., iii. p.
700.—ED.]
[851] [It was issued in two editions in 1733; to the second was added,
beginning p. 43, among other matters a letter of Oglethorpe dated “camp
near Savannah, Feb. 10, 1732-3,” with another from Gov. Johnson, of
South Carolina. It has a plate giving a distant view of the projected
town, with emblematic accompaniments in the foreground, and the map
referred to on a previous page. There is a copy of the second issue
in Charles Deane’s collection. Cf. also Carter-Brown, iii. 511-12. A
French translation was issued at Amsterdam in 1737 in the _Recueil de
Voyages au Nord_, vol. ix., with the new map of Georgia, copied from
the English edition. The original English was reprinted in the _Georgia
Hist. Soc. Coll._, i. 203.—ED.]
[852] [When the sermon of Samuel Smith, Feb. 23, 1730-31, was printed
in 1733, he added to it _Some account of the design of the Trustees for
establishing the Colony of Georgia in America_, which was accompanied
by the map referred to in the preceding note (Carter-Brown, iii.
no. 516). The charter of Georgia, as well as those of Maryland,
Connecticut, Rhode Island, Pennsylvania, and Massachusetts Bay, is
given in _A list of Copies of Charters from the Commissioners for Trade
and Plantations, presented to the House of Commons_, 1740 (London,
1741). It is given in English in _Mémoires des Commissaires du Roi_,
vol. iv. p. 617 (London, 1757). Cf. _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Feb.,
1883, in “The Sesqui-Centennial of the founding of Georgia.” There is
an appendix of documents in a _Report of the Committee appointed to
examine into the proceedings of the people of Georgia with respect to
South Carolina and the disputes subsisting between the two Colonies_.
Charlestown, 1737. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 570; Brinley, ii. no. 3886
with date, 1736; the Harvard College copy is also dated, 1736.)—ED.]
[853] [It is also ascribed to Benj. Martyn. It was reprinted at
Annapolis in 1742, and is included in Force’s _Tracts_, vol. i., and
in the _Georgia Hist. Soc. Collections_, ii. p. 265. Cf. Carter-Brown,
iii. no. 685. The original is in Harvard College library. One passage
in this tract (Force’s ed., p. 37) reads: “Mr. Oglethorpe has with
him Sir Walter Rawlegh’s written journal, and by the latitude of the
place, the marks and traditions of the Indians, it is the very first
place where he went on shore, and talked with the Indians, and was the
first Indian they ever saw; and about half a mile from Savannah is a
high mount of earth, under which lies their chief king. And the Indians
informed Mr. Oglethorpe that their king desired, before he died,
that he might be buried on the spot where he talked with that great
good man.” The fact that Ralegh was never in North America somewhat
unsettles this fancy.—ED.]
[854] [It has an appendix of documents, and is reprinted in the
_Georgia Hist. Soc. Collections_, i. 153. Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. no.
686; Barlow, no. 857. A MS. note by Dr. Harris in one of the copies in
Harvard College library says that, though usually ascribed to Henry
Martyn, he has good authority for assigning its authorship to John
Percival, Earl of Egmont.—ED.]
[855] [This little volume is in Harvard College library; as is also
_Kurzgefasste Nachricht von dem Etablissement derer Salzburgischen
Emigranten zu Ebenezer, von P. G. F. von Reck_. Hamburg, 1777.—ED.]
[856] [Sabin, xiii. no. 56848.—ED.]
[857] [This tract is assigned to 1747 in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_,
iii. no. 849, and in the Harvard College library catalogue.—ED.]
[858] [This important series of tracts, edited at Halle, in Germany,
by Samuel Urlsperger, was begun in 1734, with the general title,
_Ausführliche Nachricht von den Saltzburgischen Emigranten_. It was
reissued in 1735. Judging from the copies in Harvard College library,
both editions had the engraved portrait of Tomo-cachi, with his nephew,
and the map of Savannah County. The 1735 edition had a special title
(following the general one), _Der Ausführlichen Nachrichten von der
Königlich-Gross-Britannischen Colonie Saltzburgischer Emigranten in
America, Erster Theil_. In the “vierte continuation” of this part
there is at p. 2073 the large folding map of the county of Savannah.
With the sixth continuation a “Zweyter Theil” begins, with a general
title (1736), and a “Dritter Theil” includes continuations no. 13 to
18. This thirteenth continuation has a large folding plan of Ebenezer,
showing the Savannah River at the bottom, with a ship in it, and it
was published by Seutter in Augsburg, with a large map of the coast.
The set is rare, and the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ (iii. no. 541) gives
a collation, and adds that “only after many years’ seeking and the
purchase of several imperfect copies” was its set completed. Harvard
College library has a set which belonged to Ebeling. (Turell’s _Life
of Colman_, 152.) Urlsperger was a correspondent of Benjamin Colman,
of Boston. Calvary, of Berlin, had for sale in 1885 the correspondence
of Samuel Urlsperger with Fresenius, 1738-56 (29 letters), held at 100
marks.
There is a supplemental work in four volumes, printed at Augsburg in
1754-60, bringing the journal down to 1760, _Americanisches Ackerwerk
Gottes_. It is also in Harvard College library, and contains the
mezzotint portrait of Bolzius, the senior minister of Ebenezer, which
is engraved on wood in Gay’s _Pop. Hist. of the U. S._, iii. 155.
Harvard College library has also a part of the journal, with the same
title (Augsburg, 1760), which seems to belong chronologically after the
third part. (Cf. _Brinley Catalogue_, no. 3926.)
Other illustrative publications may be mentioned: _Kurtze Relation aus
denen aus Engelland erhaltenen Briefen von denen nach Georgien gehenden
zweyten Transport Saltzburgischer Emigranten_ (cf. Leclerc, _Bibl.
Americana_, 1867, no. 1512; Harrassowitz, ‘81, no. 119). _Auszug der
sichern und nützlichen Nachrichten von dem Englischen America besonders
von Carolina und der fruchtbaren Landschaft Georgia_, etc. ... von D.
Manuel Christian Löber, Jena, without year.
Fred. Muller (_Books on America_, 1877, no. 1679) notes C. D.
Kleinknecht’s _Zuverlässige Nachricht von der schwarzen Schaaf-
und Lämmer-Heerde_, Augsburg, 1749, as containing in an appendix
_Nachrichten von den Colonisten Georgiens zu Eben-Ezer in
America_.—ED.]
[859] [This has a lithograph of the Bolzius likeness in the
Urlsperger Tracts. Dr. Sprague (_American Pulpit_, vol. ix. p. vi.)
calls the Salzburger settlement the fourth in order of the Lutheran
immigrations into the English colonies. The same volume contains a
notice of Bolzius by Strobel.—ED.]
[860] [Cf. Field, _Ind. Bibliog._, no. 1085; Sabin, xii. p. 336;
Carter-Brown, iii. no. 776. It is reprinted in the _Georgia Hist.
Soc. Collections_, vol. i. A London dealer, F. S. Ellis (1884, no.
204), priced a copy at £7 10_s._ Three other contemporaneous tracts of
no special historical value may here be mentioned: _A New Voyage to
Georgia, by a Young Gentleman_, etc., to which are added, _A Curious
Account of the Indians, by an Honourable Person_ [Oglethorpe], and _A
Poem to James Oglethorpe, Esq., on his arrival from Georgia_, London,
1735, with a second edition in 1737; _A Description of the famous
new Colony of Georgia in South Carolina_, etc., Dublin, 1734; and _A
Description of Georgia by a Gentleman who has resided there upwards
of seven years, and was one of the first settlers_, London, 1741.
This last (8 pp. only) is included in Force’s _Tracts_, vol. ii. Cf.
Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 536, 562. It is in Harvard College library.—ED.]
[861] [The work is in three volumes, the second containing “A state of
that Province [Georgia] as attested upon oath in the Court of Savannah,
Nov. 10, 1740.” (Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. 720.) There is a copy in
Harvard College library.—ED.]
[862] [For some years at least yearly statements of the finances were
printed, as noted in a later note in connection with Burton’s sermon.
A single broadside giving such a statement is preserved in Harvard
College library [12343.4]; and in the same library is a folio tract
called _The General Account of all Monies and Effects_, etc., London,
1736. This is in good part reprinted in Bishop Perry’s _Hist. of the
American Episcopal Church_, i. 360.—ED.]
[863] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 714.
[864] [Haven’s _Ante-Revolutionary Publications_ in Thomas’s _Hist.
of Printing_, ii. p. 478. The main portion of this report is given in
Carroll’s _Hist. Coll. of So. Carolina_, ii. p. 348.—ED.]
[865] [The author of this tract was George Cadogan, a lieutenant in
Oglethorpe’s regiment. It induced the author of the _Impartial Account_
to print _A Full Reply to Lieut. Cadogan’s Spanish Hireling, and Lieut.
Mackay’s Letter concerning the Action at Moosa_, London, 1743. Cf.
Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 731-32; Sabin, xiii. no. 56845. Both tracts
are in Harvard College library. Two other tracts pertain to this
controversy: _Both sides of the question: an inquiry_] _into a certain
doubtful character_ [Oglethorpe] lately whitened by a C——t M——l,
which passed to a second edition; and _The Hireling Artifice detected_,
London, 1742.—ED.
[866] [There are various references to this expedition in Jones’
_Georgia_, i. p. 335, and in his _Dead Towns_, p. 91. Watt mentions a
_Journal of an Expedition to the gates of St. Augustine conducted by
General Oglethorpe_, by G. L. Campbell, London, 1744.—ED.]
[867] [Cf. references in the _Dead Towns of Georgia_, p. 114, and
more at length in Jones’ _Georgia_, i. 335, 353. There is a plan of
Frederica in the _Dead Towns_, p. 45.—ED.]
[868] [Carter-Brown, iii. no. 686. No. 707 of the same catalogue
is a _Journal received Feb. 4, 1741, by the Trustees, from William
Stevens, Secretary_; and in Harvard College library is the _Resolution
of the Trustees, March 8, 1741, relating to the grants and tenure of
lands_.—ED.]
[869] [Carter-Brown, iii. no. 706. Harvard College library catalogue
ascribes this to Patrick Graham.—ED.]
[870] [Reprinted in the _Georgia Hist. Soc. Coll._, ii. p. 87; cf.
Barlow’s _Rough List_, nos. 873-74. This book, which has an appendix
of documents, is assigned to Thomas Stephens in the Harvard College
library catalogue. A two-leaved folio tract in Harvard College library,
called _The Hard Case of the distressed people of Georgia_, dated at
London, Apr. 26, 1742, is signed by Stephens.—ED.]
[871] [It was reprinted in London, 1741, and is included in Force’s
_Tracts_, vol. i., and in _Georgia Hist. Coll._, vol. ii. p. 163. Cf.
Carter-Brown, iii. no. 696; Brinley, no. 3922; Barlow, no. 859. There
is a copy in Harvard College library. F. S. Ellis, of London (1884, no.
106), prices it at £3 5_s._—ED.]
[872] [Tyler (_Amer. Lit._, ii. 292), on the contrary, says of this
book: “Within a volume of only one hundred and twelve pages is
compressed a masterly statement of the author’s alleged grievances at
the hands of Oglethorpe. The book gives a detailed and even documentary
account of the rise of the colony, and its quick immersion in suffering
and disaster, through Oglethorpe’s selfishness, greed, despotism, and
fanatic pursuit of social chimeras.... Whatever may be the truth or the
justice of this book, it is abundantly interesting, and if any one has
chanced to find the prevailing rumor of Oglethorpe somewhat nauseating
in its sweetness, he may here easily allay their unpleasant effect.
Certainly as a polemic it is one of the most expert pieces of writing
to be met with in our early literature. It never blusters or scolds. It
is always cool, poised, polite, and merciless.”—ED.]
[873] Among those which have been preserved are sermons, by Samuel
Smith, LL. B., 1731; by John Burton, B. D., 1732; by Thomas Rundle,
LL. D., 1733; by Stephen Hales, D. D., 1734; by George Watts, 1735; by
Philip Bearcroft, D. D., 1737; by William Berriman, D. D., 1738; by
Edmund Bateman, D. D., 1740; by William Best, D. D., 1741; by James
King, D. D., 1742; by Lewis Bruce, A. M., 1743; by Philip Bearcroft, D.
D., 1744; by Glocester Ridley, LL. B., 1745; and by Thomas Francklin,
M. A., 1749. [Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 515, 528, 530, 572, 598.
Burton’s sermon (London, 1733) has appended to it, beginning p. 33,
“The general account of all the monies and effects received and
expended by the trustees for establishing the Colony of Georgia ... for
one whole year, 1732-33.” A list of these sermons is given in Perry’s
_American Episcopal Church_, vol. i.—ED.]
[874] [They are described in a report of the Georgia Historical
Society.—ED.]
[875] They were sold in London in July, 1881, by Mr. Henry Stevens;
and, although the State of Georgia was importuned to become the
purchaser of them, the General Assembly declined to act, and the
volumes passed into other hands, but have recently been given to the
State by Mr. J. S. Morgan, the London banker. [Cf. Stevens, _Hist.
Collections_, i. p. 34. Mr. Stevens also gives in his _Bibliotheca
Geographica_, no. 2618, some curious information about other MSS. in
England, being records kept by William Stephens, the Secretary of the
Colony, which are now at Thirlstane House, Cheltenham. A Report of the
Attorney and Solicitor General to the Lords of Trade, on the proposal
of the Trustees of Georgia to surrender their trust to the Crown, dated
Feb. 6, 1752, is noted in vol. 61 of the Shelburne MSS., as recorded
in the _Fifth Report of the Hist. MSS. Commission_, p. 230; and also,
a Report of the same officer on the properest method of administering
the government after the surrender. The opinion of the attorney and
solicitor-general on the king’s prerogative to receive the charter of
Georgia (1751) is given in Chalmers’ _Opinions of Eminent Lawyers_, i.
p. 34.—ED.]
[876] [This Society was organized in Dec., 1839. Cf. _Amer. Quart.
Reg._, xii. 344; _Southern Quart. Rev._, iii. 40; _The Georgia Hist.
Soc., its founders, patrons, and friends_, an address by C. C. Jones,
Jr., Savannah, 1881; _Proceedings at the dedication of Hodgson Hall_,
1876.—ED.]
[877] Volume I. (1840) contains the anniversary address of the
Hon. William Law, February 12, 1840, reviewing the early history of the
province; reprints of Oglethorpe’s _New and Accurate Account of the
Provinces of South Carolina and Georgia_; of Francis Moore’s _Voyage
to Georgia begun in the year 1735_; of _An Impartial Inquiry into the
State and Utility of the Province of Georgia_, and of _Reasons for
Establishing the Colony of Georgia with regard to the Trade of Great
Britain_; together with the Hon. Thomas Spalding’s _Sketch of the life
of General James Oglethorpe_.
Volume II. (1842) contains the Historical Discourse of William Bacon
Stevens, M. D., and reprints of _A New Voyage to Georgia_, &c.; of
_A State of the Province of Georgia attested upon Oath in the Court
of Savannah, November 10, 1740_; of _A Brief Account of the causes
that have retarded the progress of the Colony of Georgia_, &c.; of _A
true and historical Narrative of the Colony of Georgia in America_,
&c., by Patrick Tailfer, M. D., Hugh Anderson, M. A., David Douglass,
and others; and of _An Account showing the Progress of the Colony of
Georgia in America from its first establishment_, &c.
Volume III., part i., consists of _A Sketch of the Creek Country in
the years 1798 and 1799_, by Colonel Benjamin Hawkins, with a valuable
introduction by the late William B. Hodgson.
Volume III. (1873) contains letters from General Oglethorpe to the
Trustees and others, covering a period from October, 1735, to August,
1744,—a report of Governor Sir James Wright to Lord Dartmouth,
dated September 20th, 1773, exhibiting the condition of the Colony
of Georgia,—letters from Governor Wright to the Earl of Dartmouth
and Lord George Germain, from August 24th, 1774, to February 16th,
1782:—an Anniversary Address of Colonel Charles C. Jones, Jr., on the
life, services, and death of Count Casimir Pulaski,—and an Address by
Dr. Richard D. Arnold commemorative of the organization of the Georgia
Historical Society and of the Savannah Library Association.
Volume IV. (1878) contains _The Dead Towns of Georgia_, by Charles C.
Jones, Jr. (also published separately), and _Itinerant Observations in
America_, reprinted from the London Magazine of 1745-6. In the _Dead
Towns of Georgia_ the author perpetuates the almost forgotten memories
of Old and New Ebenezer, of Frederica, of Abercorn, of Sunbury, of
Hardwick, of Petersburg, and of lesser towns and plantations, once
vital and influential, but now covered with the mantle of decay. This
contribution embraces a large portion of the early history of the
province, and recounts the vicissitudes and the mistakes encountered
during the epoch of colonization. It is illustrated with engraved plans
of New Ebenezer, Frederica, Sunbury, Fort Morris, and Hardwick, and
revives traditions and recollections of persons and places which had
become quite forgotten.
To the _Itinerant Observations in America_ the student will turn with
pleasure for early impressions of the province, and especially of its
southern confines.
[878]
1. Plan of Ebenezer and its fort.
2. Plan of Savannah and fortifications.
3. Chart of Savannah Sound.
4. Plan and profile of Fort George on Coxpur Island.
5. Environs of Fort Barrington.
6. Plan and view of Fort Barrington.
[The plan of Ebenezer is also reproduced by Col. Jones in his _Dead
Towns_ and in his _Hist. of Georgia_.—ED.]
[879] [This series is thus entered in the Harvard College library
catalogue:—
Wormsloe quartos. Edited by G. Wymberley-Jones De Renne. 5 vol.
Wormsloe, Ga. 1847-81. 4^o; and sm. f^o, _large paper_. _Namely_:—
i. [WALTON, G., _and others_.] Observations upon the effects of certain
late political suggestions. By the delegates of Georgia [G. Walton, W.
Few, R. Howly]. 1847. 4^o. First printed at Philadelphia in 1781. 21
copies reprinted: with a reproduction of the original title-page.
ii. DE BRAHM, J. G. W. History of the province of Georgia. 1849. 4^o.
6 _maps_. 49 copies privately printed from a part of a manuscript in
Harvard College library, entitled: “History of the three provinces,
South Carolina, Georgia, and east Florida.”
iii. PINCKNEY, _Mrs._ E. (L.). Journal and letters [July 1, 1739-Feb.
27, 1762. Edited by Mrs. H. P. Holbrook.] Now first printed. 1850. 4^o.
“Privately printed. Limited to 19 copies.”
iv. SARGENT, W. Diary [relating to St. Clair’s expedition. 1791]. Now
first printed. 1851. “Privately printed. Limited to 46 copies.”
v. GEORGIA (_Colony of_)—_General Assembly._ Acts passed by the
assembly. 1755-74. Now first printed. [Prepared for publication by C.
C. Jones, Jr.] 1881. f^o. “Privately printed. Limited to 49 copies.”
“The materials for this work were obtained from the public record
office in London, by the late G. Wymberley-Jones De Renne, who intended
himself to prepare them for the press.”
Cf. Sabin, ii. no. 7325.—ED.]
[880] [The lives of Wesley as touching this early experience of his
life, as well as illustrating a moral revolution, which took within its
range all the English colonies during the period of the present volume,
may properly be characterized here:—
The introduction to Rigg’s _Living Wesley_ is devoted to a criticism
of the different accounts of John Wesley, and the student will
find further bibliographical help in a paper on “Wesley and his
biographers,” by W. C. Hoyt in the _Methodist Quarterly_, vol. viii.;
in the article in Allibone’s _Dict. of Authors_; in Decanver’s
[Cavender _pseud._] list of books, written in refutation of Methodism;
and in the list of authorities given by Southey in his _Life of Wesley_.
Wesley left three literary executors,—Coke, Moore, and Whitehead, his
physician; and his journals and papers were put into the hands of the
last named. Coke and Moore, however, acting independently, were the
first to publish a hasty memoir, and Whitehead followed in 1793-96;
but his proved to be the work of a theological partisan. A memoir by
Hampton was ready when Wesley died, but it turned out to be very meagre.
Next came the life by Southey in 1820. He had no sources of information
beyond the printed material open to all; but he had literary skill
to make the most of it, and appreciation enough of his subject to
elevate Wesley’s standing in the opinion of such as were outside of his
communion. He accordingly made an account of a great moral revolution,
which has been by no means superseded in popular usefulness.
Now followed a number of lives intended to correct the representations
of previous biographers, and in some cases to offer views more
satisfactory to the Methodists themselves. Moore, in 1824, found
something to correct in the accounts of both Whitehead and Southey.
Watson, in 1831, aimed to displace what Southey had said unsatisfactory
to the sect, and to correct Southey’s chronological order; but he made
his narrative slight and incomplete. Southey was, however, chiefly
relied upon by Mrs. Oliphant in her sketch, first in _Blackwood’s
Mag._, Oct., 1868, and later in her _Hist. Sketches of the Reign of
George II._; but while Dr. Rigg acknowledges it to be clever, he calls
it full of misconceptions. Mrs. Julia Wedgwood, in her _John Wesley and
the Evangelical Reaction of the Eighteenth Century_ (London, 1870),
relied so much on Southey, as the Methodists say, that she neglected
later information; but she so far accorded with the general estimation
of Wesley in the denomination as to reject Southey’s theory of his
ambition.
In the general histories of English Methodism, Wesley necessarily plays
a conspicuous part, and their authors are among the most important
of his biographers. The first volume of George Smith’s history was
in effect a life of Wesley, though somewhat incomplete as such; but
in Abel Stevens’s opening volumes the story is told more completely
and with graphic skill. There is an excellent account of these days
in chapter 19 of Earl Stanhope’s _History of England_, and a careful
summary is given in the fourth volume of the _Pictorial History of
England_.
The relations which Wesley sustained throughout to the Established
Church have been discussed in the _London Quarterly Review_ by the Rev.
W. Arthur, and by Dr. James H. Rigg, the contribution by the latter
being subsequently enlarged in a separate book, _The relations of John
Wesley and of Wesleyan Methodism to the Church of England, investigated
and determined_. 2d edition, revised and enlarged. London, 1871.
See also _British Quarterly Review_, Oct., 1871, and the _Contemp.
Review_, vol. xxviii. Curteis, in his Bampton lectures, goes over the
ground also. Urlin, _John Wesley’s place in Church History_ (1871),
prominently claimed that Wesley was a revivalist in the church, and not
a dissenter, and aimed to add to our previous knowledge. A Catholic
view of him is given by Dr. J. G. Shea in the _Amer. Cath. Quart.
Rev._, vii. p. 1.
The most extensive narrative, considering Wesley in all his relations,
private as well as public, the result of seventeen years’ labor, with
the advantage of much new material, is the _Life and Times of Wesley_,
by Tyerman. It is, however, far too voluminous for the general reader.
He is not blind to Wesley’s faults, and some Methodists say he is not
in sufficient sympathy with the reformer to do him justice.
Those who wish compacter estimates of the man, with only narrative
enough to illustrate them, will find such in Taylor’s _Wesley and
Methodism_, where the philosophy of the movement is discussed; in
Rigg’s _Living Wesley_, which is a condensed generalization of his
life, not without some new matter; and in Dr. Hamilton’s article in
the _North British Review_, which was kindly in tone, but not wholly
satisfactory to the Methodists.
There is a well-proportioned epitome of his life by Lelièvre in French,
of which there is an English translation, _John Wesley, his Life and
Work_, London, 1871. Janes has made _Wesley his own historian_, by a
collocation of his journals, letters, etc., and his journals have been
separately printed. There is a separate narrative of Wesley’s early
love, _Narrative of a remarkable Transaction_, etc. A paper on his
character and opinions in earlier life is in the _London Quart. Rev._,
vol. xxxvii. On his mission to Georgia, see David Bogue and James
Bennett’s _History of Dissenters from 1688 to 1808,_ London, 1808-12,
in 4 volumes, vol. iii.; and the note on his trouble with Oglethorpe in
Grahame’s _United States_ (Boston ed., iii. p. 201).
Lesser accounts and miscellaneous material will be found in Clarke’s
_Memoirs of the Wesley Family_; in Gorrie’s _Eminent Methodist
Ministers_; in Larrabee’s _Wesley and his Coadjutors_; in Sprague’s
_Annals of the American Pulpit_, v. 94; in J. B. Hagany’s paper in
_Harper’s Magazine_, vol. xix.; in the _Galaxy_, Feb., 1874; in the
_Contemporary Review_, 1875 and 1876; in Madame Ossoli’s _Methodism
at the Fountain_, in her _Art, Literature, and Drama_; and in W. M.
Punshon’s _Lectures_.
See also Nichols’s _Literary Anecdotes_, vol. v.; Malcolm’s _Index_,
and numerous references in Poole’s _Index to Periodical Literature_, p.
1398.
Tyerman’s _Oxford Methodists_ uses the material he was forced to leave
out of his Life of Wesley.
The portraits of Wesley are numerous. Tyerman gives the earliest known;
and it was taken (1743) nearer the time of his Georgia visit than any
other which we have. J. C. Smith in his _British Mezzotint Portraits_
enumerates a series (vol. i. pp. 64, 442; ii. 600, 692, 773; iii. 1365;
iv. 1545, 1748).—ED.]
[881] [Cf. the view of the building given in Stevens’ _Georgia_, p.
352.—ED.]
[882] [Whitefield’s labors in Georgia are summarized in Tyerman’s
_Life of Whitefield_, London, 1876, with references; and other
references are in Poole’s _Index to Periodical Lit._, p. 1406. Bishop
Perry, in his _Hist. of the American Episcopal Church_, gives the
bibliography of Whitefield’s Journals, and a chapter on “The Wesleys
and George Whitefield in Georgia.” An account by Bishop Beckwith of
the Orphan House is contained in the same work. Foremost among the
opponents of Whitefield was Alexander Garden, an Episcopal clergyman
in Charleston, who lived in the colony from 1720 to his death in
1756. As the Commissary of the Bishop of London, the constructive
ecclesiastical head of the colonies, he brought much power to aid his
pronounced opinions, and he prosecuted Whitefield with vigor both in
the ecclesiastical court and in the desk. In 1743 Garden reviewed his
course in a letter [_N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, xxiv. 117] in which
he says: “Bad also is the present state of the poor Orphan House in
Georgia,—that land of lies, and from which we have no truth but what
they can neither disguise nor conceal. The whole Colony is accounted
here one great lie, from the beginning to this day; and the Orphan
House, you know, is a part of the whole,—a scandalous bubble.”—ED.]
[883] [Reprinted with editorial annotations and corrections of errors
in B. R. Carroll’s _Hist. Collections of South Carolina_, New York,
1836, vol. i.—ED.]
[884] [This name is variously spelled Hewatt, Hewat, Hewitt, and Hewit.
Cf. Drayton’s _View of So. Carolina_, p. 175.—ED.]
[885] [Cf. Sabin, x. no. 42973; Field, _Indian Bibliog._, no. 972.—ED.]
[886] [Mr. Geo. R. Gilmer, in an address in 1851 on the _Literary
Progress of Georgia_, said of McCall’s history, “A few actors in the
scenes described read it on its first appearance; it was then laid
upon the shelf, seldom to be taken from it. Ten years afterwards Bevan
collected materials for the purpose of improving what McCall had
executed indifferently. He received so little sympathy or aid in his
undertaking that he never completed it.”—ED.]
[887] [A severe criticism appeared in _Observations on Dr. Stevens’s
History of Georgia_, Savannah, 1849. C. K. Adams’ _Manual of Historical
Reference_, p. 559, takes a favorable view. Hildreth (ii. 371) speaks
of Stevens as a “judicious historian, who has written from very full
materials.”—ED.]
[888] [In two volumes. It passed to a second and third edition. Pickett
is spoken of as a private gentleman and planter of Alabama, in the
enjoyment of wealth and leisure when he wrote his history, bringing to
his task a manly industry and generous enthusiasm. He was fortunate in
being able to procure much material which had been hitherto inedited;
manuscripts of early adventurers in the territory, who were traders
among the red men, and in some cases the testimony of the red men
themselves. _Southern Quarterly Review_, Jan., 1852.—ED.]
* * * * *
PORTRAITS OF OGLETHORPE. The likeness given on a preceding page
follows a print by Burford, after a painting by Ravenet, of which a
reduction is given in John C. Smith’s _British Mezzotint Portraits_,
p. 128. There is a note on the portrait of Oglethorpe in the _Magazine
of American History_, 1883, p. 138. See the cut in Bishop Perry’s
_American Episcopal Church_, i. 336.
The head and shoulders of this Burford print are given in the histories
of Georgia by Stevens and Jones; and in Gay’s _Popular History of
the United States_, iii. 143; Cassell’s _United States_, i. 481.
The expression of the face seems to be a hard one to catch, for the
engravings have little likeness to one another.
The medal-likeness is given in Harris’s _Oglethorpe_, together with the
arms of Oglethorpe.
There is beside the very familiar full-length profile view,
representing Oglethorpe as a very old man, sitting at the sale of
Dr. Johnson’s library, which is given in some editions of Boswell’s
_Johnson_; in White’s _Historical Collections of Georgia_, 117; in
Harris’s _Oglethorpe_; in Gay’s _Popular History of the United States_,
iii. 165; in the _Magazine of American History_, February, 1883, p.
111; in Dr. Edward Eggleston’s papers on the English Colonies in the
_Century Magazine_, and in various other places.—ED.
[889] Hutchinson, _History of Massachusetts Bay_, ii. 95.
[890] The articles of capitulation are in Hutchinson’s _History
of Massachusetts Bay_, ii. 182-184; and the first volume of the
_Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical Society_ contains an ample
collection of documents connected with the capture of Port Royal,
obtained from the State-Paper Office in London, and covering forty-six
printed pages.
[891] _Selections from the Public Documents of the Province of Nova
Scotia_, pp. 5, 6.
[892] [A description of Nova Scotia in 1720 was transmitted to the
Lords of Trade by Paul Mascarene, engineer. It is given in the
_Selections from the Pub. Docs. of Nova Scotia_, p. 39.—ED.]
[893] [There is a portrait of Waldo in Jos. Williamson’s _Hist. of
Belfast, Me._, p. 44.—ED.]
[894] _History of Massachusetts Bay_, ii. 371.
[Views of this sort regarding the prudence or apathy of Rhode Island
were current at the time, and Gov. Wanton, in a letter to the agent of
that colony in London, Dec. 20, 1745 (_R. I. Col. Records_, v. 145),
sets forth a justification. Mr. John Russell Bartlett, in a chapter of
his naval history of Rhode Island (_Historical Mag._, xviii. 24, 94),
claims that the position of the colony has been misrepresented.—ED.]
[895] [For authorities, see _post_, p. 448.—ED.]
[896] Letter to the Duke of Bedford in _Selections from the Public
Documents of the Province of Nova Scotia_, p. 560.
[897] July 17, 1750, a proclamation was ordered to be published
“against the retailing of spirituous liquors without a license.” August
28th, a second proclamation was ordered to be published, and “a penalty
be added of 20 shillings sterling for each offence, to be paid to the
informers, and that all retailers of liquors be forbid on the same
penalty to entertain any company after nine at night.” In the following
February, it was “Resolved, that over and above the penalties declared
by former Acts of council, any person convicted of selling spirituous
liquors without the governor’s license, shall for the first offence sit
in the pillory or stocks for one hour, and for the second offence shall
receive twenty lashes.”—_Selections from the Public Documents_, pp.
570, 579, 603.
[898] _Ibid._, p. 710.
[899] _Selections from the Public Documents of Nova Scotia_, p. 266.
[900] Winslow’s Journal in _Collections of Nova Scotia Historical
Society_, iii. 94, 95.
[901] Winslow’s Journal in _Collections of Nova Scotia Historical
Society_, iii. 98.
[902] _Selections from the Public Documents of Nova Scotia_, pp. 302,
303.
[903] _Ibid._, pp. 329-334.
[904] _Selections from the Public Documents of the Province of Nova
Scotia. Published under a Resolution of the House of Assembly, passed
March 15, 1865. Edited by Thomas B. Akins, D. C. L., Commissioner of
Public Records. The Translations from the French by Benj. Curren, D. C.
L._ Halifax, N. S., 1869. 8vo, pp. 755. [See further in Editorial Notes
following the present chapter.—ED.]
[905] [This journal had already been printed in the _N. E. Hist. and
Geneal. Reg._, Oct., 1879, p. 383.]
[906] _Report and Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical Society._
Vols. i.-iv. Halifax: Printed at the Morning Herald Office. 1879-1885.
8vo, pp. 140, 160, 208, 258.
[907] _A History of Nova Scotia, or Acadie._ By Beamish Murdoch, Esq.,
Q. C. Halifax, N. S. 1865-1867. 3 vols. 8vo, pp. xv. and 543, xiv. and
624, xxiii. and 613.
[908] _The History of Acadia, from its first Discovery to its Surrender
to England by the Treaty of Paris._ By James Hannay. St. John, N. B.,
1879. 8vo, pp. vii. and 440.
[909] _Nova Scotia, in its Historical, Mercantile, and Industrial
Relations._ By Duncan Campbell. Halifax, N. S. Montreal, 1873. 8vo, pp.
548.
[910] _A History of the County of Pictou, Nova Scotia._ By the Rev.
George Patterson, D. D. Montreal, 1877. 8vo, pp. 471.
[911] See _post_ for fac-simile of title-page.
[912] We encounter Gyles frequently as commander of posts in the
eastern country. He lived latterly at Roxbury, Mass., and published at
Boston, in 1736, _Memoirs of the odd adventures, strange deliverances,
etc., in the captivity of John Gyles, Esq., Commander of the garrison
on St. George’s River_. This book is of great rarity. There is a copy
in Harvard College library [5315.14] and a defective one in the Mass.
Hist. Soc. library (_Catalogue_, p. 553). One is noted in S. G. Drake’s
_Sale Catalogue_, 1845, which seems also to have been imperfect. Drake
in reprinting the book in his _Tragedies of the Wilderness_, Boston,
1846 (p. 73), altered the text throughout. It was perhaps Drake’s copy
which is noted in the _Brinley Catalogue_, i. no. 476, selling for $37.
It was again reprinted in Cincinnati, by William Dodge, in 1869, but
he followed Drake’s disordered text. (Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. no. 547;
_Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 336; Church, _Entertaining Passages_, Dexter’s
ed., ii. 163, 203; Johnston, _Bristol, Bremen, and Pemaquid_, 183; J.
A. Vinton’s _Gyles Family_, 122; _N. E. Hist. Geneal. Reg._, Jan.,
1867, p. 49; Oct., 1867, p. 361.)
[913] Shea’s _Charlevoix_, iv. 171.
[914] See Vol. IV. p. 62.
[915] There were two governors of Canada of this name, who must not be
confounded. This was the earlier.
[916] L’Abbé J. A. Maurault, _Histoire des Abénakis_, 1866; chapters
9-15 cover “Les Abénakis en Canada et en Acadie, 1701-1755.”
[917] John Marshall’s diary under March, 1707, notes the disinclination
of the people to agree with the determination of the General Court to
make a descent on Port Royal. (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, April, 1884,
p. 159.) There are in the _Collection de Manuscrits_, etc. (Quebec,
1884), two papers on this matter: one dated Port Royal, June 26, 1707,
“Entreprise des Anglois contre l’Acadie” (vol. ii. p. 464); the other
dated July 6, “Entreprise des Bastonnais sur l’Acadie par M. Labat” (p.
477).
[918] Colonels Hutchinson and Townsend, and John Leverett. Letters from
the latter respecting the expedition are in C. E. Leverett’s _Memoir of
John Leverett_, and in Quincy’s _Hist. of Harvard Univ._ Cf. Sibley’s
_Harvard Graduates_, iii. 185, 197; Marshall’s diary in _Mass. Hist.
Soc. Proc._, April, 1884, p. 159.
[919] Hannay (_Acadia_, 269) judges Charlevoix’s stories of
hand-to-hand fighting as largely fabulous. Hutchinson (ii. 134) prints
a letter from Wainwright, who had succeeded March in command, in which
the sorry condition of the men is set forth.
[920] These tracts are: _A Memorial of the Present Deplorable State
of New England, with the many disadvantages it lyes under by the
mall-administration of their present Governor, Joseph Dudley, Esq.,
and his son Paul ... to which is added a faithful but melancholy
account of several barbarities by the French and Indians in the east
and west parts of New England, Printed in the year 1707, and sold ...
in Boston_. Two things seem clear: that Cotton Mather incited, perhaps
wrote, this tract, and that the printing was done in London. It is not
known that there is a copy in this country, and the reprint was made
from one in the British Museum.
Dudley or some friend rejoined in the second tract, not without
violent recriminations upon Mather: _A modest enquiry into the grounds
and occasions of a late pamphlet intituled a Memorial, etc. By a
disinterested hand_. London, 1707. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 99; Murphy,
i. 327.)
The third tract touches particularly the present expedition: _The
Deplorable State of New England, by reason of a covetous and
treacherous Governor and pusillanimous Counsellors, ... to which is
added an account of the shameful miscarriage of the late expedition
against Port Royal_. London, 1708. (Harv. Coll. library, 10396.80; and
Carter-Brown, iii. no. 115.) This tract was reprinted in Boston in
1720. _The North Amer. Rev._ (iii. 305) says that this pamphlet was
thought to have been written by the Rev. John Higginson, of Salem,
at the age of ninety-two; but the “A. H.” of the preface is probably
Alexander Holmes. (Sabin, v. 19,639.) Palfrey (iv. 304, etc.) thinks
that its smartness and pedantry indicate rather Cotton Mather or John
Wise (Brinley, i., no. 285) as the author.
[921] Stevens, _Bibliotheca Geog._, no. 887; Field, _Indian Bibliog._,
no. 428; Brinley, i. no. 83; Sabin, v. 20,128. The Boston Public
Library has a Rouen edition of 1708. The Carter-Brown (iii. 109, 137)
has both editions, as has Mr. Barlow (_Rough List_, nos. 784, 789,
790). The full title of the Rouen edition is: _Relation du voyage du
Port Royal de l’Acadie ou de la Nouvelle France, dans laquelle on
voit un détail des divers mouvements de la mer dans une traversée de
long cours; la description du Païs, les occupations des François qui
y sont établis, les manières des différentes nations sauvages, leurs
superstitions et leurs chasses, avec une dissertation exacte sur le
Castor. Ensuite de la relation, on y a ajouté le détail d’un combat
donné entre les François et les Acadiens contre les Anglois_.
[922] Jeremiah Dummer’s memorial, Sept. 10, 1709, setting forth that
the French possessions on the river of Canada do of right belong to the
Crown of Great Britain. (_Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxi. 231.)
[923] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 823.
[924] Cf. _Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y._, v. 72; _N. E. H. and Gen. Reg._,
1870, p. 129, etc.
[925] Palfrey, iv. 275, quotes Sunderland’s instructions to Dudley from
the British Colonial Papers. The proclamation which the British agents
issued on their arrival, with Dudley’s approval, is in the _Mass.
Archives_. Vetch had as early as 1701 been engaged in traffic up the
St. Lawrence. Cf. _Journal of the voyage of the sloop Mary from Quebec,
1701, with introduction and notes by E. B. O’Callaghan_, Albany, 1866.
Through this and other adventures he had acquired a knowledge of the
river; and in pursuance of such traffic he had gained some enmity, and
had at one time been fined £200 for trading with the French. It was in
1706 that William Rouse, Samuel Vetch, John Borland, and others were
arrested on this charge. (_Mass. Hist. Coll._, xviii. 240.)
[926] Hutchinson, ii. 161; Barry, _Mass._, ii. 98, and references;
Charlevoix (Shea’s), v. 222.
[927] Bearing an address to the queen, asking for assistance in another
attempt the next year. (_Mass. Archives_, xx. 119, 124.)
[928] Some documents relative to the equipment are given in the _N. E.
Hist. and Gen. Reg._, 1876, p. 196. Dudley (July 31, 1710) notified the
New Hampshire assembly of the provisions to be made for the expedition.
_N. H. Prov. Papers_, iii. p. 435.
[929] The Rev. George Patterson, D. D., of New Glasgow, N. S.,
contributed in 1885 to the _Eastern Chronicle_, published in that
town, a series of papers on “Samuel Vetch, first English governor of
Nova Scotia.” Cf. also J. G. Wilson on “Samuel Vetch, governor of
Acadia” in _International Review_, xi. 462; and _The Scot in British
North America_ (Toronto, 1880), i. p. 288. There is also in the _Nova
Scotia Historical Collections_, vol. iv., a memoir of Samuel Vetch by
Dr. Patterson, including papers of his administration in Nova Scotia,
1710-13, with Paul Mascarene’s narrative of events at Annapolis, Oct.,
1710 to Sept., 1711, dated at Boston, Nov. 6, 1713; as also a “journal
of a voyage designed to Quebeck from Boston, July, 1711,” in Sir
Hovenden Walker’s expedition. (See the following chapter.)
[930] Sabin, ix. p. 525; Harv. Col. lib., 6374.12. The general
authorities on the French side are Charlevoix (Shea’s), v. 224, 227,
etc., with references, including some strictures on Charlevoix’s
account, by De Gannes. An estimate of Subercase by Vaudreuil is in
_N. Y. Col. Doc._, ix. 853. Cf. Garneau’s _Canada_ (1882), ii. 42;
E. Rameau, _Une Colonie féodale en Amerique—L’Acadie_, 1604-1710
(Paris, 1877); Célestin Moreau, _L’Acadie Française_, 1598-1755, ch.
10 (Paris, 1873). The English side is in Penhallow, p. 59; Hutchinson,
ii. 165; Haliburton, i. 85; Williamson, ii. 59; Palfrey, iv. 277;
Barry, ii. 100, with references; Hannay, 272; _Mem. Hist. Boston_,
ii. 105. Nicholson’s demand for surrender (Oct. 3), Subercase’s reply
(Oct. 12), the latter’s report to the French minister, and a paper,
“Moyens de reprendre l’Acadie” (St. Malo, Jan. 10, 1711), are in
_Collection de Manuscrits_ (Quebec, 1884), ii. pp. 523, 525, 528,
532. There is in the cabinet of the Mass. Hist. Soc. (_Misc. Papers_,
41.41) a diagram showing the plan of sailing for the armed vessels
and the transports on this expedition, with a list of the signals
to be used, and instructions to the commanders of the transports.
[Illustration]
Major Livingstone, accompanied by the younger Castine, was soon sent
by way of the Penobscot to Quebec to acquaint Vaudreuil, the French
governor, on behalf of both Nicholson and Subercase, with the capture
of Port Royal, and to demand the discontinuance of the Indian ravages.
Livingstone’s journal is, or was, in the possession of the Chicago
Historical Society, when William Barry (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, Oct.,
1861, p. 230) communicated an account of it, showing how the manuscript
had probably been entrusted to Governor Gurdon Saltonstall, and had
descended in his family. (_N. Y. Col. Docs._, v. 257.) Cf. Palfrey, iv.
278; Williamson, ii. 60; a paper on the Baron de St. Castin, by Noah
Brooks, in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, May, 1883; Charlevoix (Shea’s),
v. 233. Penhallow seems to have had Livingstone’s journal; Hutchinson
(ii. 168) certainly had it. Cf. account in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 854.
Castine’s instructions are in _Collection de Manuscrits_, ii. p. 534.
[931] Field, _Indian Bibliog._, nos. 1,202-3; Brinley, i. nos.
414, 415; Palfrey, _New England_, iv. 256; Haven in Thomas, ii. p.
407; Tyler, _Amer. Literature_, ii. 141; Hunnewell’s _Bibliog. of
Charlestown_, p. 7. Mr. Henry C. Murphy (_Catalogue_, no. 1,924) refers
to the original MS. of this book as being in the Force collection,
and as showing some occasional variations from the printed copy. (Cf.
_Catalogue of the Prince Collection_, p. 49; Carter-Brown, iii. no.
384.) Penhallow had been engaged, during the April preceding the August
in which he began his history, on a mission to the Penobscots, the
reports of which are in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1880, p.
90. There is a sketch of him and his family in _Ibid._, 1878, p. 28.
There are many letters of Samuel Penhallow among the _Belknap Papers_
in the Mass. Hist. Society (61. A).
[932] Tyler, _Amer. Lit._, ii. 143.
[933] Cf. Vol. III. p. 361; also Tyler’s _Amer. Lit._, ii. 140;
Brinley, i. nos. 383-4. Quaritch priced it in 1885 at £50. The best
working edition is that edited by Dr. H. M. Dexter.
[934] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 186; Haven in Thomas, ii. p. 371; Sibley,
_Harvard Graduates_, iii. p. 117.
[935] Cf. James Sullivan’s _Hist. of the Penobscots_ in _Mass. Hist.
Coll._, ix. 207; and a memoir respecting the Abenakis of Acadia (1718)
in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 879.
[936] Hutchinson, ii. 246; Palfrey, iv. 423. For the Castin family, see
_Bangor Centennial_, 25; Shea’s _Charlevoix_, v. 274, and references
in Vol. IV. p. 147. Williamson (ii. 71, 144) seems to confound the two
sons of the first Baron de Castin, judging from the letter of Joseph
Dabadis de St. Castin, dated at Pentagouet, July 23, 1725, where he
complains of the treachery of the commander of an English vessel. (_N.
E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, Ap., 1860, p. 140, for a letter from _Mass.
Archives_, lii. p. 226.) See also _Maine Hist. Coll._, vii., and
Wheeler’s _Hist. of Castine_, 24.
[937] Penhallow, 90; Vaudreuil and Begon in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix.
933. Dr. Shea (_Charlevoix_, v. 278) thinks some rude translations of
letters of Rasle (_Mass. Hist. Coll._, xviii. 245, 266), alleged to
have been found at Norridgewock, are suspicious. Cf. Palfrey, iv. 422,
423; Farmer and Moore’s _Hist. Coll._, ii. 108. A distinct asseveration
of the incitement of the French authorities and their priests is in
the _Observations on the late and present conduct of the French_,
published by Dr. Clarke in Boston in 1755, quoted by Franklin in his
Canada pamphlet (1760), in _Works_, iv. p. 7. Cf. on the French side
a “Mémoire sur l’entreprise que les Anglois de Baston font sur les
terres des Abenakis sauvages alliés des François” in _Collection de
manuscrits_ (Quebec, 1882), ii. p. 68, where are various letters which
passed between Vaudreuil and Shute.
[938] On the French side we have Charlevoix (Shea’s ed., v. 280), and
the _Lettres Edifiantes_, sub anno 1722-1724 (cf. Vol. IV. p. 316),
with the _Nouvelles des Missions; Missions de l’Amérique_, 1702-43,
Paris, 1827, both giving Father de la Chasse’s letter, dated Quebec,
Oct. 29, 1724, which is also given in English by Kip, p. 69. Cf.
_Les Jésuites Martyrs du Canada_, Montreal, 1877, p. 243. There is a
letter of Vaudreuil in _N. Y. Col. Doc._, ix. 936. These and on the
English side the letters of Rasle, edited by Thaddeus Mason Harris, in
the _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. xviii., are the chief authorities; but
Harmon’s journal and a statement by Moulton were used by Hutchinson
(ii. 281). Upon this material the _Life of Rasle_, by Convers Francis
in Sparks’s _Amer. Biog._, vol. 17, and that in _Die Katholisches
Kirche in dem Vereinigten Staten_ (Regensburg, 1864) are based.
The estimates of Rasle’s character are as diverse as the Romish and
Protestant faiths can make them. The times permitted and engendered
inhumanity and perfidy. There is no sentimentality to be lost over
Rasle or his adversaries. Cf. Shea’s _Charlevoix_, v. 280; Palfrey’s
_New England_, iv. 438; Hannay, _Acadia_, 320. Hutchinson (ii. 238)
says the English classed him “among the most infamous villains,” while
the French ranked him with “saints and heroes.”
Cf. further Dr. Shea, in Vol. IV. p. 273, with note; Williamson’s
_Maine_, ii. 130; Bancroft, _United States_, final revision, ii. 218,
etc.; Drake, _Book of the Indians_, iii. 127; _Atlantic Souvenir,
1829_; Murdoch’s _Nova Scotia_, i. 412; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 109;
William Allen, _Hist. of Norridgewock_ (1849); _Hist. Magazine_, vi.
63; Hanson’s _Norridgewock and Canaan_, with a view of the Rasle
monument.
[939] An uncut copy was in the Brinley sale, no. 422. Cf. Haven in
Thomas, p. 404; Hunnewell’s _Bibliog. of Charlestown_, p. 7.
[940] Brinley, i. no. 423; Harv. Coll. lib., 5325.27; Haven’s Bibliog.
in Thomas, p. 404. Field (_Indian Bibliog._, no. 1,527) says the copy
sold in the Menzies sale (no. 1,940) is the only perfect copy sold at
public auction in many years, and this one had passed under the hammer
four times, bringing once $175, and again $132.50 when it was last sold.
[941] Field, no. 1,527. This edition has a map of the scene of action
which is repeated in Kidder and reproduced herewith. _N. E. Hist. &
Geneal. Reg._, Oct., 1861, p. 354. Only extracts of the sermon are
given.
[942] A small number of copies was printed separately.
[943] There were copies on large and small paper, and a few on drawing
paper. Brinley, nos. 406, 407; _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, Jan.,
1866, p. 93; also see _Ibid._, 1880, p. 382.
[944] Other accounts are in Penhallow, 107, and the edition of Dodge,
app.; Niles in _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxxv. 255, etc.; _N. Hampshire
Prov. Papers_, iv. 168; _Worcester Mag._, i. 20; _New Hampshire Book_
(1844); Williamson’s _Maine_, ii. 135; Davies’ _Centennial Address_
(1825); _Drake’s Book of the Indians_, book iii. ch. 9; Belknap, _New
Hampshire_, 209; Palfrey, iv. 440; _Maine Hist. Coll._, iv. 275,
290; Mason’s _Dunstable_; Fox’s _Dunstable_, p. 111; C. E. Potter,
_Manchester, N. H._, p. 145; S. A. Green, _Groton in the Indian Wars;
Bay State Monthly_, Feb., 1884, p. 80. Dr. Belknap describes a visit to
Lovewell’s Pond in 1784 in _Belknap Papers_, i. 397-98; ii. 159. A list
of the men making up Lovewell’s company is in the _N. H. Adj. Genl.
Rept._, 1866, p. 46.
Various popular ballads commemorating the fight were printed in Farmer
and Moore’s _Hist. Coll._, ii. 64, 94, and they are repeated in whole
or in part in the Cincinnati (1859) edition of Penhallow, and in
Kidder, Palfrey, etc.
Longfellow wrote a poem in the measure of Burns’ _Bruce_, for the
centennial celebration of the fight, May 19, 1825, and this was his
first printed poem. It has been reprinted in connection with Daniel
Webster’s youthful Fourth of July oration, delivered at Fryeburg, July
4, 1802, in the _Fryeburg Webster Memorial_.
[945] A tract of seven pages,—in Harvard College library. A paper of
this title, as printed in the _Mass. Hist. Coll._, v. 202, is dated
“From my lodgings in Cecil Street, 9 April, 1744.” An early MS. copy is
in a volume of Louisbourg Papers in the Mass. Hist. Soc. library.
[946] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 823; Brinley, i. no. 70.
[947] See on the contribution of New York to the expedition, _N. Y.
Col. Docs._, vi. 284.
[948] Cf. William Goold on “Col. William Vaughan of Matinicus and
Damariscotta,” in the _Collections_ (viii. p. 291) of the Maine
Historical Society. S. G. Drake’s _Five Years’ French and Indian War_
(Albany, 1870). Palfrey (_Compendious History of New England_, iv.
257) gives Vaughan the credit. Cf. Johnston’s _Bristol, Bremen, and
Pemaquid_, p. 290.
[949] Cf. Chauncy’s _Sermon_ on the victory, p. 9; _Mass. Hist. Coll._,
vii. 69. The Rev. Amos Adams, or Roxbury, in his _Concise History of
New England_, etc. (Boston, reprinted in London, 1770), written at
a time when “many of us remember the readiness with which thousands
engaged themselves in that hazardous enterprise,” credits Shirley with
the planning of it.
[950] A memorandum of Dr. Belknap, printed in the _Proceedings_ of the
Mass. Hist. Soc. (x. p. 313) shows as being in the cabinet of that
society in 1792 the following sets of papers: Correspondence between
Shirley and Wentworth, 1742-1753; between Shirley and Pepperrell,
1745-1746; between Pepperrell and Warren, 1745; between these last and
the British ministry, 1745-1747; and between Pepperrell and persons of
distinction throughout America, 1745-1747. These papers as now arranged
cover the preparations for the siege, as well as its progress, and the
events immediately succeeding. Pepperrell’s letters are mostly drafts,
in his own hand. The instructions from Shirley are dated Mar. 19 (p.
13). We find here “A register of all the Commissions” (p. 26); the
notification of the capitulation, June 20 (p. 63). There are letters
of Benning Wentworth, Com. Warren, Gen. Waldo, John Gorham, John
Bradstreet, Arthur Noble, William Vaughan, John Rous, Robert Auchmuty,
Ammi R. Cutter, N. Sparhawk, etc. There are also various letters of
Benj. Colman, who from his relations to Pepperrell took great interest
in the movement. (Cf. the Colman papers, 1697-1747, presented to the
same society in 1793.) The editor of _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vol. v.,
prints various papers as from the “Belknap Papers” in the N. H. Hist.
Society library. Cf. _Belknap Papers_ (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._), i.
120.
[951] It contains manuscript books, bound together, which were in part
the gift of the Hon. Daniel Sargent, and in part came from the heirs
of Dr. Belknap. These books contain copies of the leading official
papers of the expedition and capitulation, the records of the councils
of war from Apr. 5, 1745, at Canso, to May 16, 1746, at Louisbourg,
the letters of Pepperrell, Shirley, Warren, and others between Mar.
27, 1745, and May 30, 1746; records of consultation on board the
“Superbe,” Warren’s flag-ship; with various other letters of Warren;
several narratives and journals of the siege and later transactions
at Louisbourg, some of them bearing interlineations and erasures as
if original drafts; and papers respecting pilots and deserters. The
writer of the diaries and narrative is given in one case only, that of
an artillerist who records events between May 17 and June 16, 1745, and
signs the name of Sergeant Joseph Sherburn. There are also some notes
made at the battery near the Light-house beginning June 11.
[952] Boston and London, 1855-56, three editions. Sabin, xiv. no.
58,921.
[953] Other special accounts of Pepperrell are by Ward in the appendix
of _Curwen’s Journal_ and in _Hunt’s Merchants’ Mag._, July, 1858;
_Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Nov., 1878; Potter’s _Amer. Monthly_, Sept.,
1881.
[954] Seth Pomeroy’s letter to his wife from Louisbourg, May 8, 1745,
was first printed by Edward Everett in connection with his oration on
“The Seven Years’ War a School of the Revolution.” Cf. his _Orations_,
i. p. 402.
[955] Harv. Coll. library, 4375.46; Boston Pub. Library, 4417.27;
Carter-Brown, iii. no. 824.
[956] Harv. Coll. lib., 4375.41, 5316.38; Haven in Thomas, ii. p. 489;
Carter-Brown, iii. no. 585; Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, i. nos. 815, 816.
It again appeared as _An accurate and authentic account of the taking
of Cape Breton in the year 1745_, London, 1758 (cf. Carter-Brown, iii.
no. 1,175; Stevens, _Bibl. Amer._, 1885, £3 13s. 6d.), and in the
_American Magazine_, 1746.
[957] Carter-Brown, iii. 801, 805. Gibson accompanied the prisoners as
cartel-agent when they sailed for France, July 4, 1745.
[958] Of the vessels shown in this view the “Massachusetts” frigate
(no. 20) was under the command of Edward Tyng, the senior of the
provincial naval officers, who, acting under Shirley’s commission,
had found a merchantman on the stocks, which under Tyng’s direction
was converted into this cruiser of 24 guns. (_Mass. Hist. Coll._,
x. 181; Williamson’s _Maine_, ii. 223; Preble’s “Notes on Early
Ship-Building,” in _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, Oct., 1871, p. 363;
Alden’s _Epitaphs_, ii. 328; Drake’s _Five Years’ War_, 246.) Tyng had
been a successful officer. The previous year he had captured a French
privateer which, sailing from Louisbourg, had infested the bay, and on
May 24, 1744, the town of Boston had thanked him.
[Illustration]
The next ranking provincial naval officer was Capt. John Rous, or
Rouse, who commanded the “Shirley Galley,” a snow, or two-masted
vessel, of 24 guns. Rouse had the previous year, in a Boston privateer,
spread some consternation among the French fishing-fleet on the Grand
Banks. It was this provincial craft and the royal ship the “Mermaid,”
of 40 guns, Capt. James Douglas, which captured the French man-of-war
the “Vigilant,” 64 guns (no. 15), as she was approaching the coast.
(Drake’s _Five Years’ War_, App. C.) Douglas was transferred to
the captured ship, and a requisition was made upon the colonies to
furnish a crew to man her. (Corresp., etc., in _R. I. Col. Rec._,
v.) Capt. William Montague was put in command of the “Mermaid,” and
after the surrender she sailed, June 22, for England with despatches,
arriving July 20. Duplicate despatches were sent by Rouse in the
“Shirley Galley,” which sailed July 4. The British government took the
“Shirley Galley” into their service and commissioned Rouse as a royal
post-captain. This vessel disappears from sight after 1749, when Rouse
is found in command of a vessel in the fleet which brought Cornwallis
to Chebucto (Halifax). At the time of Rouse’s death at Portsmouth, Apr.
3, 1760, he was in command of the “Sutherland,” 50 guns. (Charnock,
_Biographia Navalis_; Isaac J. Greenwood’s “First American built
vessels in the British navy,” in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._,
Oct., 1866, p. 323. There are notes on Rouse, with references, in
_Hist. Mag._, i. 156, and _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 59; cf. also Drake’s
_Five Years’ French and Indian War_, p. 240, and _Nova Scotia Docs._,
ed. by Akins, p. 225.) Preble (_N. E. H. and Gen. Reg._, 1868, p.
396) collates contemporary authorities for a precise description of a
“galley.” Such a ship was usually a “snow,” as the largest two-masted
vessels were often called, and would seem to have carried all her guns
on a continuous deck, without the higher tiers at the ends, which was
customary with frigates built low only at the waist.
The “Cæsar,” of 20 guns, was commanded by Capt. Snelling, the third
ranking provincial officer.
[959] Gov. Wolcott, of Connecticut, wrote to Gov. Hamilton, of
Pennsylvania, that the secret of the success of the Louisbourg
expedition lay in the fact that the besiegers were freeholders and the
besieged mercenaries. (_Pa. Archives_, ii. p. 127.)
[960] Petitions of one Capt. John Lane, who calls himself the first man
wounded in the siege, are in the Mass. Archives, and are printed in the
_Hist. Mag._, xxi. 118.
[961] Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 796, 805. Cf. Samuel Niles, _A brief and
plain essay on God’s wonder-working Providence for New England in the
reduction of Louisbourg_. N. London (T. Green), 1747. This is in verse.
(Sabin, xiii. 55,330.)
[962] Burrows (_Life of Lord Hawke_, p. 341) says of this tract: “Few
papers convey a more accurate description of contemporary opinion on
the colonial questions disputed between Great Britain and France in the
last century.”
[963] “A train of favorable, unforeseen, and even astonishing events
facilitated the conquest,” says Amos Adams in his _Concise Hist. of
New England_, etc. Palfrey in his review of Mahon speaks of it as “one
of the wildest undertakings ever projected by sane people.” Whatever
the fortuitous character of the conquest, there was an attempt made in
England to give the chief credit of it to Warren, who never landed a
marine during its progress.
[Illustration]
This assumption was violently maintained in the debates in Parliament
at the outbreak of the Revolutionary War. The question is examined
by Stone in his _Life of Johnson_, i. 152, who also, p. 58, gives an
account of Warren and his residence in New York. English statesmen
were not so instructed later, but that Lord John Russell, in his
introduction to the _Bedford Correspondence_, i. p. xliv., could say:
“Commodore Warren, having been despatched by the Duke of Bedford for
that purpose, took Louisbourg.”
[964] The French record of some of the principal official documents
is in the _Collection de Manuscrits_ (Quebec), vol. iii., such as
the summons of May 7, the declination of May 18 (pp. 220, 221), the
papers of the final surrender and exchange of prisoners (pp. 221-236,
265, 314, 377), and Du Chambon’s account of the siege, written from
Rochefort, Sept. 2, 1745 (p. 237).
[965] Inquiry has not disclosed that any portrait of Gridley exists.
[966] Both of these works contain another map, _Plan of the City and
Harbour of Louisbourg, showing the landing place of the British in 1745
and 1758, and their encampment in 1758_.
[967] The _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ (iii. no. 1,469) gives the date of
publication 1765, and assigns its publication to “Mary Ann Rocque,
topographer to his Royal Highness, the Duke of Gloucester.”
[968] _Amer. Magazine_ (Boston), Dec., 1745. Some of Shirley’s admirers
caused his portrait to be painted, and some years later they gave it to
the town of Boston, and it was hung in Faneuil Hall. _Town Records_,
1742-57, p. 26.
[969] Mascarene in a letter to Shirley, April 6, 1748, undertakes
to show the difficulties of composing the jealousies of the English
towards the Acadians. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vi. 120.
[970] In Harv. Coll. library “Collection of Nova Scotia maps.”
[971] Cf. Lawrence to Monckton, 28 March, 1755, in _Aspinwall Papers_
(_Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxxix. 214).
[972] The annexed plan is from the _Mémoires sur le Canada_, 1749-1760,
as published by the Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec (re-impression),
1873, p. 45. The same _Mémoires_ has a plan (p. 40) of Fort Lawrence.
Various plans and views of Chignectou are noted in the _Catalogue of
the King’s Maps_ (British Museum), i. 239. A “Large and particular
plan of Shegnekto Bay and the circumjacent country, with forts and
settlements of the French till dispossessed by the English, June, 1755,
drawn on the spot by an officer,” was published Aug. 16, 1755, by
Jefferys, and is given in his _General Topography of North America and
West Indies_, London, 1766. Cf. J. G. Bourinot’s “Some old forts by the
sea,” in _Trans. Royal Soc. of Canada_, i. sect. 2, p. 71.
[973] A contemporary account of these Indians, by a French missionary
among them, was printed in London in 1758, as _An account of the
customs and manners of the Micmakis and Maricheets savage nations now
dependent on the government of Cape Breton_. (Field, _Ind. Bibliog._,
no. 1,062; Quaritch, 1885, no. 29,984, £4 4_s._)
[974] _The Life and Sufferings of Henry Grace_, Reading, 1764 [Harv.
Coll. lib. 5315.5], gives the experience of one of Lawrence’s men,
captured by the Indians at this time.
[975] The French ministry were advising Vaudreuil, “Nothing better can
be done than to foment this war of the Indians on the English, which at
least delays their settlements.” (_N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 949.)
[976] Cf. references in Barry’s _Mass._, ii. 199. The journal of
Winslow during the siege in the summer and autumn of 1755 is printed
from the original MS. in the Mass. Hist. Soc. library, in the _Nova
Scotia Hist. Soc. Coll._, vol. iv. Tracts of the time indicate the
disparagement which the provincial men received during these events
from the regular officers. Cf. _Account of the present state of Nova
Scotia in two letters to a noble lord,—one from a gentleman in the
navy lately arrived from thence; the other from a gentleman who long
resided there_, London, 1756. Cf. also _French policy defeated, being
an account of all the hostile proceedings of the French against the
British colonies in North America for the last seven years, ... with
an account of the naval engagement of Newfoundland and the taking of
the forts in the Bay of Fundy_, London, 1755. (Carter-Brown, iii. no.
1,060.)
[977] On the 10th of Aug., 1754, Lawrence had sent a message to the
Acadians, who had gone over to the French, that he should still hold
them to their oaths, and this, as well as a letter of Le Loutre to
Lawrence, Aug. 26, 1754, will be found in the Parkman MSS. in the Mass.
Hist. Society, _New France_, i. pp. 271, 281.
[978] Minot, without knowledge of these documents, says: “They [the
Acadians] maintained, with some exceptions, the character of neutrals.”
[979] Cf. Bury’s _Exodus of the Western Nations_, vol. ii. ch. 7.
[980] “They call themselves neutrals, but are rebels and traitors,
assisting the French and Indians at all opportunities to murder and cut
our throats.” Ames’s _Almanac_, 1756,—a household authority.
[981] This condition was thoroughly understood by the French
authorities. Cf. Vaudreuil’s despatch when he heard of the deportation,
Oct. 18, 1755. _Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y._, x. 358. On Nov. 2, 1756,
Lotbinière, addressing the French ministry on a contemplated movement
against Nova Scotia, says: “The English have deprived us of a great
advantage by removing the French families.”
[982] Winslow’s instructions, dated Halifax, Aug. 11, 1755, are printed
in Akins’s _Selections_, etc., 271. It has sometimes been alleged
that a greed to have the Acadian lands to assign to English settlers
was a chief motive in this decision. Letters between Lawrence and the
Board of Trade (Oct. 18, 1755, etc.) indicate that the hope of such
succession to lands was entertained after the event; but it was several
years before the hope had fruition.
[983] Guillaume Thomas Raynal’s _Histoire philosophique et politique
des Etablissemens et du Commerce des Européens dans les deux Indes_,
Paris, 1770; Geneva, 1780 (in 5 vols. 4to, and 10 vols. 8vo.); revised,
Paris, 1820. (Rich, after 1700, p. 290; H. H. Bancroft, _Mexico_, iii.
648.)
[984] M. Pascal Poirier in the _Revue Canadienne_ (xi. pp. 850, 927;
xii. pp. 71, 216, 310, 462, 524) discusses the question of mixed blood,
and gives reasons for the mutual attachments of the Acadians and
Abenakis, confronting the views of Rameau. He follows the Acadian story
down, and traces the migrations of families.
[985] A writer in the _Amer. Cath. Q. Rev._ (1884), ix. 592, defends
the “Acadian confessors of the faith,” and charges Hannay with
“monstrous and barefaced perversions of history.” Cf. among the
Parkman MSS. (Mass. Hist. Society, _New France_, i. p. 165) a paper
called “Etat présent des missions de l’Acadie. Efforts impuissants des
gouverneurs anglois pour détruir la religion catholique dans l’Acadie.”
[986] _Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y._, x. p. 5.
[987] _United States_, final revision, ii. 426.
[988] These are set forth in Hannay’s _Acadia_, ch. xx.; _Doc. Col.
Hist. N. Y._, x. p. 11, etc.; Parkman’s _Montcalm and Wolfe_, i. 114,
266, etc.; Akins’s _Selections from the Pub. Docs. of Nova Scotia_
(with authorities there cited); _Mémoires sur le Canada_, 1749-1760
(Quebec, 1838). Le Loutre was a creature of whom it is difficult to
say how much of his conduct was due to fanaticism, and how much to a
heartless villainy. The French were quite as much inclined as any one
to consider him a villain. The Acadians themselves had often found that
he could use his Micmacs against them like bloodhounds.
[989] Minot, i. 220.
[990] Rameau (_La France aux Colonies_, p. 97) allows Raynal’s
description to be a forced fantasy to point a moral; but he contends
for a basis of fact in it. Cf. Antoine Marie Cerisier’s _Remarques sur
les erreurs de l’histoire philosphique et politique de Mr. Guillaume
Thomas Raynal, par rapport aux affaires de l’Amérique septentrionale_,
Amsterdam, 1783.
[991] _The General History of the Late War_, London, 1763, etc.
[992] _A Brief State of the Services and Expenses of the Massachusetts
Bay_, London, 1765, p. 17.
[993] _Hist. of Mass. Bay_, iii. 39.
[994] _Massachusetts_, ch. i. x.
[995] Vol. IV. p. 156. Cf. Morgan, _Bibliotheca Canadensis_, p. 168.
[996] Cf. _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 123. This journal is in three
volumes, the first opening with a letter of proposals by Winslow,
addressed to Shirley, followed by a copy of Winslow’s commission
as lieutenant-colonel, Feb. 10, 1755. Transcripts then follow of
instructions, letters, accounts, orders, rosters, log-books, reports,
down to Jan., 1756. This volume is mostly, if not wholly, in Winslow’s
own hand. It has been printed in vol. iii. of the _Nova Scotia Hist.
Soc. Collections_, beginning with a letter from Grand Pré, Aug. 22,
1755. The second volume (Feb.-Aug., 1756) has a certificate that it
is, “to the best of my skill and judgment, a true record of original
papers committed to my care for that purpose.” This is signed “Henry
Leddel, Secretary to General Winslow.” The third volume (Aug.-Dec.,
1756) is similarly certified. There is in the Mass. Hist. Soc. another
collection of Winslow’s papers (cf. _Proc._, iii. 92) covering
1737-1766, being mostly of a routine military character.
[997] Compare the enumeration of MSS. on Acadia, as indexed in the
_Catalogue of the Library of Parliament_, Toronto, 1858, p. 1451.
There are preserved in the office of the registrar of the Province of
Quebec ten volumes of MS. copies of documents relating to the history
of Canada, covering many pertaining to Acadia. A list of their contents
was printed in 1883, entitled _Réponse à un ordre de la chambre,
demandant copie de la liste des documents se rapportant à l’histoire
du Canada, copiés et conservés au département du régistraire de la
Province de Québec_. _J. Blanchet, Secrétaire._ Cf. “Evangeline and the
Archives of Nova Scotia,” in _Trans. Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec_,
1869-70.
[998] Orig. ed. (1852), iv. 206. In writing his first draft of the
transaction in 1852, Bancroft, referring seemingly to Haliburton’s
statement, says: “It has been supposed that these records of the
council are no longer in existence; but I have authentic copies of
them.” (Orig. ed., iv. 200).
[999] Ed. 1882, vol. ii. 225.
[1000] “The publications of C. R. Williams, with notes concerning
them,” in _R. I. Hist. Tracts._ no. xi. For other accounts concerning
the condition of the “Evangeline Country,” see E. B. Chase’s _Over the
Border, Acadia, the home of Evangeline_ (Boston, 1884), with various
views; J. De Mille in _Putnam’s Magazine_, ii. 140; G. Mackenzie in
_Canadian Monthly_, xvi. 337; C. D. Warner’s _Baddeck_ (Boston, 1882);
and the view of Grandpré in _Picturesque Canada_, ii. 789.
[1001] There is a sample of this purely sympathetic comment in
Whittier’s _Prose Works_, ii. 64.
[1002] New series, vol. vii. (1870).
[1003] Palfrey (_Compend. Hist. New England_, iv. 209) says: “There
appears to be no doubt that they were a virtuous, simple-minded,
industrious, unambitious, religious people. They were rich enough for
all their wants. They lived in equality, contentment, and brotherhood;
the priest or some trusted neighbor settled whatever differences arose
among them.”
[1004] Halifax, 1865-67, vol. ii. ch. 20. Cf. Vol. IV. p. 156.
[1005] Page 369.
[1006] Ch. iv. and viii.
[1007] _Montcalm and Wolfe_, i. 90.
[1008] He does intimate, in some later published letters, that a taking
of hostages might perhaps have sufficed. The controversy of which these
letters are a part began with the anticipatory publication by Mr.
Parkman of his chapter on the Acadians in _Harper’s Monthly_, Nov.,
1884. This drew out from Mr. Philip H. Smith a paper in the _Nation_,
Oct. 30, 1884, in which incautiously, and depending on Haliburton, he
charged the English with rifling their archives to rid them of the
proofs of the atrocity of the deportation. Parkman exposed his error,
in the same journal, Nov. 6, 1884, and also in the _N. Y. Evening
Post_, Jan. 20, 1885, and _Boston Evening Transcript_, Jan. 22. Smith
transferred his challenge to the _Boston Evening Transcript_ of Feb.
11, 1885, making a good point in quoting the Philadelphia Memorial
of the Acadians, which affirmed that papers which could show their
innocence had been taken from them; but he unwisely claimed for the
exiles the literary skill of that memorial, which seems to have been
prepared by some of their Huguenot friends in Philadelphia. A few more
letters appeared in the same journal from Parkman, Akins, and Smith,
but added nothing but iteration to the question. (Cf. _Transcript_,
Feb. 25, by Parkman; March 19 by Akins; March 23, April 3, by Smith.)
[1009] Akins’ _Select. from Pub. Doc._, 277; Smith’s _Acadia_, 219.
[1010] _A letter from a gentleman in Nova Scotia to a person of
distinction in the continent, describing the present state of
government in that colony_, 1736, p. 7.
[1011] _Boston Transcript_, Feb. 11, 1885. In his _Acadia_, p. 256, he
says 15,000 were “forcibly extirpated” [sic], but he probably includes
later deportations, mainly from the northern side of the Bay of Fundy.
[1012] _Une Colonie féodale en Amérique_ (Paris, 1877). To this 6,000
Rameau adds 4,000 as the number previously removed to the islands
of the gulf, 4,000 as having crossed the neck to come under French
protection, and 2,000 as having escaped the English,—thus making a
total of 16,000, which he believes to have been the original population
of the peninsula. Cf. on Rameau, Daniel’s _Nos Gloires_, ii. 345
[1013] See Lawrence’s letter to Monckton in the “Aspinwall Papers,”
_Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, xxxix. 214
[1014] Lawrence’s letter to Hancock, Sept. 10, 1755, in _N. E. Hist.
and Gen. Reg._, 1876, p. 17.
[1015] There are large extracts from these Archives in the _Winslow
Papers_ (Mass. Hist. Soc.). _North Amer. Rev._, 1848, p. 231. There is
usually scant, if any, mention of them in the published town histories
of Massachusetts. In Bailey’s _Andover_ (p. 297) there is some account
of those sent to that town, and a copy of a petition (_Mass. Archives_,
xxiii. 49) from those in Andover and adjacent towns to the General
Court, urging that their children should not be bound out to service.
Cf. also Aaron Hobart’s _Abington_, App. F., and “Lancaster in Acadie
and Acadiens in Lancaster,” by H. S. Nourse, in _Bay State Monthly_,
i. 239; _Granite Monthly_, vii. 239. More came to Boston in the first
shipment than were expected, and New Hampshire was asked to receive the
excess. _N. H. Prov. Records_, vi. 445, 446.
[1016] _N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, 1862, p. 142.
[1017] Jasper Mauduit’s letter to the House of Representatives,
relating to a reimbursement of the expense of supporting the French
neutrals, 1763. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vi. 189. Among the Bernard
Papers (_Sparks MSS._), ii. 279, is a letter from Bernard to Capt.
Brookes, dated Castle William, Sept. 26, 1762, forbidding the landing
of Acadians from his “transports.” There is also in _Ibid._, ii. 83,
a letter of Gov. Bernard, July 20, 1763, in which he speaks of a
proposition which had been made to the French neutrals then in the
province, to go to France on invitation of the French government. “Many
of these people,” he adds, “are industrious, and would, I believe,
prefer this country and become subjects of Great Britain in earnest, if
they were assured of liberty of conscience.” The governor accordingly
asks instructions from the Lords of Trade. The number of such people
intending to go was, as he says, 1,019 in all, which he considers very
near if not quite the whole number in the province. Bernard expressed
a hope that he could induce them to settle rather at Miramichi, as he
had formed a high opinion of their industry and frugality (p. 86). When
some of them wished to migrate to Saint Pierre, the small island near
the St. Lawrence Gulf, then lately confirmed to France, the governor
and council tried to persuade them to remain.
[1018] See further in _Penna. Archives_, ii. 513, 581; _Penna. Col.
Recs._, vii. 45, 55, 239-241, 408-410.
[1019] Cf. also his _Contributions to Amer. History_ (1858), and
_Philad. American and Gazette_, Mar. 29, 1856.
[1020] _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, iii. 147. Cf. also Scharf’s _Maryland_,
i. 475-79; Johnston’s _Cecil County_ (1881), p. 263.
[1021] _Dinwiddie Papers_, ii. 268, 280, 293, 306, 347, 360, 363, 379,
380, 396, 408, 444, 538.
[1022] _Hist. Georgia_, i. 505.
[1023] _Dinwiddie Papers_, ii. 410, 412, 417, 463, 479, 544.
[1024] Akins’ _Selections_, etc., 303; R. I. _Col. Rec._, v. 529.
[1025] In July, 1756, Governor Spencer Phips gave orders to detain
seven boats, containing ninety persons.
[1026] _Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y._, vii. 125.
[1027] R. L. Daniels in _Scribner’s Monthly_, xix. 383.
[1028] From January to May, 1765, 650 arrived from the English
colonies. Gayarré, _Louisiana, its history as a French colony_ (N. Y.,
1852), pp. 122, 132.
[1029] Parkman, i. 282-3. There are various papers of uncertain value
in the Parkman MSS. in the Mass. Hist. Society, _New France_, vol.
i., respecting the fate and numbers of the exiles. One paper dated at
London in 1763 says there were 866 in England, 2,000 in France, and
10,000 in the English colonies. Another French document of the same
year places the number in France at from three thousand to thirty-five
hundred. There are among these papers plans for establishing some at
Guiana, with letters from others at Miquelon and at Cherbourg.
[1030] Cf. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xiii. 77.
[1031] See chapter viii.
[1032] Sabin, ix. 36,727; Boston Public Library, 4426.17; Harvard Coll.
lib., 4375.39; Haven, _Ante Rev. Bibliog._, p. 540. Parkman (_Montcalm
and Wolfe_, ii. 81) refers to five letters from Amherst to Pitt,
written during the siege, which he got from the English Public Record
Office, copies of which are in the Parkman MSS. in the Mass. Hist. Soc.
Library. Cf. _Proc._, 2d ser., i. p. 360.
[1033] There is an abstract in English of the journal of a French
officer during the siege, in _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1881, p. 179.
[1034] He sometimes called himself Thomas Signis Tyrrell, after his
mother’s family. Cf. Akins’ _Select. from Pub. Doc. of N. Scotia_, p.
229, where some of Pichon’s papers, preserved at Halifax, are printed.
[1035] Sabin, xv. 62,610-11; Brinley, i. no. 71; Carter-Brown, iii.
nos. 1,274-75. There are in the _Collection de Manuscrits_ (Quebec,
1883, etc.) Drucour’s account of the defences of Louisbourg (iv. 145);
Lahoulière’s account of the siege, dated Aug. 6, 1758 (iv. 176), and
other narratives (iii. 465-486).
[1036] Also, _Ibid._, p. 188, is a journal of a subsequent scout of
Montresor’s through the island.
[1037] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,184.
[1038] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,389.
[1039] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,680.
[1040] Particularly letters of Nathaniel Cotton, a chaplain on one of
the ships.
[1041] Cf. references in Barry’s _Massachusetts_, ii. p. 230. There are
some letters in the _Penna. Archives_, ii., 442, etc.
[1042] Vol. III. p. 8.
[1043] Vol. II. p. 108.
[1044] Vol. III. p. 9.
[1045] Vol. II. p. 122.
[1046] Vol. IV. p. 92.
[1047] Vol. III. p. 213.
[1048] Vol. IV. pp. 107, 152. This is the earliest map given in the
blue book, _North American boundary_, Part i. London, 1840.
[1049] Vol. IV. p. 380.
[1050] Vol. IV. p. 382.
[1051] Vol. IV. p. 383.
[1052] Vol. III. p. 306.
[1053] Vol. IV. p. 383.
[1054] Vol. IV. p. 384.
[1055] Vol. IV. p. 384.
[1056] Vol. IV. p. 386.
[1057] Vol. IV. p. 388.
[1058] Vol. IV. p. 390.
[1059] Vol. IV. p. 391.
[1060] Vol. IV. p. 148.
[1061] Vol. IV. p. 393.
[1062] The cartography of these three books deserves discrimination. In
_De Nieuwe en onbekende Weereld_ of Montanus (Amsterdam, 1670-71) the
map of America, “per Gerardum a Schagen,” represents the great lakes
beyond Ontario merged into one. The German version, _Die unbekante Neue
Welt_, of Olfert Dapper has the same map, newly engraved, and marked
“per Jacobum Meursium.” Ogilby’s English version, _America, being an
accurate description of the New World_ (London, 1670), though using
for the most part the plates of Montanus, has a wholly different map
of America, “per Johannem Ogiluium.” This volume has an extra map of
the Chesapeake, in addition to the Montanus one, beside English maps
of Jamaica and Barbadoes, not in Montanus. These maps are repeated
in the second edition, which is made up of the same sheets, to which
an appendix is added, and a new title, reading, _America, being the
latest and most accurate description of the new world_. It will be
remembered that Pope, in the _Dunciad_ (i. 141), mocked at Ogilby for
his ponderous folio,—
“Here swells the shelf with Ogilby the Great.”
[1063] Vol. III. p. 383.
[1064] Vol. IV. p. 249.
[1065] Vol. IV. p. 228.
[1066] See Vol. IV. p. 229. This map was also reproduced in the _North
American boundary_, Part i. London, 1840.
[1067] For further references, see sections v. and vi. of “The Kohl
Collection of Maps,” published in _Harvard Univ. Bulletin_, 1884-85.
Cf. also the _Mémoire pour les limites de in Nouvelle France et de
la Nouvelle Angleterre_ (1689) in _Collection de Manuscrits relatifs
à l’histoire de la Nouvelle France_, Quebec, 1883, vol. i. p. 531.
In later volumes of this _Collection_ will be found (vol. iii. p.
49) “Mémoire sur les limites de l’Acadie envoyé à Monseigneur le Duc
d’Orléans par le Père Charlevoix,” dated at Quebec, Oct. 29, 1720 (iii.
p. 522); “Mémoire sur les limites de l’Acadie,” dated 1755. here is an
historical summary of the French claim (1504-1706) in the _N. Y. Col.
Docs._, ix. 781.
[1068] Moll’s maps were used again in the 1741 edition of Oldmixon.
Moll combined his maps of this period in an atlas called _The world
displayed, or a new and correct set of maps of the several empires_,
etc., the maps themselves bearing dates usually from 1708 to 1720.
[1069] This memorial was printed by Bradford in Philadelphia about
1721. Hildeburn’s _Century of Printing_, no. 170. There was a claim
upon the Kennebec, arising from certain early grants to Plymouth
Colony, and in elucidation of such claims _A patent for Plymouth in
New England, to which is annexed extracts from the Records of the
Colony, etc._, was printed in Boston in 1751. There is a copy among the
_Belknap Papers_, in the Mass. Hist. Soc. (61, c. 105, etc.), where
will be found a printed sheet of extracts from deeds, to which is
annexed an engraved plan of the coast of Maine between Cape Elizabeth
and Pemaquid, and of the Kennebec valley up to Norridgewock, which is
called _A true copy of an ancient plan of E. Hutchinson’s, Esq^r., from
Jos. Heath, in 1719, and Phin^s. Jones’ Survey in 1751, and from John
North’s late survey in 1752_. _Attest, Thomas Johnston_. The Belknap
copy has annotations in the handwriting of Thomas Prince, and with it
is a tract called _Remarks on the plan and extracts of deeds lately
published by the proprietors of the township of Brunswick_, dated at
Boston, Jan. 26, 1753. This also has Prince’s notes upon it.
[1070] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 894. Cf. _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vi.
93.
[1071] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 915.
[1072] _Brit. Mus. MSS._, no. 23,615 (fol. 72).
[1073] Charlevoix was brought to the attention of New England in 1746,
by copious extracts in a tract printed at Boston, _An account of the
French settlements in North America ... claimed and improved by the
French king_. _By a gentleman_.
[1074] Jefferys reproduced this map in the _Gentleman’s Mag._ in 1746.
[1075] Among the more popular maps is that of Thomas Kitchin, in the
_London Mag._, 1749, p. 181.
[1076] Sabin, xii. no. 47,552.
[1077] See Vol. IV. p. 154.
[1078] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 220.
[1079] Rich, _Bibl. Amer._ (after 1700), p. 103; Leclerc, no. 691.
[1080] The articles of the treaty of Utrecht touching the American
possessions of England are cited and commented upon in William
Bollan’s _Importance and Advantage of Cape Breton_, etc. (London,
1746.) The diplomacy of the treaty of Utrecht can be followed in the
_Miscellaneous State Papers_, 1501-1726, in two volumes, usually cited
by the name of the editor, as the _Hardwicke Papers_. Cf. also _Actes,
mémoires et autres pièces authentiques concernant la paix d’Utrecht,
depuis l’année 1706 jusqu’à présent_. Utrecht, 1712-15, 6 vols. J. W.
Gerard’s _Peace of Utrecht, a historical review of the great treaty
of 1713-14, and of the principal events of the war of the Spanish
succession_ (New York, etc., 1885) has very little (p. 286) about the
American aspects of the treaty.
[1081] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 878, 894, 913, 932, 981.
[1082] To Shirley was dedicated a tract by William Clarke, of Boston,
_Observations on the late and present conduct of the French, with
regard to their encroachments upon the British colonies in North
America; together with remarks on the importance of these colonies to
Great Britain_, Boston, 1755, which was reprinted in London the same
year. Cf. Thomson’s _Bibliog. of Ohio_, nos. 234, 235; Hildeburn’s
_Century of Printing_, no. 1,407; _Catal. of works rel. to Franklin in
Boston Pub. Lib._, p. 13. The commissioners seem also to have used an
account of Nova Scotia, written in 1743, which is printed in the _Nova
Scotia Hist. Coll._, i. 105.
[1083] The correspondence of the Earl of Albemarle, the British
minister at Paris, with the Newcastle administration, to heal the
differences of the conflicting claims, is noted as among the Lansdowne
MSS. in the _Hist. MSS. Com. Report_, iii. 141.
[1084] The three quarto volumes were found on board a French prize
which was taken into New York, and from them the French claim was set
forth in _A memorial containing a summary view of facts with their
authorities in answer to the Observations sent by the English ministry
to the courts of Europe. Translated from the French._ New York, 1757.
The 2d volume of the original 4to ed. and the 3d volume of the 12mo
edition contain the following treaties which are not in the London
edition, later to be mentioned:—
1629, Apr. 24, between Louis XIII. and Charles I., at Suze.
1632, Mar. 29, between Louis XIII. and Charles I., at Saint
Germain-en-Laye.
1655, Nov. 3, between France and England, at Westminster.
1667, July 21-31, between France and England, at Breda; and one of
alliance between Charles II. and the Netherlands.
1678, Aug. 10, between Louis XIV. and the Netherlands, at Nimégue.
1686, Nov. 16. Neutrality for America, between France and England, at
London.
1687, Dec. 1-11. Provisional, between France and England, concerning
America, at Whitehall.
1697, Sept. 20, between France and England, at Ryswick. [This treaty
is also in the _Collection de Manuscrits relatifs à l’histoire de la
Nouvelle France_ (Quebec, 1884), vol. ii.]
1712, Aug. 19. Suspension of arms between France and England, at Paris.
1713, Mar. 31-11 Apr. Peace between France and England, and treaty of
navigation and commerce, at Utrecht.
1748, Oct. 18, between France, England, and the Netherlands, at
Aix-la-Chapelle.
The _Bedford Correspondence_ (3 vols., 1842) is of the first
importance in elucidating the negotiations which led to the treaty of
Aix-la-Chapelle. The _Mémoires_ of Paris and the _Memorials_ of London
also track the dispute over the St. Lucia (island) question, but in the
present review that part need not be referred to.
[1085] It is said to have been arranged by Charles Townshend. Cf. Vol.
IV. index.
[1086]
1. Memorial describing the limits, etc. (in French and English), signed
Sept. 21, 1750, by W. Shirley and W. Mildmay.
2. “Mémoires sur l’Acadie” of the French commissioners, Sept. 21 and
Nov. 16, 1750.
3. Memorial of the English commissioners (in French and English), Jan.
11, 1751.
4. Memoir of the French commissioners (en réponse), Oct. 4, 1751. The
“preuves” are cited at the foot of each page.
5. Memorial of the English commissioners (in French and English) in
reply to no. 4. The “authorities” are given at the foot of the page. It
is signed at Paris, Jan. 23, 1753, by William Mildmay and Ruvigny de
Cosne.
6. “Pièces justificatives,” supporting the memoir of the English
commissioners, Jan. 11, 1751, viz.:—
Concession of James I. to Thomas Gates, Apr., 1606 (in French and
English).
Concession of James I. to Sir Wm. Alexander, Sept., 1621 (in Latin),
being the same as that of Charles I., July 12, 1625.
Occurrences in Acadia and Canada in 1627-28, by Louis Kirk, as found in
the papers of the Board of Trade (in French and English).
Lettres patentes au Sieur d’Aulnay Charnisay, Feb., 1647.
Lettres patentes au Sieur de la Tour, 1651. [There are various papers
on the La Tour-D’Aulnay controversy in _Collection de Manuscrits_,
Quebec, 1884, ii. 351, etc.]
Extract from Memoirs of Crowne, 1654 (in French and English).
Orders of Cromwell to Capt. Leverett, Sept. 18, 1656 (in French and
English).
Acte de cession de l’Acadie au Roi de France, 17 Feb., 1667-8 (in
French and English).
Letters of Temple, 1668 (in French and English).
Lettre du Sieur Morillon du Bourg, dated “à Boston, le 9 Nov., 1668.”
Order of Charles II. to Temple to surrender Acadia, Aug. 6, 1669 (in
French and English).
Temple’s order to Capt. Walker to surrender Acadia, July 7, 1670 (in
French and English).
Act of surrender of Pentagoet by Walker, Aug. 5, 1670 (in French and
English).
Procès verbal de prise de possession du fort de Gemisick, Aug. 27, 1670.
Certificate de la redition de Port Royal, Sept. 2, 1670.
Ambassadeur de France au Roi d’Angleterre, Jan. 16, 1685.
Vins saisis à Pentagoet, 1687.
John Nelson to the lord justices of England, 1697 (in French and
English).
Gouverneur Villebon à Gouverneur Stoughton, Sept. 5, 1698.
Vernon to Lord Lexington, Ap. 29, 1700 (in French and English).
Board of Trade to Queen Anne, June 2, 1709 (in French and English).
Promesse du Sieur de Subercase, Oct. 23, 1710.
Premières Propositions de la France, Ap. 22, 1711.
Réponses de la France, Oct. 8, 1711, aux demands de la Grand Bretagne
(in French and English).
Instruction to British plenipotentiaries for making a treaty with
France, Dec. 23, 1711 (in French and English).
Mémoire de M. St. Jean, May 24, 1712 (in French and English).
Réponses du Roi au mémoire envoyé de Londres, June 5-10, 1712.
Offers of France, Demands for England, the King’s Answers, Sept. 10,
1712 (in French and English).
Treaty of Utrecht, art. xii. (in Latin and French).
Acte de cession de l’Acadie par Louis XIV., May, 1713.
7. Table des Citations, etc., dans le mémoire des Com. Français, Oct.
4, 1751, viz.—
_Ouvrages imprimés_: Traités, 1629-1749; Mémoires, etc., par les Com.
de sa Majesté Britannique; Titres et pièces communiquées aux Com. de sa
Majesté Britannique.
_Pièces manuscrites_;—
1632, May 19. Concession à Rasilly.
1635, Jan. 15. Concession à Charles de St. Étienne.
1638, Feb. 10. Lettre du Roy au Sieur d’Aunay Charnisay.
1641, Feb. 13. Ordre du Roi au Sieur d’Aunay Charnisay.
1643, Mar. 6. Arrêt.
1645, June 6. Commission du Roi an Sieur de Montmagny.
1651, Jan. 17. Provisions en faveur du Sieur Lauson.
1654, Jan. 30. Provision pour le Sieur Denis.
1654, Aug. 16. Capitulation de Port Royal.
1656, Aug. 9. Concession faite par Cromwell.
1657, Jan. 26. Lettres patentes en faveur du Vicomte d’Argenson.
1658, Mar. 12. Arrêt (against departing without leave).
1663, Jan. 19. Concession des isles de le Madelaine, etc., au Sieur
Doublet.
1663, May 1. Lettres patentes an Gov. de Mezy.
1664, Feb. 1. Concession an Sieur Doublet (discovery in St. Jean
Island).
1668, Nov. 29. Lettre du Temple an Sieur du Bourg.
1669, Mar. 8. Ordre du Roi d’Angleterre au Temple pour restituer
l’Acadie.
1676, Oct. 16. Concession de la terre de Soulanges par Frontenac et
Duchesneau.
1676, Oct. 16. Concession an Sieur Joibert de Soulanges du fort de
Gemisik par Frontenac et Duchesneau.
1676, Oct. 24. Concession de Chigneto au Sieur le Neuf de la Vallière
par Frontenac et Duchesneau.
1684. M. de Meules au Roi.
1684. Requête des habitans de la Coste du sud du fleuve St. Laurent.
1684, Sept. 20. Concessions des Sieurs de la Barre et de Meules au
Sieur d’Amour Ecuyer, de la rivière de Richibouctou, et an Sieur
Clignancourt, de terres à la rivière St. Jean.
1686. Mémoire de M. de Meules sur la Baye de Chedabouctou.
1689, Jan. 7. Concession à la rivière St. Jean au Sieur du Breuil.
1710, Oct. 3. Lettre de Nicholson à Subercase.
[1087] This document was also published at the Hague in 1756, as
_Répliques des Commissaires Anglois: ou Mémoire présenté, le 23
Janvier, 1753_, with a large folding map.
[1088] The maps of Huske and Mitchell (1755), showing the claims of the
French and English throughout the continent, are noted on a previous
page (_ante_, p. 84), and that of Huske is there sketched. In a _New
and Complete Hist. of the Brit. Empire in America_, London, 1756, etc.,
are maps of “Newfoundland and Nova Scotia,” and of “New England and
parts adjacent,” showing the French claim as extending to the line of
the Kennebec, and following the water-shed between the St. Lawrence and
the Atlantic.
[1089] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,028. A French translation appeared the
next year: _Conduite des François par rapport à la Nouvelle Ecosse,
depuis le premier établissement de cette colonie jusqu’à nos jours.
Traduit de l’Anglois avec des notes d’un François_ [George Marie
Butel-Dumont]. Londres, 1755. The next year (1756) a reply, said to be
by M. de la Grange de Chessieux, was printed at Utrecht, _La Conduite
des François justifiée_. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,129.)
[1090] _Discussion sommaire sur les anciennes limites de l’Acadie_
[par Matthieu François Pidansat de Mairobert]. Basle, 1755. (Stevens,
_Nuggets_, no. 2,972.) Cf. also _A fair representation of his Majesty’s
right to Nova Scotia or Acadie, briefly stated from the Memorials
of the English Commissaries, with an answer to the French Memorials
and to the treatise Discussion sommaire par les anciennes limites de
l’Acadie_, London, 1756. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,130).
[1091] Stevens, _Nuggets_, no. 2,973.
[1092] It includes, for the most distant points, Boston, Montreal, and
Labrador.
[1093] Various maps of Nova Scotia, drawn by order of Gov. Lawrence
(1755), are noted in the _British Museum, King’s Maps_ (ii. 105), as
well as others of date 1768. Of this last date is an engraved _Map
of Nova Scotia or Acadia, with the islands of Cape Breton and St.
John, from actual surveys by Capt. Montresor, Eng’r._ There is a map
of Nova Scotia and Newfoundland in _A New and Complete Hist. of the
Brit. Empire in America_, Lond., 1756; and one of New England and Nova
Scotia by Kitchin, in the _London Magazine_, Mar., 1758. In the Des
Barres series of British Coast Charts of 1775-1776, will be found a
chart of Nova Scotia, and others on a larger scale of the southeast and
southwest coasts of Nova Scotia.
[1094] On three sheets, each 22½ x 18½ inches, and called _Louisiane et
Terres Angloises_.
[1095] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 293.
[1096] Stevens, _Bibl. Geog._, no. 451.
[1097] See Vol. IV. p. 356.
[1098] The Indians held the Ohio to be the main stream, the Upper
Mississippi an affluent. Hale, _Book of Rites_, 14.
[1099] Cf. also _Propositions made by the Five Nations of Indians to
the Earl of Bellomont, 20 July, 1698_, New York, 1698 (22 pp.). Sabin,
xv. 66,061. Brinley’s copy brought $410.
[1100] See chapters ii. and vii.
[1101] There is a contemporary MS. record of this conference in the
Prince Collection, Boston Public Library. (_Catal._, p. 158.)
[1102] For the movement instituted by Spotswood, and his inspection of
the country beyond the Blue Ridge, see chapter iv., and the authorities
there cited.
[1103] See chapter vii.
[1104] See chapter ii.
[1105] This Indian confederacy of New York called themselves
Hodenosaunee (variously spelled); the French styled them Iroquois; the
Dutch, Maquas; the English, the Five Nations; the Delawares, the Menwe,
which last the Pennsylvanians converted into Mingoes, later applied
in turn to the Senecas in Ohio. Dr. Shea, in his notes to Lossing’s
ed. of Washington’s diaries, says: “The Mengwe, Minquas, or Mingoes
were properly the Andastes or Gandastogues, the Indians of Conestoga,
on the Susquehanna, known by the former name to the Algonquins and
their allies, the Dutch and Swedes; the Marylanders knew them as the
Susquehannas. Upon their reduction by the Five Nations, in 1672, the
Andastes were to a great extent mingled with their conquerors, and a
party removing to the Ohio, commonly called Mingoes, was thus made up
of Iroquois and Mingoes. Many treat Mingo as synonymous with Mohawk or
Iroquois, but erroneously.”
[1106] The inscription on Moll’s _Map of the north parts of America
claimed by France_ (1720) makes the Iroquois and “Charakeys” the
bulwark and security of all the English plantations. This map has
a view of the fort of “Sasquesahanock.” A map of the region of the
Cherokees, from an Indian draught, by T. Kitchen, is in the _London
Mag._, Feb., 1760.
[1107] Chapter vii.
[1108] This fort had been built in 1739, and called Fort St. Frederick.
G. W. Schuyler (_Colonial N. Y._, ii. pp. 113, 114) uses the account
of the adjutant of the French force, probably found in Canada at the
conquest. The fort stood on the west side of the Hudson, south of
Schuylerville, while Fort Clinton, built in 1746, was on the east side.
(_Ibid._, ii. pp. 126, 254.) A plan of this later fort (1757) is noted
in the _King’s Maps_ (Brit. Museum), ii. 300. See no. 17 of _Set of
Plans_, etc., London, 1763.
[1109] _American Mag._ (Boston), Nov., 1746.
[1110] Chapter ii. p. 147.
[1111] _N. E. Hist. Geneal. Reg._, 1866, p. 237.
[1112] See _ante_, p. 9.
[1113] See _ante_, p. 3.
[1114] _Canadian Antiquarian_, vii. 97.
[1115] He was accompanied by Andrew Montour, a conspicuous frontiersman
of this time. Cf. Parkman’s _Montcalm and Wolfe_, i. 54; Schweinitz’s
_Zeisberger_, 112; Thomas Cresap’s letter in Palmer’s _Calendar, Va.
State Papers_, 245; and on his family the _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, iii.
79, iv. 218.
In 1750 John Pattin, a Philadelphia trader, was taken captive among the
Indians of the Ohio Valley, and his own narrative of his captivity,
with a table of distances in that country, is preserved in the cabinet
of the Mass. Historical Society, together with a letter respecting
Pattin from William Clarke, of Boston, dated March, 1754, addressed
to Benjamin Franklin, in which Clarke refers to a recent mission of
Pattin, prompted by Gov. Harrison, of Pennsylvania, into that region,
“to gain as thorough a knowledge as may be of the late and present
transactions of the French upon the back of the English settlements.”
[1116] The English got word of this movement in May. _N. Y. Col.
Docs._, vi. 779.
[1117] See papers on the early routes between the Ohio and Lake Erie
in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, i. 683, ii. 52 (Nov., 1877, and Jan., 1878);
and also in Bancroft’s _United States_, orig. ed., iii. 346. For the
portage by the Sandusky, Sciota, and Ohio rivers, see Darlington’s ed.
of Col. James Smith’s _Remarkable Occurrences_, p. 174. The portages
from Lake Erie were later discovered than those from Lake Michigan. For
these latter earlier ones, see Vol. IV. pp. 200, 224. Cf. the map from
Colden given herewith.
[1118] The ruins of this fort are still to be seen (1855) within the
town of Erie. Sargent’s _Braddock’s Expedition_, p. 41. Cf. Egle’s
_Pennsylvania_.
[1119] Now Waterford, Erie Co., Penna.
[1120] The road over the mountains followed by Washington is identified
in Lowdermilk’s _Cumberland_, p. 51.
[1121] Sargent says the ruins of the fort which the French completed in
1755 at Venango were still (1855) to be seen at Franklin, Penna.; it
was 400 feet square, with embankments then eight feet high. Sargent’s
_Braddock’s Exped._, p. 41; Day, _Hist. Coll. Penna._, 312, 642. There
is a notice of the original engineer’s draft of the fort in _Mass.
Hist. Soc. Proc._, ix. 248-249. Cf. S. J. M. Eaton’s _Centennial
Discourse in Venango County_, 1876; and Egle’s _Pennsylvania_, pp. 694,
1122, where there is (p. 1123) a plan of the fort.
[1122] This summons is in _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vi. 141. Cf. _N. Y. Col.
Docs._, vi. 840.
[1123] The terms of the capitulation, as rendered by Villiers, had
a reference to the “assassinat” of Jumonville, which a Dutchman,
Van Braam, who acted as interpreter, concealed from Washington
by translating the words “death of Jumonville.” This unintended
acknowledgment of crime was subsequently used by the French in
aspersing the character of Washington. See Critical Essay, _post_.
[1124] In December, 1754, Croghan reported to Gov. Morris that the Ohio
Indians were all ready to aid the English if they would only make a
movement. _Penna. Archives_, ii. 209.
[1125] See chapter ii.
[1126] See _post_.
[1127] Cf. Le Château de Vaudreuil, by A. C. de Lery Macdonald in _Rev.
Canadienne_, new ser., iv. pp. 1, 69, 165; Daniel’s _Nos Gloires_, 73.
[1128] A view of the house in Alexandria used as headquarters by
Braddock is in _Appleton’s Journal_, x. p. 785.
[1129] See chapter vii.
[1130] This was now Fort Cumberland. There is a drawn plan of it noted
in the _Catal. of the King’s Maps_ (Brit. Mus.), i. 282. Parkman (i.
200) describes it. The _Sparks Catal._, p. 207, notes a sketch of the
“Situation of Fort Cumberland,” drawn by Washington, July, 1755.
[1131] Sargent summarizes the points that are known relative to the
unfortunate management of the Indians which deprived Braddock of their
services. Sargent, pp. 168, 310; _Penna. Archives_, ii. 259, 308,
316, 318, 321; vi. 130, 134, 140, 146, 189, 218, 257, 353, 398, 443;
_Penna. Col. Rec._, vi. 375, 397, 460; _Olden Time_, ii. 238; Sparks’
_Franklin_, i. 189; _Penna. Mag. of History_, Oct., 1885, p. 334.
Braddock had promised to receive the Indians kindly. _Penna. Archives_,
ii. 290.
[1132] Two other officers, as well as Washington, were destined to
later fame,—Daniel Morgan, who was a wagoner, and Horatio Gates, who
led an independent company from New York.
[1133] There is an engraving of Beaujeu in Shea’s _Charlevoix_, iv.
63; and in Shea’s ed. of the _Relation diverses sur la bataille du
Malangueulé_, N. Y., 1860, in which that editor aims to establish for
Beaujeu the important share in the French attack which is not always
recognized, as he thinks. Cf. _Hist. Mag._, vii. 265; and the account
of Beaujeu by Shea, in the _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, 1884, p. 121. Cf.
also “La famille de Beaujeu,” in Daniel’s _Nos gloires nationales_, i.
131.
[1134] The annexed plan of the field is from a contemporary MS. in
Harvard College library. See _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xvii. p. 118
(1879).
Parkman (_Montcalm and Wolfe_, i. 214) reproduces two plans of the
fight: one representing the disposition of the line of march at the
moment of attack; the other, the situation when the British were
thrown into confusion and abandoned their guns. The originals of these
plans accompany a letter of Shirley to Robinson, Nov. 5, 1755, and
are preserved in the Public Record Office, in the volume_ America and
West Indies_, lxxxii. They were drawn at Shirley’s request by Patrick
Mackellar, chief engineer, who was with Gage in the advance column.
Parkman says: “They were examined and fully approved by the chief
surviving officers, and they closely correspond with another plan made
by the aide-de-camp Orme,—which, however, shows only the beginning of
the affair.” This plan of Orme is the last in a series of six plans,
engraved in 1758 by Jefferys (Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_, no. 107;
Sabin, ii. no. 7,212), and used by him in his _General Topography of
North America and the West Indies_, London, 1768. There is a set of
them, also, in the Sparks MSS., in Harvard Coll. library, vol. xxviii.
These six plans are all reproduced in connection with Orme’s Journal,
in Sargent’s _Braddock’s Expedition_. They are:—
I. Map of the country between Will’s Creek and Monongahela River,
showing the route and encampments of the English army.
II. Distribution of the advanced party (400 men).
III. Line of march of the detachment from Little Meadows.
IV. Encampment of the detachment from Little Meadows.
V. Line of march with the whole baggage.
VI. Plan of the field of battle, 9 July, 1755.
See also the plans of the battle given in Bancroft’s _United States_
(orig. ed.), iv. 189; Sparks’ _Washington_, ii. 90, the same plate
being used by Sargent, p. 354, and in Guizot’s _Washington_. In the
Faden Collection, in the Library of Congress, there are several MS.
plans. (Cf. E. E. Hale’s _Catalogue of the Faden Maps_.)
Beside the map of Braddock’s advance across the country, given
in the series, already mentioned, there is another in Neville B.
Craig’s _Olden Time_ (ii. 539), with explanations by T. C. Atkinson,
who surveyed it in 1847, which is copied by Sargent (p. 198), who
also describes the route. Cf. Egle’s _Pennsylvania_, p. 84; and
the _American Hist. Record_, Nov., 1874. A map made by Middleton
and corrected by Lowdermilk is given in the latter’s _History of
Cumberland_, p. 141. A letter of Sparks on the subject is in De Hass’s
_West. Virginia_, p. 125. The condition of Braddock’s route in 1787 is
described by Samuel Vaughan, of London, in a MS. journal owned by Mr.
Charles Deane.
The _Catal. of Paintings in the Penna. Hist. Soc._, no. 65, shows a
view of Braddock’s Field, and an engraving is in Gay’s _Pop. Hist. U.
S._, iii. 254, and another in Sargent, as a frontispiece. Judge Yeates
describes a visit to the field in 1776, in Hazard’s _Register_, vi.
104, and in _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., ii. 740; and Sargent (p. 275)
tells the story of the discovery of the skeletons of the Halkets in
1758. Cf. Parkman, ii. 160; Galt’s _Life of Benj. West_ (1820), i. 64.
Some views illustrating the campaign are in _Harper’s Magazine_, xiv.
592, etc.
[1135] “Poor Shirley was shot through the head,” wrote Major Orme.
Cf. Akins’ _Pub. Doc. of Nova Scotia_, pp. 415, 417, where is a list
of officers. Various of young Shirley’s letters are in the _Penna.
Archives_, ii.
[1136] Braddock’s remains are said to have been discovered about 1823
by workmen engaged in constructing the National Road, at a spot pointed
out by an old man named Fossit, Fausett, or Faucit, who had been in the
provincial ranks in 1755. He claimed to have seen Braddock buried, and
to have fired the bullet which killed him. The story is not credited
by Sargent, who gives (p. 244) a long examination of the testimony.
(Cf. also _Hist. Mag._, xi. p. 141.) Lowdermilk (p. 187) says that
it was locally believed; so does De Hass in his _West. Virginia_, p.
128. Remains of a body with bits of military trappings were found,
however, on digging. A story of Braddock’s sash is told by De Hass, in
his _W. Virginia_, p. 129. In July, 1841, a large quantity of shot and
shell, buried by the retreating army, was unearthed near by. _Mass.
Hist. Soc. Proc._, iii. 231, etc. A picture of his grave was painted
in 1854 by Weber, and is now in the gallery of the Penna. Hist. Soc.
(Cf. its _Catal. of Paintings_, no. 66.) It is engraved in Sargent,
p. 280. Cf. Day, _Hist. Coll. Penna._, p. 334. Lowdermilk (pp. 188,
200) gives views of the grave in 1850 and 1877, with some account of
its mutations. Cf. Scharf and Westcott’s _Philadelphia_, ii. p. 1002.
A story obtained some currency that Braddock’s remains were finally
removed to England. De Hass, p. 112.
[1137] See a subsequent page.
[1138] _Inquiry into the Conduct of Maj.-Gen. Shirley._
[1139] Stone’s _Life of Johnson_, i. 538.
[1140] _Penna. Archives_, vi. 333, 335.
[1141] There are views of it in 1840 and 1844 in J. R. Simms’s
_Trappers of New York_ (1871), and _Frontiersmen of New York_ (Albany,
1882), pp. 209, 249; in W. L. Stone’s _Life of Johnson_, ii. 497; and
in Lossing’s _Field-Book of the Revolution_, i. p. 286.
[1142] See views of it in Gay, iii. p. 286; in Lossing’s _Field-Book of
the Rev._, i. p. 107, and _Scribner’s Monthly_, March, 1879, p. 622.
[1143] “The loss of the enemy,” says Smith (_New York_, ii. 220),
“though much magnified at the time, was afterwards found to be less
than two hundred men.”
[1144] See the English declaration in _Penna. Archives_, ii. 735.
[1145] On his family see Daniel, _Nos Gloires_, p. 177.
[1146] For the rejoicing of Shirley’s enemies, cf. Barry’s _Mass._,
ii. 212. Shirley had got an intimation of the purpose to supersede him
as early as Apr. 16, 1756. (_Penna. Archives_, ii. 630.) He had some
strong friends all the while.
Gov. Livingston undertook to show that the ill-success of the campaign
of 1755 was due more to jealousies and intrigues than to Shirley’s
incapacity. (_Mass. Hist. Coll._, vii. 159.) “Except New York,” he
adds, “or rather a prevailing faction here, all the colonies hold
Shirley in very high esteem.” Franklin says: “Shirley, if continued in
place, would have made a much better campaign than that of Loudoun in
1756, which was frivolous, expensive, and disgraceful to our nation
beyond comparison; for though Shirley was not bred a soldier, he was
sensible and sagacious in himself and attentive to good advice from
others, capable of forming judicious plans, and quick and active in
carrying them into execution.... Shirley was, I believe, sincerely glad
of being relieved.” _Franklin’s Writings_ (Sparks’ ed.), i. p. 220-21.
[1147] _Grenville Correspondence_, i. 165, June 5, 1756.
[1148] Marshall’s _Washington_, i. 327.
[1149] There seems to be some question if any massacre really took
place. (Cf. Stone’s _Johnson_, ii. p. 23.)
[1150] Referring to the fall of Oswego, Smith (_New York_, ii. 236)
says: “The panic was universal, and from this moment it was manifest
that nothing could be expected from all the mighty preparations for the
campaign.”
[1151] Parkman (i. p. 440) notes the sources of this commotion.
[1152] Loudon had to this end held meetings with the northern governors
at Boston in January, and with the southern governors at Philadelphia
in March, 1757. Loudon’s correspondence at this time is in the Public
Record Office (_America and West Indies_, vol. lxxxv.), and is copied
in the Parkman MSS. When Loudon left with his 91 transports and five
men-of-war, he sent off a despatch-boat to England; and Jenkinson, on
the receipt of the message, wrote to Grenville, reflecting probably
Loudon’s reports, that “the public seem to be extremely pleased with
the secrecy and spirit of this enterprise.” _Grenville Corresp._, i.
201.
[1153] Bancroft and those who follow him, taking their cue from Smith
(_Hist. of New York_), say that Loudon “proposed to encamp on Long
Island for the defence of the continent.” Parkman (ii. p. 2) points out
that this is Smith’s perversion of a statement of Loudon that he should
disembark on that island if head winds prevented his entering New York
bay, when he returned from Halifax. There seems to have been a current
apprehension of a certain ridiculousness in all of Loudon’s movements.
It induced John Adams to believe even then that the colonies could get
on better without England than with her. Cf. the _John Adams and Mercy
Warren Letters (Mass. Hist. Soc. Collections)_, p. 339.
[1154] Plans of the fort and settlement at Schenectady during the war
are in Jonathan Pearson’s _Schenectady Patent_ (1883), pp. 311, 316,
328: namely, one of the fort, by the Rev. John Miller (1695), from an
original in the British Museum; another of the town (about 1750-60);
and still another (1768).
[1155] Chapter vii.
[1156] Hutchinson (iii. 71) represents that Howe, in the confusion,
may have been killed by his own men. On Howe’s burial at Albany, and
the identification of his remains many years after, see Lossing’s
_Schuyler_, i. p. 155; Watson’s _County of Essex_, 88. He was buried
under St. Peter’s Church. Cf. Lossing, in _Harper’s Mag._, xiv. 453.
[1157] Abercrombie’s engineer surveyed the French works from an
opposite hill, and pronounced it practicable to carry them by assault.
Stark, with a better knowledge of such works, demurred; but his
opinions had no weight. A view of the field of Abercrombie’s defeat is
given in Gay, _Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. 299. M. D’Hagues sent to the
Marshal de Belle Isle on account of the situation of Fort Carillon
[Ticonderoga] and its approaches, dated at the fort, May 1, 1758, which
is printed (in translation) in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 707; and in the
same, p. 720, is another description by M. de Pont le Roy, French
engineer-in-chief.
The condition of the fort at the time of Abercrombie’s attack in 1758
is well represented by maps and plans. Cf. the plan of this date in the
_N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 721; and the French plan noted in the _Catal. of
the Library of Parliament_ (Toronto, 1858), p. 1621, no. 86. Bonnechose
(_Montcalm et le Canada_, p. 91) gives a French plan, “Bataille de
Carillon, d’après un Plan inédit de l’époque.” Jefferys engraved a
_Plan of town and fort of Carillon at Tyconderoga, with the attack made
by the British army commanded by General Abercrombie, 8 July, 1758_,
which Jefferys later included in his _General Topog. of North America
and the West Indies_, London, 1768, no. 38. Martin, _De Montcalm en
Canada_, p. 128, follows Jefferys’ draft. Hough in his edition of
_Pouchot_, p. 108, gives the plan of the attack as it appeared in
Mante’s _Hist. of the Late War_, London, 1772, p. 144; and from this it
is reproduced in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 726.
[1158] When Pitt heard of Abercrombie’s defeat he wrote to Grenville:
“I own this news has sunk my spirits, and left very painful impressions
on my mind, without, however, depriving me of great hopes for the
remaining campaign.” _Grenville Correspondence_, i. 262.
[1159] Most of the writers, following Bancroft, call him _Joseph
Forbes_; and Bancroft lets that name stand in his final revision.
[1160] This paper in fac-simile is in a volume called _Monuments of
Washington’s Patriotism_ (1841). A portion of it is reproduced, but not
in fac-simile, in Sparks’ _Washington_, ii. 314.
[1161] Loyalhannon, _Parkman_; Loyal Hanna, _Bancroft_; Loyal Hannan,
_Irving_; Loyal Hanning, _Warburton_.
[1162] The original MS. report of this conference appears in a sale
catalogue of Bangs & Co., N. Y., 1854, no. 1309.
[1163] Speaking of Canada, John Fiske (_Amer. Polit. Ideas_, p. 55)
says of the effect of the bureaucracy which governed it that it “was
absolute paralysis, political and social,” and that in the war-struggle
of the eighteenth century “the result for the French power in America
was instant and irretrievable annihilation. The town meeting pitted
against bureaucracy was like a Titan overthrowing a cripple;” but he
forgets the history of that overthrow, its long-drawn-out warfare,
the part that the vastly superior population and the interior lines
and seaboard bases of supplies for the English played in the contest
to intensify their power, and the jealousies and independence of the
colonies themselves, which so long enabled the French to survive. Even
as regards the results of the campaign of 1759, the suddenness had
little of the inevitable in it, when we consider the leisurely campaign
of Amherst, and the mere chance of Wolfe surmounting the path at the
cove. It took the successes of these last campaigns to produce the
fruits of conquest, even at the end of a long conflict.
[1164] A plan of Montresor’s for the campaign, dated N. Y., 29 Dec.,
1758, is in _Penna. Archives_, vi. 433.
[1165] Fort Schlosser had been erected in 1750. Cf. O. H. Marshall on
the “Niagara Frontier,” in _Buffalo Hist. Soc. Publ._, ii. 409.
[1166] In August, Amherst was reporting sickness in his army from the
water at Ticonderoga, and demanding spruce-beer of his commissary.
(_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, v. 101.)
[1167] See chapter vii.
[1168] In a massive old building, the manor-house of the first Seigneur
of Beaufort (1634), which was destroyed in 1879. Cf. Lossing’s sketch
in _Harper’s Magazine_ (Jan., 1859), xviii. p. 180.
[1169] Turcotte’s _Hist. de l’île d’Orléans_ (Quebec. 1867), ch. iii.
[1170] Among the officers of the army and navy here acting together
were some who were later very famous,—Jervis (Earl St. Vincent), Cook,
the navigator, Isaac Barré, the parliamentary friend of America, Guy
Carleton, and William Howe, afterwards Sir William.
[1171] This point is prominent in most views of Quebec from below
the town. Cf. Lossing, _Field-Book of the Revolution_, i. 185, etc.
Montcalm was overruled by Vaudreuil, and was not allowed to entrench a
force at Point Levi, as he wished. Beatson’s _Naval and Mil. Memoirs_.
[1172] The _Life of Cook_ gives some particulars of an exploit of
Cook in taking soundings in the river, preparatory to the attack from
Montmorenci.
[1173] On the 2d, in a despatch to Pitt, he used a phrase, since
present to the mind of many a baffled projector, for when referring
to the plans yet to be tried, he spoke of his option as a “choice of
difficulties.”
[1174] Wolfe’s Cove, as it has since been called. Views of it are
numerous. Cf. _Picturesque Canada_; Lossing’s _Field-Book_; and the
drawing by Princess Louise in Dent’s _Last forty years_, ii. 345.
[1175] _Memoirs of Robert Stobo._ Cf. _Boston Post Boy_, no. 97;
_Boston Evening Post_, no. 1,258. Stobo had made his escape from Quebec
early in May, 1759. Cf. Montcalm’s letter in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x.970.
[1176] Montgomery, nearly twenty years later, with a similar task
before him, said, “Wolfe’s success was a lucky hit, or rather a series
of such hits; all sober and scientific calculations of war were against
him until Montcalm gave up the advantage of his fortress.” (Force’s
_Am. Archives_, iii. 1,638.)
[1177] Sabine collates the various accounts of Wolfe’s death, believing
that Knox’s is the most trustworthy. The _Memoirs of Donald Macleod_
(London), an old sergeant of the Highlanders, says that Wolfe was
carried from the field in Macleod’s plaid. There is an account of his
pistols and sash in the _Canadian Antiquarian_, iv. 31.
Capt. Robert Wier, who commanded a transport, timed the firing from the
first to the last gun, and made the conflict last ten minutes. (_Mass.
Hist. Soc. Proc._, iii. 307.)
[1178] Doyle’s _Official Baronage_, iii. 543.
[1179] A view or plan of this post is given in _Mémoires sur les
affaires du Canada_, 1749-60, p. 40.
[1180] Dr. O’Callaghan (_N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 400) threw some doubt
on this statement, but it seems to be well established by contemporary
record (Parkman, ii. 441). The remains of Montcalm were disturbed in
digging another grave in 1833, but little was found except the skull,
which is still shown in the convent. (Miles’s _Canada_, p. 415.) See
the view in _Harper’s Magazine_, xviii. 192.
[Illustration: HEIGHTS OF ABRAHAM, WITH WOLFE’S MONUMENT.]
Dalhousie, when governor, caused a monument, inscribed with the names
of both Wolfe and Montcalm, to be erected in the town. (Harper’s
Mag., xviii. 188; _Canadian Antiquarian_, vi. 176.) A monument near
the spot where Wolfe was struck down, and inscribed, “Here Wolfe died
victorious,” fell into a decay, which relic-seekers had helped to
increase (see a view of it in its dilapidated condition in Lossing’s
_Field-Book of the Revolution_, i. p. 189), and was in 1849 replaced
by a monument surmounted with a helmet and sword, which is now seen by
visitors, and, beside repeating the inscription on the old one, bears
this legend: “This pillar was erected by the British army in Canada,
A. D. 1849, ... to replace that erected ... in 1832, which was broken
and defaced, and is deposited beneath.” (See views in _Harper’s Mag._,
xviii. p. 183.) A view of it from a sketch made in 1851 is annexed.
An account of these memorials, with their inscriptions, is given in
Martin’s _De Montcalm en Canada_, p. 211, with the correspondence which
passed between Pitt and the secretary of the French Academy respecting
an inscription which the army of Montcalm desired to place over his
grave in Quebec. (Cf. Martin, p. 216; Bonnechose, _Montcalm et Canada_,
App.; Warburton’s Conquest of Canada, ii., App.; and Watson’s _County
of Essex_, p. 490.)
Cf. also Lossing in _Harper’s Mag._, xviii. 176, 192, etc.
[1181] The news which reached England from Murray did not encourage
the government to hope that Quebec could be saved. _Grenville
Correspondence_, i. 343.
[1182] There is doubt where Rogers encamped,—the river “Chogage.”
Parkman in the original edition of his _Pontiac_ (1851, p. 147) called
it the site of Cleveland; but he avoids the question in his revised
edition (i. p. 165). Bancroft (orig. ed., iv. 361) and Stone, _Johnson_
(ii. 132), have notes on the subject. Cf. also Chas. Whittlesey’s
_Early Hist. of Cleveland_, p. 90; and C. C. Baldwin’s _Early Maps of
Ohio_, p. 17.
[1183] Parkman has a plan of Detroit, made about 1750 by the engineer
Léry.
[1184] The _London Mag._ for Feb., 1761, had a map of the “Straits of
St. Mary, and Michilimakinac.”
[1185] Here we find Bellomont’s correspondence (1698) with the French
governor as to the relations of the Five Nations to the English,
pp. 682, 690. Cf. also _N. Y. Col. Docs._, iv. 367, 420; Shea’s
_Charlevoix_, v. 82; a tract, _Propositions made by the Five Nations of
Indians ... to Bellomont in Albany, 20th of July, 1698_ (N. Y., 1698),
containing the doings of Bellomont and his council on Indian affairs up
to Aug. 20, 1698. (Brinley, ii. 3,400.) The same vol. of _N. Y. Col.
Docs._ (ix.) gives beside a memoir (p. 701; also in _Penna. Archives_,
2d ser., vi. 45) on the encroachments of the English; conferences with
the Indians at Detroit (p. 704) and elsewhere in 1700; the ratification
of the treaty of peace at Montreal, Aug. 4, 1701 (p. 722); conferences
of Vaudreuil with the Five Nations in 1703 and 1705 (pp. 746, 767);
the scheme of seizing Niagara, 1706 (p. 773); Sieur d’Aigrement’s
instructions and report on the Western posts (p. 805); a survey (p.
917) of English invasion of French territory (1680-1723); a memoir (p.
840) on the condition of Canada (1709),—not to name others.
For the period covered by the survey of this present chapter, these _N.
Y. Col. Docs._ give from the London archives papers 1693-1706 (vol.
iv.), 1707-1733 (vol. v.), 1734-1755 (vol. vi.), 1756-1767 (vol. vii.);
and from the Paris archives, 1631-1744 (vol. ix.), 1745-1778 (vol. x.).
The index to the whole is in vol. xi. See Vol. IV. pp. 409, 410.
There has been a recent treatment of the relations of the English with
the Indians in Geo. W. Schuyler’s _Colonial New York_, in which Philip
Schuyler is a central figure, during the latter end of the seventeenth
and for the first quarter of the eighteenth century. The book touches
the conferences in Bellomont’s and Nanfan’s time. Colden, who was
inimical to Schuyler, took exception to some statements in Smith’s _New
York_ respecting him, and Colden’s letters were printed by the N. Y.
Hist. Society in 1868.
[1186] The biography of Cadillac has been best traced in Silas Farmer’s
_Detroit_, p. 326. He extended his inquiries among the records of
France, and (p. 17) enumerates the grants to him about the straits.
Cf. T. P. Bédard on Cadillac in _Revue Canadienne_, new ser., ii.
683; and a paper on his marriage in _Ibid._, iii. 104; and others by
Rameau, in _Ibid._, xiii. 403. The municipality of Castelsarrasin in
France presented to the city of Detroit a view of the old Carmelite
church—now a prison—where Cadillac is buried. An engraving of it is
given by Farmer. Julius Melchers, a Detroit sculptor, has made a statue
of the founder, of which there is an engraving in Robert E. Roberts’
_City of the Straits_, Detroit, 1884, p. 14.
Farmer (p. 221) gives a description of Fort Pontchartrain as built by
Cadillac, and (p. 33) a map of 1796, defining its position in respect
to the modern city. Cf. also Roberts’ _City of the Straits_, p. 40. The
oldest plan of Detroit is dated 1749, and is reproduced by Farmer (p.
32). Of the oldest house in Detroit, the Moran house, there are views
in Farmer (p. 372) and Roberts (p. 50), who respectively assign its
building to 1734 and 1750.
Among the later histories, not already mentioned, reference may be made
to Charlevoix (Shea’s ed., vol. v. 154); E. Rameau’s _Notes historiques
sur la colonie canadienne de Détroit. Lecture prononcée à Windsor sur
le Détroit, comté d’Essex, C. W., 1^{er} avril, 1861_, Montréal, 1861;
Rufus Blanchard’s _Discovery and Conquests of the Northwest_, Chicago,
1880; and Marie Caroline Watson Hamlin’s _Legends of le Détroit, Illus.
by Isabella Stewart_, Detroit, 1884. These legends, covering the years
1679-1815, relate to Detroit and its vicinity. On p. 263, etc., are
given genealogical notes about the early French families resident
there. A brief sketch of the early history of Detroit by C. I. Walker,
as deposited beneath the corner-stone of the new City Hall in 1868, is
printed in the _Hist. Mag._, xv. 132. Cf. Henry A. Griffin on “The City
of the Straits” in _Mag. of Western History_, Oct., 1885, p. 571.
[1187] See Vol. IV. p. 316. Shea’s volume is entitled: _Relation des
affaires du Canada, en 1696. Avec des lettres des Pères de la Compagnie
de Jésus depuis 1696 jusqu’en 1702_. (N. Y., 1865.) Contents: La guerre
contre les Iroquois; De la mission Iroquoise du Sault Saint François
Xavier en 1696, ex literis Jac. de Lamberville; De la mission Illinoise
en 1696, par le P. Gravier; Lettre du P. J. Gravier à Monseigneur
Laval, 17 sept., 1697; Lettre de M. de Montigni au Rev. P. Bruyas
[Chicago, 23 avril, 1699]; Lettre du P. Gabriel Marest, 1700; Lettre du
P. L. Chaigneau sur le rétablissement des missions Iroquoises en 1702;
Relation du Destroit; Lettre du P. G. Marest [du pays des Illinois, 29
avril, 1699]; Lettre du P. J. Binneteau [du pays des Illinois, 1699];
Lettre du P. J. Bigot [du pays des Abnaquis, 1699].
These papers illustrate affairs in the extreme west just at the opening
of the period we are now considering. Cf. also the “Mémoire sur le
Canada” (1682-1712) in _Collection de Manuscrits ... relatifs à la
Nouvelle France_, Quebec, 1883, p. 551, etc.
[1188] Letters (1703) from Cadillac to Count Pontchartrain (p.
101), and to La Touche (p. 133); the developments of Cadillac’s
defence in 1703 and later years (p. 142); Père Marest’s letter from
Michilimackinac in 1706 (p. 206); a letter of Cadillac in the same
year (p. 218), reports of Indian councils held at Montreal, Detroit,
and Quebec in 1707 (pp. 232, 251, 263); a letter of Cadillac to
Pontchartrain (p. 277) and D’Aigrement’s report on an inspection of
the posts (p. 280), both in 1708. Speeches of Vaudreuil and an Ottawa
chief, from a MS. brought from Paris by Gen. Cass, are printed in the
_Western Reserve Hist. Soc. Papers_, no. 8. These papers, as translated
by Whittlesey, pertaining to affairs about Detroit in 1706, are revised
by that gentleman and reprinted in Beach’s _Indian Miscellany_, p. 270.
[1189] Cf. Shea’s _Charlevoix_, v. 257; Sheldon’s _Michigan_, 297.
[1190] A memoir on the peace made by De Lignery, the commandant at
Mackinac, with the Indians in 1726 (p. 148); letters of Longueil, July
25, 1726 (p. 156), and Beauharnois, Oct. 1, 1726 (p. 156); a petition
of the inhabitants of Detroit to the Intendant in 1726, with Tonti’s
remonstrance (pp. 169, 175); a memoir of the king on the Indian war,
and another by Longueil on the peace (pp. 160, 165).
[1191] Cf. ch. ii. Dudley’s speech in aid of the expedition is given in
the _Boston Newsletter_, no. 377, and his call of June 9, 1711, upon
New Hampshire to furnish its contingent appears in the _N. H. Prov.
Papers_, iii. 479.
[1192] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 295; Harv. Coll. Lib., 4375.11; Cooke,
no. 2,544; Menzies, no. 2,026; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, ii. 63.
[1193] Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 166, 825; Harv. Coll. Lib., 4375.16;
6374.36.