also _Letter from an old whig in town ... upon the late expedition to
Canada_ [signed X. Z.], published at London in 1711. (Carter-Brown,
iii. no. 146; Harv. Coll. lib., 4375.14.)
[1195] _New England_, iv. 281, 282.
[1196] Notwithstanding the failure of the expedition, Dudley issued a
Thanksgiving proclamation for other mercies, etc. _N. H. Prov. Papers_,
ii. 629. In general, see _Boston Newsletter_, nos. 379-81; Penhallow,
pp. 62-67; Niles, in _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxxv. 328; Hutchinson’s
_Massachusetts_, ii. 175, 180; _N. Y. Col. Docs._, iv. 277; v. 284;
ix., _passim_; Chalmers’ _Revolt_, etc., i. 349; Lediard’s _Naval
History_, 851; Williamson’s _Maine_, ii. 63; Palfrey’s _New England_,
iv. 278, etc., with references; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 106. The
tax for the expedition was the occasion of Thomas Maule’s _Tribute
to Cæsar, with some remarks on the late vigorous expedition against
Canada_, Philadelphia [1712]. Hildeburn’s _Century of Printing_, no.
120.
[1197] Vol. v. 238, 245, 247, 252.
[1198] Cf. also Garneau, _Histoire de Canada_ (1882), ii. 48;
Juchereau, _Hist. de l’hôtel Dieu_; Grange de Chessieux, _La conduite
des Français justifiée_, and an edition of the same edited by
Butel-Dumont.
[1199] The two volumes are edited, with an introduction, by R.
A. Brock. Bancroft had used these papers when owned by Mr. J. R.
Spotswood, of Orange County, Va. The MS. was carried to England by Mr.
G. W. Featherstonehaugh, and of his widow it was bought by the Virginia
Hist. Society in 1873.
[1200] Mr. Brock refers to accounts of it in Hugh Jones’s _Present
State of Virginia_; the preface to Beverly’s _Virginia_; Campbell’s
_Virginia_; Slaughter’s _Hist. of Bristol Parish_; and in Slaughter’s
_St. Mark’s Parish_ is a paper on “The Knights of the Golden
Horseshoe,” crediting the diary of John Fontaine, which he reprints (it
is also in Maury’s _Huguenot Family_, N. Y., 1872, p. 281), with giving
the most we know of the expedition. Cf. also J. Esten Cooke’s _Stories
of the Old Dominion_, N. Y., 1879; and W. A. Caruthers’ _Knights of
the Horseshoe_. Slaughter also gives a map of Spotswood’s route from
Germanna to the Shenandoah.
Palmer, the editor of the _Calendar of Virginia State Papers_ (p.
lix.), could find nothing official throwing light on this expedition.
[1201] Spotswood’s _Official Letters_, ii. 296, 329.
[1202] It is printed in _Hist. Mag._, vi. 19. The treaty between Keith
and the Five Nations at Albany, Sept., 1722, was printed that year in
Philadelphia, as were treaties at a later date at Conestogoe (May,
1728) and Philadelphia (June, 1728), made with the Western Indians.
Hildeburn’s _Century of Printing_, nos. 189, 356. There were reports in
1732 of the French being then at work building near the Ohio “a fort
with loggs” (_Penna. Archives_, i. 310), and delivering speeches to the
Shawanese (_Ibid._, p. 325).
[1203] Cf. C. C. Royce on the identity and history of the Shawnees in
_Mag. of West. History_, May, 1885, p. 38.
[1204] Walker’s _Athens Co., Ohio_, p. 5.
[1205] Printed in the _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 49, and in the
_N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 885.
[1206] The Ohio was the division between Canada and Louisiana. Cf. Du
Pratz, Paris, 1758, vol. i. 329.
[1207] _Wisconsin Hist. Coll._, vols. i. and iii. (p. 141).
[1208] _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, octavo ed., i. p. 15.
[1209] _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, i. 163, 319; ii. 407. It was printed in
English by Franklin in 1757. (_Franklin’s Works in the Boston Public
Library_, p. 40.) A journal of his mission to the Ohio Indians in 1748
is given in the _Penna. Hist. Soc. Coll._, i. (1853) p. 23. Cf. T. J.
Chapman in _Mag. of West. Hist._, Oct., 1885, p. 631.
[1210] There is an abstract of Trent’s Journal in Knapp’s _Maumee
Valley_, p. 23.
[1211] _Penna. Hist. Soc. Coll._, i. p. 85. Cf. Proud’s _Pennsylvania_,
ii. 296, and Mr. Russel Errett on the Indian geographical names along
the Ohio and the Great Lakes in the _Mag. of West. Hist._, 1885.
[1212] C. C. Baldwin’s _Indian Migrations in Ohio_, reprinted from the
_Amer. Antiquarian_, April, 1879; _Mag. of West. Hist._, Nov., 1884, p.
41; Hiram W. Beckwith’s paper on the _Illinois and Indiana Indians_,
which makes no. 27 of the _Fergus Historical Series_. It includes
the Illinois, Miamis, Kickapoos, Winnebagoes, Foxes and Sacks, and
Pottawatomies. Cf. Davidson and Struvé’s _Hist. Illinois_, 1874, ch.
iv., and the reference in Vol. IV. p. 298.
[1213] _Pontiac_, i. 32.
[1214] W. R. Smith’s _Wisconsin_, i. p. 60. Cf. also Breese’s _Early
Hist. of Illinois_. The more restricted application of this term is
seen in a “plan of the several villages in the Illinois country,
with a part of the River Mississippi, by Thomas Hutchins;” showing
the position of the old and new Fort Chartres, which is in Hutchins’
_Topographical Description of Virginia_, etc. (London, 1778, and
Boston, 1787), and is reëngraved in the French translation published
by Le Rouge in Paris, 1781. This same translation gives a section of
Hutchins’ large map, showing the country from the Great Kenawha to
Winchester and Lord Fairfax’s, and marking the sites of Forts Shirley,
Loudon, Littleton, Cumberland, Bedford, Ligonier, Byrd, and Pitt.
Logstown is on the north side of the Ohio. The portages connecting the
affluents of the Potomac with those of the Ohio are marked. The map
is entitled: _Carte des environs du Fort Pitt et la nouvelle Province
Indiana, dediée à M. Franklin_. The province of Indiana is bounded by
the Laurel Mountain range, the Little Kenawha, the Ohio, and a westerly
extension of the Northern Maryland line, being the grant in 1768 to
Samuel Wharton, William Trent, and George Morgan.
[1215] Sparks, _Franklin_, iv. 325. Smith (_New York_, 1814, p. 266)
says “there was only an entry in the books of the secretary for Indian
affairs,” and the surrender “through negligence was not made by the
execution of a formal deed under seal.” Cf. _French encroachments
exposed, or Britain’s original right to all that part of the American
continent claimed by France fully asserted.... In two letters from a
merchant retired from business to his friend in London._ London, 1756.
(Carter-Brown, iii. 1,115.)
[1216] James Maury in 1756, referring to Evans’ map, says, “It is but
small, not above half as large as Fry and Jefferson’s, consequently
crowded. It gives an attentive peruser a clear idea of the value of the
now contested lands and waters to either of the two competitor princes,
together with a proof, amounting to more than a probability, that he
of the two who shall remain master of Ohio and the Lakes must in the
course of a few years become sole and absolute lord of North America.”
Maury’s _Huguenot Family_, 387. T. Pownall’s _Topographical description
of such parts of North America as are contained in the (annexed) map
of the British middle colonies, etc., in North America_ (London,
1776) contains Evans’ map, pieced out by Pownall, and it reprints
Evans’ preface (1755), with an additional preface by Pownall, dated
Albemarle Street (London), Nov. 22, 1775, in which it is said that
the map of 1755 was used by the officers during the French war, and
served every practicable purpose. He says Evans followed for Virginia
Fry and Jefferson’s map (1751), and that John Henry’s map of Virginia,
published by Jefferys in 1770, enabled him (Pownall) to add little.
For Pennsylvania Evans had been assisted by Mr. Nicholas Scull, who in
1759 published his map of Pennsylvania, and for the later edition of
1770 Pownall says he added something. As to New Jersey, Pownall claims
he used the drafts of Alexander, surveyor-general, and that he has
followed Holland for the boundary line between New Jersey and New York.
Pownall affirms that Holland disowned a map of New York and New Jersey
which Jefferys published with Holland’s name attached, though some
portions of it followed surveys made by Holland. What Pownall added
of New England he took from the map in Douglass, correcting it from
drafts in the Board of Trade office, and following for the coasts the
surveys of Holland or his deputies. Pownall denounces the “late Thomas
Jefferys” for his inaccurate and untrustworthy pirated edition of the
Evans map, the plate of which fell into the hands of Sayer, the map
publisher, and was used by him in more than one atlas.
[1217] Sparks, _Franklin_, iv. 330.
[1218] This deed is in Pownall’s _Administration of the Colonies_,
London, 1768, p. 269.
[1219] Evans’ map of 1755 is held to embody the best geographical
knowledge of this region, picked up mainly between 1740 and 1750. The
region about Lake Erie with the positions of the Indian tribes, is
given from this map, in Whittlesey’s _Early Hist. of Cleveland_, p. 83.
This author mentions some instances of axe-cuts being discovered in the
heart of old trees, which would carry the presence of Europeans in the
valley back of all other records.
There are stories of early stragglers, willing and unwilling, into
Kentucky from Virginia, after 1730. Collins, _Kentucky_, i. 15; Shaler,
_Kentucky_, 59. A journey of one John Howard in 1742 is insisted on.
Kercheval’s _Valley of Virginia_, 67; Butler’s _Kentucky_, i., introd.;
_Memoir and Writings of J. H. Perkins_, ii. 185.
[1220] _Five Nations._
[1221] _Administration of the Colonies._
[1222] Sparks, _Franklin_, iv. 326.
[1223] This has been reprinted as no. 26 of the _Fergus Hist. Series_,
“with notes by Edward Everett;” certain extracts from a notice of
the address, contributed by Mr. Everett to the _No. Amer. Review_ in
1840, being appended. A recent writer, Alfred Mathews, in the _Mag.
of Western History_ (i. 41), thinks the Iroquois conquests may have
reached the Miami River. Cf. also C. C. Baldwin in _Western Reserve
Hist. Tracts_, no. 40; and Isaac Smucker in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._,
June, 1882, p. 408.
J. H. Perkins (_Mem. and Writings_, ii. 186) cites what he considers
proofs that the Iroquois had pushed to the Mississippi, but doubts
their claim to possess lands later occupied by others.
Franklin’s recapitulation of the argument in favor of the English claim
is in Sparks’ _Franklin_, iv. 324; but Sparks (_Ibid._, iv. 335) allows
it is not substantiated by proofs, and enlarges upon the same view in
his _Washington_, ii. 13.
[1224] Colden’s official account of this conference and treaty was
printed in Philadelphia the same year by Benjamin Franklin: _A Treaty
held at the Town of Lancaster in Pennsylvania by the Honourable the
lieutenant governor of the Province, and the Commissioners for the
provinces of Virginia and Maryland, with the Indians of the Six
Nations in June, 1744_. There is a copy in Harvard College library
[5325.38]. Quaritch priced a copy in 1885 at £6. 10_s._ Cf. Barlow’s
_Rough List_, no. 879; Brinley, iii. no. 5,488; Carter-Brown, iii.
785, with also (no. 784) an edition printed at Williamsburg the same
year. There was a reprint at London in 1745. It was included in later
editions of Colden’s _Five Nations_. Cf. J. I. Mombert’s _Authentic
Hist. of Lancaster County_, 1869, app. p.51. The journal of William
Marshe, in attendance on the commissioners, is printed in the _Mass.
Hist. Collections_, vii. 171. Cf. Wm. Black’s journal in _Penna. Mag of
Hist._, vols. i. and ii. Black was the secretary of the commission, and
his editor is R. A. Brock, of Richmond. Stone, in his _Life of Sir Wm.
Johnson_, i. 91, gives a long account of the meeting. See the letter of
Conrad Weiser in Proud’s _Pennsylvania_, ii. 316, wherein he gives his
experience (1714-1746) in observing the characteristics of the Indians.
Weiser was an interpreter and agent of Pennsylvania, and a large
number of his letters to the authorities during his career are in the
_Penna. Archives_, vols. i., ii., and iii. The _Brinley Catal._, iii.
p. 105, shows various printed treaties with the Ohio Indians of about
this time. Those that were printed in Pennsylvania are enumerated in
Hildeburn’s _Century of Printing_, nos. 852, 870, 907, etc.; and those
printed by Franklin, as most of them were, are noted in the _Catal. of
Works relating to Benjamin Franklin in the Boston Public Library_, p.
39.
[1225] _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vi. 134.
[1226] Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_, no. 1,099; Carter-Brown, iii.
1,092. The French posts north of the Ohio in 1755, according to the
_Present State of North America_, published that year in London, were
Le Bœuf and Venango (on French Creek), Duquesne, Sandusky, Miamis, St.
Joseph’s (near Lake Michigan), Pontchartrain (Detroit), Michilmackinac,
Fox River (Green Bay), Crèvecœur and Fort St. Louis (on the Illinois),
Vincennes, Cahokia, Kaskaskia, and at the mouths of the Wabash, Ohio,
and Missouri. A portion of Gov. Pownall’s map, showing the location
of the Indian villages and portages of the Ohio region, is given in
fac-simile in _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., ii. Cf. map in _London Mag._,
June, 1754; Kitchin’s map of Virginia in _Ibid._, Nov., 1761; and his
map of the French settlements in _Ibid._, Dec., 1747.
James Maury (1756) contrasts the enterprise of the French in acquiring
knowledge of the Ohio Valley with the backwardness of the English.
Maury’s _Huguenot Family_, 394.
Smith (_New York_, ii. 172), referring to the period of the alarm of
French encroachments on the Ohio, speaks of its valley as a region “of
which, to our shame, we had no knowledge except by the books and maps
of the French missionaries and geographers.”
A tract called _The wisdom and policy of the French, ... with
observations on disputes between the English and French colonists in
America_ (London, 1755) examines the designs of the French in their
alliance with the Indians.
[1227] Beauharnois’ despatches about Oswego begin in 1728 (_N. Y. Col.
Docs._, ix. 1,010). That same year Walpole addressed a paper on the
two posts to the French government, and with it is found in the French
archives a plan of Oswego, “fait à Montreal 17 Juillet, 1727, signé
De Lery.” The correspondence of Gov. Burnet and Beauharnois is in
_Ibid._, ix. p. 999. The plan just named is also in the _Doc. Hist. N.
Y._, vol. i., in connection with papers respecting the founding of the
post. Smith (_New York_, 1814, p. 273) holds that the French purpose
to demolish the works at Oswego in 1729 caused a reinforcement of the
garrison, which deterred them from the attempt. Smith says of the
original fort there that its situation had little regard to anything
beside the pleasantness of the prospect. Burnet, the New York governor,
exerted himself to destroy the trade between Albany and Montreal, and
the report of a committee which he transmitted to the home government
is printed in Smith’s _New York_ (Albany, 1814 ed., p. 246); but in
1729 the machinations of those interested in the trade procured the
repeal of the restraining act. (_Ibid._, 274; cf. Smith, vol. ii.
(1830) p. 97.) At a late day (1741) there is an abstract of despatches
to the French minister respecting Oswego in the _Penna. Archives_ (2d
ser., vi. 51), and a paper on the state of the French and English on
Ontario in 1743 is in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vi. 227.
[1228] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 386.
[1229] O. H. Marshall on the Niagara frontier, in the _Buffalo Hist.
Soc. Publications_, vol. ii. Smith (_New York_, 1814, p. 268) says
that “Charlevoix himself acknowledges that Niagara was a part of the
territory of the Five Nations; yet the pious Jesuit applauds the French
settlement there, which was so manifest an infraction of the treaty of
Utrecht.”
A view of the neighboring cataract at this period is given by Moll on
one of his maps (1715), and is reproduced in Cassell’s _United States_,
i. 541.
[1230] Of the occupation of Crown Point by the French, Smith (_New
York_, 1814, p. 279) says: “Of all the French infractions of the treaty
of Utrecht, none was more palpable than this. The country belonged
to the Six Nations, and the very spot upon which the fort stands is
included within the patent to Dellius, the Dutch minister of Albany,
granted in 1696.” Again he says (p. 280): “The Massachusetts government
foresaw the dangerous consequences of the French fort at Crown Point,
and Gov. Belcher gave us the first intimation of it.” It was not till
1749 that there were reports that the French were beginning to plant
settlers about Crown Point. (_Penna. Archives_, ii. 20.) Jefferys
published a map showing the grants made by the French about Lake
Champlain.
The English fort at Crown Point was built farther from the lake than
the earlier French inconsiderable work. Chas. Carroll (_Journal to
Canada_ in 1776, ed. of 1876, p. 78) describes its ruins at that
time,—-the result of an accidental fire.
[1231] W. C. Watson’s _Hist. of the County of Essex_, Albany, 1869, ch.
iii.
[1232] _N. Y. Col. Docs._ ix. 1,041, etc.
[1233] _Hist. Documents_ of the Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec, in 1840.
[1234] A translation of Weiser’s journal on this mission is in the
_Penna. Hist. Col._, i. 6.
[1235] Pierre Margry has two articles in the _Moniteur Universel_, and
a chapter, “Les Varennes de Vérendrye,” in the _Revue Canadienne_,
ix. 362. The Canadian historian, Benjamin Sulte, has a monograph,
_La Vérendrye_, a paper, “Champlain et la Vérendrye,” in the _Revue
Canadienne_, 2d ser., i. 342, and one on “Le nom de la Vérendrie” in
_Nouvelles Soirées Canadiennes_, ii. p. 5. The Rev. Edw. D. Neill has
a pamphlet, _Le Sieur de la Vérendrye and his sons, discoverers of the
Rocky Mountains by way of Lakes Superior and Winnipeg_, Minneapolis,
1875. Cf. also Garneau, _Hist. du Canada_, 4th ed., ii. 96.
In the Kohl Collection (no. 128) of the Department of State there are
copies of three maps in illustration. The first is a MS. map by La
Vérendrye, preserved in the Dépôt de la Marine, “donnée par Monsieur
de la Galissonière, 1750,” which Kohl places about 1730, showing the
country, with portages, forts, and trading posts, between Lake Superior
and Hudson’s Bay. The second (no. 129) is an Indian map made by
Ochagach, likewise in the Marine. Kohl supposes it to have been carried
to Europe by La Vérendrye, who used it in making the map first named.
The third map (no. 130), also in the same archives, is inscribed:
_Carte des nouvelles découvertes dans l’ouest du Canada et des nations
qui y habitent; Dressée, dit-on, sur les Mémoires de Monsieur de la
Véranderie, mais fort imparfaite à ce gu’il m’a dit. Donnée au Dépôt de
la Marine par Monsieur de la Galissonière en 1750_.
[1236] Cf. _Wisconsin Hist. Coll._, iii. 197; _Hist. Mag._, i. 295;
Joseph Tassé on “Charles de Langlade” in _Revue Canadienne_, v. 881,
and in his _Les Canadiens de l’ouest_, Montreal, 1878 (p. 1, etc.);
also M. M. Strong, in his _Territory of Wisconsin_ (Madison, 1885), p.
41.
[1237] It will be found in Beatson’s _Naval and Military Memoirs_, p.
144, and in the _Amer. Magazine_, i. pp. 381-84.
[1238] Conrad Weiser’s letter, Sept. 29, 1744, in _Penna. Archives_, i.
661.
[1239] Smith’s _New York_, ii. p. 71.
[1240] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 22, etc.
[1241] Hildeburn, _Cent. of Printing_, no. 959; _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vi.
289, etc.; Brinley, iii. no. 5,490. Stone, _Life of Johnson_, i. ch.
iv., gives a long account. There was about the same time (1745-47) a
plot laid by Nicholas, a Huron, to exterminate the French in the West.
Knapp’s _Maumee Valley_, p. 14. Smith (_New York_, ii. 35) gives an
account of the conference of Aug., 1746.
[1242] Lord John Russell, in his introduction to the _Bedford
Correspondence_, i. p. xlviii., says: “Had the Duke of Bedford been
allowed to order the sailing of the expedition, it is most probable the
conquest of Canada would not have been reserved for the Seven Years’
War; but the indecision or timidity of the Duke of Newcastle delayed
and finally broke up the expedition.” A representation of the Duke of
Bedford and others upon the reduction of Canada, made March 30, 1746,
is in _Bedford Corresp._, i. 65.
[1243] Harv. Coll. lib., 4375.25; Carter-Brown, iii. 1,161; Stevens,
_Bibl. Geog._, no. 1,835.
[1244] Brinley, i. 61. Cf. Stone’s _Johnson_, i. 190.
[1245] _Bedford Correspondence_, i. 285. There was a treaty with the
Ohio Indians at Philadelphia, Nov. 13, 1747 (Hildeburn, no. 1,110); and
another at Lancaster in July, 1748, for admitting the Twightwees into
alliance. (_Ibid._, no. 1,111.)
[1246] In addition to the references there given, note may be taken of
a paper on the expedition, by O. H. Marshall, in the _Mag. of Amer.
Hist._, ii. 129 (Mar., 1878), with reference to the original documents
in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 189, and in the _Penna. Archives_,
2d ser., vi. 63. Cf. Bancroft, orig. ed., iv. 43. On his plates,
see _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, ix. 248; _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Jan.,
1878, p. 52; and _Mag. of Western History_, June, 1885, p. 207. A
representation of a broken plate found at the mouth of the Muskingum
River, in 1798, is given in S. P. Hildreth’s _Pioneer Hist. of the
Ohio Valley_, Cincinnati, 1848, p. 20, with the inscription on the one
found at the mouth of the Kenawha in 1846 (p. 23). An account of the
Muskingum plate was given by De Witt Clinton in the _Amer. Antiq. Soc.
Trans._, ii. 430. Its defective inscription is given in the _Mémoires
sur les Affaires du Canada_, p. 209. Cf. Sparks’s _Washington_, ii.
430. Other fac-similes of these plates can be seen in _Olden Time_, p.
288; _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vi. 611; Egle’s _Pennsylvania_ (p. 318; also
cf. p. 1121); De Hass’s _Western Virginia_, p. 50.
The places where the plates were buried are marked on a map preserved
in the Marine at Paris, made by Père Bonnecamps, who accompanied
Céloron. It shows eight points where observations for latitude were
taken, and extends the Alleghany River up to Lake Chautauqua. It is
called _Carte d’un voyage, fait dans la belle rivière en la Nouvelle
France, 1749, par le reverend Père Bonnecamps, Jesuite mathématicien_.
There is a copy in the Kohl Collection, in the Department of State at
Washington.
Kohl identifies the places of burial as follows: Kananouangon (Warren,
Pa.); Rivière aux bœufs (Franklin, Pa.); R. Ranonouara (near Wheeling);
R. Yenariguékonnan (Marietta); R. Chinodaichta (Pt. Pleasant, W. Va.);
R. à la Roche (mouth of Great Miami River).
There are two portages marked on the map: one from Lake Chautauqua to
Lake Erie, and the other from La Demoiselle on the R. à la Roche to
Fort des Miamis on the R. des Miamis, flowing into Lake Erie.
In the annexed sketch of the map, the rude marks of the fleur-de-lis
show “les endroits ou l’on enterré des lames de plomb;” the double
daggers “les latitudes observées;” and the houses “les villages.”
The map has been engraved in J. H. Newton’s _Hist. of the Pan Handle,
West Virginia_ (Wheeling, 1879), p. 37, with a large representation of
a plate found at the mouth of Wheeling Creek (p. 40).
Spotswood in 1716 had taken similar measures to mark the Valley of
Virginia for the English king. John Fontaine, who accompanied him, says
in his journal: “The governor had graving irons, but could not grave
anything, the stones were so hard. The governor buried a bottle with a
paper enclosed, on which he writ that he took possession of this place,
and in the name of and for King George the First of England.” Maury’s
_Huguenot Family_, p. 288.
[1247] The home government ordered Virginia to make this grant to the
Ohio Company. In 1749, 800,000 acres were granted to the Loyal Company.
In 1751 the Green Briar Company received 100,000 acres. Up to 1757,
Virginia had granted 3,000,000 acres west of the mountains.
[1248] _Dinwiddie Papers_, i. 272. The American Revolution ended the
company’s existence. See _ante_, p. 10; also Rupp’s _Early Hist.
Western Penna._, p. 3; Lowdermilk’s _Cumberland_, p. 26; Sparks’s
_Washington_, ii., app.; Sparks’s _Franklin_, iv. 336.
[1249] This treaty was made June 13, 1752. The position of Logstown is
in doubt. Cf. _Dinwiddie Papers_, i. p. 6. It appears on the map in
Bouquet’s _Expedition_, London, 1766. Cf. De Hass’s _West. Virginia_,
70.
[1250] _Ante_, p. 10.
[1251] _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 516, and in _N. Y. Col. Docs._,
vii. 267, etc.
[1252] _Penna. Archives_, ii. 31. William Smith, in 1756, spoke of the
French “seizing all the advantages which we have neglected.” (_Hist. of
N. York_, Albany, 1814, Preface, p. x.)
[1253] This plan is also reproduced in Hough’s ed. of Pouchot, ii. 9;
in Hough’s _St. Lawrence and Franklin Counties_, 70; in the papers on
the early settlement of Ogdensburg, in _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, i. 430.
[1254] Translated in Hough’s _St. Lawrence and Franklin Counties_,
p. 85, where will be found an account of the mission (p. 49), and a
view of it (p. 17) after the English took possession. De la Lande’s
“Mémoires” of Piquet are in the _Lettres Édifiantes_, vol. xv., and
there is an abridged version in the _Doc. Hist. N. Y._ The Canadian
historian, Joseph Tassé, gives an account of Piquet in the _Revue
Canadienne_, vii. 5, 102.
[1255] _Travels_, London, 1771, ii. 310.
[1256] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 205, May 15, 1750.
[1257] _Penna Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 108.
[1258] A paper in _Hist. Mag._, viii. 225, dwells on the impolicy of
the French government in superseding Galissonière.
[1259] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 220.
[1260] Stone’s _Johnson; Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vi.
[1261] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vi. 734; x. 239, etc.
[1262] _Ibid._, vi. 738.
[1263] _Ibid._, vi. 614-39.
[1264] _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 123, 125.
[1265] Sedgwick’s _William Livingston_, p.99; Parkman’s _Montcalm and
Wolfe_, i. p. 54.
[1266] Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_, no. 1,149; Parkman, _Montcalm and
Wolfe_, i. 85. Cf. Sparks’s _Franklin_, iv. 71, 330; _Contest in North
America_, p. 36, etc.
[1267] Thomson, nos. 449, 940. Thomas Cresap writes in 1751, “Mr.
Muntour tells me the Indians on the Ohio would be very glad if the
French traders were taken, for they have as great a dislike to them as
we have, and think we are afraid of them, because we patiently suffer
our men to be taken by them.” Palmer’s _Calendar of Virginia State
Papers_, p. 247.
[1268] _Montcalm and Wolfe_, i. ch. v.
[1269] His foot-notes indicate the particular papers on which he
depends among the Parkman MS. in the Mass. Hist. Soc. library, as
well as papers in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vi. 806, 835, etc., x. 255,
and in the _Colonial Records of Pennsylvania_, v. 659. Cf. papers
on the French movements in the Ohio Valley in 1753, in the _Mag. of
Western Hist._, Aug., 1885, p. 369; and T. J. Chapman on “Washington’s
first public service,” in Mag. of Amer. Hist., 1885, p. 248, and on
“Washington’s first campaign,” in _Ibid._, Jan., 1886.
[1270] Cf. _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 259, note.
[1271] Cf. Thomson’s _Bibliog. of Ohio_, 450.
[1272] _Sparks’s Catal._, p. 224; also Sparks’s _Washington_, i.
48, ii. p. x. Sparks considered that these papers “filled up the
chasm occasioned by the loss of Washington’s papers” in the Braddock
campaign. Referring to Washington’s letters during the French war,
Sparks (ii., introd.) says that Washington, twenty or thirty years
after they were written, caused them to be copied, after he had revised
them, and it is in this amended condition they are preserved, though
several originals still exist. In his reply to Mahon (Cambridge, 1852,
p. 30) Sparks says that this revision by Washington showed “numerous
erasures, interlineations, and corrections in almost every letter,”
probably meaning in those whose originals are preserved. With the
canons governing Sparks as an editor, this revision was followed in his
edition of _Washington’s Writings_; but the historian regrets, as he
reads the record in Sparks’s volumes, that the Washington of the French
war has partly disappeared in the riper character which he became after
he had known the experiences of the American Revolution.
[1273] _The Official Records of Robert Dinwiddie, lieutenant-governor
of the Colony of Virginia_, 1751-58, Richmond, 1883-84, 2 vols.
[1274] Brinley, ii. no. 4,189, a copy which brought $560. Though
described as in “the original marble wrapper,” it did not have a map,
as the copy noted in the _Carter-Brown Catal._ (iii. 1,033) does,
though this may have been added from the London reprint of the same
year, which had “a new map of the country as far as the Mississippi.”
This map is largely derived from Charlevoix. Trumbull, in noting this
reprint (Brinley, ii. 4,190), implies that the original edition did
not have a map, which may be inferred from what Washington says of
its being put hurriedly to press, after he had had only a single day
to write it up from his rough notes. This London reprint is also in
the Carter-Brown library (iii. no. 1,034), and Thomson’s _Bibliog. of
Ohio_ (no. 1,187) records sales of it as follows: (1866) Morrell, $46;
(1867) Roche, $49; (1869) Morrell, $40; (1870) Rice, $52; (1871) Bangs
& Co., $28; (1875) Field, $30; (1876) Menzies, $48. The Brinley copy
brought $80. Cf. Rich., _Bib. Amer. Nova_ (after 1700), p. 105; Field,
_Indian Bibliog._, no. 1,623; Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, i. no. 1,618;
F. S. Ellis (1884), no. 310, £7 10_s._ Sabin reprinted the London
edition in 1865 (200 copies, small paper), and other reprints of the
text are in Sparks’s _Washington_, ii. 432-447; in I. Daniel Rupp’s
_Early History of Western Pennsylvania, and of the West, and of Western
Expeditions and Campaigns, from 1754 to 1833. By a gentleman of the
bar. With an appendix containing the most important Indian Treaties,
Journals, Topographical Descriptions_, etc. Pittsburgh, 1846, p. 392;
in the appendix to the _Diary of Geo. Washington_, 1789-91, ed. by B.
J. Lossing, pp. 203-248, with notes by J. G. Shea, N. Y., 1860, and
Richmond, 1861; and in Blanchard’s _Discovery and Conquests of the
North West_, app., 1-30, Chicago, 1880.
Stevens (_Hist. Coll._, i. p. 131) says the “original autograph of
Washington’s Journal” is in the Public Record Office in London.
St. Pierre’s letter to Dinwiddie was also printed in the _London
Magazine_, June, 1754. This and the allied correspondence are in the
_Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 164, etc.; and in Lossing’s ed. of
_Washington’s Diaries_.
The letter of Holdernesse to the governors of the English colonies,
authorizing force against the French, is in Sparks’s _Franklin_, iii.
251. Sir Thomas Robinson’s letter (July 5, 1754) urging resistance to
French encroachments, with the comments of the Lords of Trade, is in
the _New Jersey Archives_, viii. pp. 292, 294; where will also be found
Robinson’s letter (Oct. 26, 1754) urging enlistments (_Ibid._, Part ii.
p. 17.)
[1275] _Washington_, ii. 7.
[1276] _Penna. Archives_, ii. 233.
[1277] Sparks’s _Washington_, ii. 23; Field, _Indian Bibliog._, no.
1,051, with an erroneous note; Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_, no. 809;
Leclerc, _Bib. Amer._, no. 761.
[1278] Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 1,122-24.
[1279] Leclerc, _Bib. Amer._, no. 762.
[1280] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,151; Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_, no.
264.
[1281] Sparks’s _Washington_, ii. 24; Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,162;
Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_, nos. 811, 812. It was reprinted in 1757 in
Philadelphia. Thomson, no. 810; Hildeburn, _Century of Printing_, i.
1,537.
[1282] Stevens, _Bibliotheca Hist._ (1870), no. 1,383; Carter-Brown,
iii. 1,229; Sabin, xii. 51,661.
[1283] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,167; Cooke, no. 2,904; Sabin, x. p.
412; Murphy, no. 1,510; Field, _Indian Bibliog._, no. 944. It is also
reprinted in _Olden Time_, vol. ii. 140-277 (Field, no. 1,052), and in
Lowdermilk’s _Cumberland_, p. 55, etc.
[1284] _Montcalm and Wolfe_, i. 155.
[1285] Parkman also characterizes as “short and very incorrect” the
abstract of it which is printed in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vol. x.
[1286] Cf. letter of Contrecœur in the _Précis des Faits_; in Pouchot’s
_Mémoire sur la dernière Guerre_, i. p. 14 (also Hough’s translation);
in _Le Politique Danois, ou l’ambition des Anglais demasquée par leurs
Pirateries_, Copenhagen, 1756 (Stevens, _Bibliotheca Geographica_,
no. 2,212; Sabin, xv. no. 63,831); in _Histoire de la Guerre contre
les Anglois_ (Geneva, 1759, two vols.), attributed to Puellin de
Lumina, who speaks of “le cruel Washington;” in Thomas Balch’s _Les
Français en Amérique_ (p. 45); in Dussieux’s _Le Canada sous la
domination Française_, 118; in Gaspe’s _Anciens Canadiens_, 396.
There are other particular references given by Parkman. Garneau’s
account and inferences in his _Histoire du Canada_ are held to be
strictly impartial. Jumonville’s loss is noted in the _Collection de
Manuscrits_, etc. (Quebec, 1884), vol. iii. p. 521.
[1287] Poole’s _Index_ refers to the following: “Washington and the
death of Jumonville,” by W. T. Anderson, in _Canadian Monthly_, i.
p. 55; “Washington and the Jumonville of M. Thomas,” in _Historical
Magazine_, vi. 201. The “Jumonville” of Thomas was a poem published
in 1759, reflecting severely on Washington, and may be found in
_Œuvres de Thomas, par M. Saint-Surin_, v. p. 47. Peter Fontaine
represents the current opinion among the English, as to Jumonville’s
action, when he says that the French “were in ambush in the woods
waiting for” Washington. (Maury’s _Huguenot Family_, 361.) It is not
necessary to particularize the references to Smollett, and Mahon,
Marshall’s _Washington_, Warburton’s _Conquest of Canada_, and
other obvious books; though something of local help will be found
in W. H. Lowdermilk’s _History of Cumberland, Maryland, from 1728
up to the present day, embracing an account of Washington’s first
campaign, and battle of Fort Necessity, with a history of Braddock’s
expedition_, etc., Washington, 1878. Sargent also goes over the events
in the introduction to his _Braddock’s Expedition_, p. 43, etc., and
epitomizes the account by Adam Stephen in the _Pennsylvania Gazette_,
no. 1,343.
[1288] _Col. Rec. of Penna._, vi. 195.
[1289] A view of the fort is noted in the _Catal. of Paintings,
Pa. Hist. Soc._, 1872, no. 64. A diagram of Fort Necessity and its
surroundings, from a survey made in 1816, is given in Lowdermilk’s
_Cumberland_, p. 76. A plan of the attack is in Sparks’s _Washington_,
i. 56. De Hass (_Western Virginia_, 63, 65) says that in 1851 the
embankments of the fort could be traced; and that at one time a
proposition had been made to erect a monument on the site.
[1290] _Washington_, ii. 456-68.
[1291] Parkman, _Montcalm and Wolfe_. Cf. also _Penna. Archives_, ii.
146; _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 260; Walpole’s _Mem. of the Reign of George
II._, 2d ed., i. p. 399.
[1292] “It is a constant maxim among the Indians that if even they can
speak and understand English, yet when they treat of anything that
concerns their nation, they will not treat but in their own language.”
Journal of John Fontaine in Maury’s _Huguenot Family_, p. 273.
[1293] Henry Reed added to Mahon’s account in the Amer. ed. of that
historian (1849), ii. 307. There is a detailed account in Lowdermilk’s
_Cumberland_, p. 77.
[1294] _Braddock’s Expedition_, p. 55; Proud’s _Pennsylvania_, ii.
331. The _Enquiry_ has a map of the country, and the second journal
of Christian Frederic Post. The book was reprinted in Philad. in
1867. (Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_, nos. 1145, 1146; Barlow’s _Rough
List_, no. 951, 952; H. C. lib., 5325.44.) Parkman (_Pontiac_, i. 85)
refers to Thomson’s tract “as designed to explain the causes of the
rupture, which took place at the outbreak of the French war, and the
text is supported by copious references to treaties and documents.”
Referring to a copy with MS. notes by Gov. Hamilton, Parkman says
that the proprietary governor cavils at several unimportant points,
but suffers the essential matter to pass unchallenged. Cf. _Several
Conferences between ... the Quakers and the Six Indian Nations in order
to reclaim their brethren the Delaware Indians from their defection_,
Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 1756. (Brinley, iii. 5,497.)
[1295] J. M. Lemoine epitomizes Stobo’s career in his _Maple Leaves_,
new series, 1873, p. 55.
[1296] These articles are also in Livingston’s _Review of Mil.
Operations_, etc.; _Penna. Archives_, ii. 146; De Hass’s _Western
Virginia_, p. 67; S. P. Hildreth’s _Pioneer Hist. of the Ohio Valley_,
p. 36; Sparks’s _Washington_, ii. 459.
[1297] _History of an expedition against Fort Du Quesne, in 1755,
under Edward Braddock. Ed. from the original MSS._, Phila., 1855.
_Contents_:—Preface. Introductory memoir, pp. 15-280; Capt. [Robert]
Orme’s journal, pp. 281-358; Journal of the expedition, by an unknown
writer, in the possession of F. O. Morris, pp. 359-389; Braddock’s
instructions, etc., pp. 393-397; Letter by Col. Napier to Braddock, pp.
398-400; Fanny Braddock [by O. Goldsmith], pp. 401-406; G. Croghan’s
statement, pp. 407, 408; French reports of the action of the 9th July,
1755, pp. 409-413; Ballads, etc., pp. 414-416; Braddock’s last night in
London, pp. 417, 418; Index, pp. 419-423. Sargent was born in 1828, and
died in 1870. _N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, 1872, p. 88.
[1298] Cf. _Catal. of Sparks MSS._, under vol. xliii., no. 4, for the
same.
[1299] Cf. letter dated Fort Cumberland, July 18, 1755, given in _Mass.
Hist. Soc. Coll._, xviii. 153, with list of officers killed; also in
_Hist. Mag._, viii. 353 (Nov., 1864); and in Lowdermilk’s _Cumberland_,
p. 180. It describes the flight of the army.
[1300] Keppel’s letter to Gov. Lawrence, of Nova Scotia, is in the
_Penna. Mag. of Hist._, Jan., 1886, p. 489.
[1301] Also in the _Penna. Archives_, ii. 203 (cf. 2d series, vi.
211), and _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vi. 920. In _Olden Time_, ii. 217, will
be found a re-Englished form of these instructions, taken from a
French version of them, which the French government published from the
original, captured among Braddock’s baggage.
[1302] Second ed., 1870, i. 101.
[1303] Orig. ed., iv. 184-192; final revision, ii. 420.
[1304] _Life and Writings of Washington_, vol. i., Memoir, and vol.
ii. 16-26, 68-93, 468. Sparks also encountered the subject in dealing
with Franklin, for the Autobiography of Franklin (_Franklin’s Works_,
ed. Sparks, i. 183,—some errors pointed out, p. 192; Bigelow’s ed., p.
303) gives some striking pictures of the confidence of Braddock and the
assurance of the public, the indignation of Braddock towards what he
conceived to be the apathy if not disloyalty of the Pennsylvanians, and
the assistance of Franklin himself in procuring wagons for the army (in
which he advanced money never wholly repaid,—_Franklin’s Works_, vii.
95). On this latter point, see Sargent, p. 164; and _Penna. Archives_,
vol. ii. 294.
Neville B. Craig’s _Washington’s First Campaign, Death of Jumonville,
and taking of Fort Necessity; also Braddock’s Defeat and the March of
the unfortunate General explained by a Civil Engineer_, Pittsburgh,
1848, is made up of papers from Mr. Craig’s monthly publication, _The
Olden Time_, published in Pittsburgh in 1846-1848, and reprinted in
Cincinnati in 1876. It had a folded map of Braddock’s route, repeated
in the work first named. Many of these _Olden Time_ papers are
reprinted in the _Virginia Historical Register_, v. 121.
The full title of Craig’s periodical was _The Olden Time; a monthly
publication devoted to the preservation of documents and other
authentic information in relation to the early explorations and the
settlement of the country around the head of the Ohio_. (Cf. Thomson’s
_Bibliog. of Ohio_, nos. 280, 892, 893; Field, _Ind. Bibliog._, no.
381.) Thomson refers to a similar publication of a little earlier date:
_The American Pioneer. A Monthly Periodical, devoted to the objects
of the Logan Historical Society; or to Collecting and Publishing
Sketches relative to the Early Settlement and Successive Improvement
of the Country. Edited and Published by John S. Williams_. Vol. i.,
Chillicothe, 1842; vol. ii., Cincinnati, 1843. After the removal of
the place of publication to Cincinnati, vol. i. was reprinted, which
accounts for the fact that in many copies vol. i. is dated Cincinnati,
1844, and vol. ii. 1843. The publication was discontinued at the end of
no. 10, vol. ii. It contains journals of campaigns against the Indians,
narratives of captivity, incidents of border warfare, biographical
sketches, etc. The Logan Historical Society was first organized on July
28, 1841, at Westfall, Pickaway County, near the spot where Logan,
the Mingo chief, is said to have delivered his celebrated speech.
The society flourished for two or three years. Mr. Williams was the
secretary of the society. An attempt was again made in 1849 to revive
the society, without success.
[1305] _Life of Washington_, i. ch. xiv.
[1306] For 1755, pp. 378, 426. The first intelligence which Gov. Morris
sent to England was from Carlisle, July 16. _Penna. Archives_, ii. 379.
[1307] The latest local rendering is in W. H. Lowdermilk’s _History of
Cumberland (Maryland) from 1728, embracing an account of Washington’s
first campaign, with a history of Braddock’s expedition, etc. With maps
and illustrations_. Washington, D. C., 1878. It is only necessary to
refer to such other later accounts as Hutchinson’s _Mass._, iii. 32;
Chalmers’ _Revolt_, ii. 275; Marshall’s _Washington_; Grahame’s _United
States_; Mahon’s _England_, vol. iv.; Hildreth’s _United States_, ii.
459-61; Scharf’s _Maryland_, i. ch. 15; J. E. Cooke’s _Virginia_, p.
344; A. Matthews in the _Mag. of Western History_, i. 509; Viscount
Bury’s _Exodus of the Western Nations_ (ii. p. 237), who quotes largely
from a despatch which he found in the Archives de la Guerre (Carton
marked “1755, Marine”).
[1308] _Letters_ (1755), and _Mem. Geo. II._, i. 190.
[1309] _Apology for her Life._
[1310] Capt. Bilkum in the _Covent Garden Tragedy_, 1732.
[1311] See a single letter in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, July, 1882, p.
502, dated June 11, 1755.
[1312] Braddock, at a later stage, was supplied with Evans’ map, for
acquiring a knowledge of the Ohio Valley. _Penna. Archives_, ii. 309,
317. There is in the Faden collection (Library of Congress), no. 4,
“Capt. Snow’s sketch of the country [to be traversed by Braddock]
by himself and the best accounts he could receive from the Indian
tribes,”—a MS. dated 1754, with also Snow’s original draft (no. 5).
[1313] Cf. Parton’s _Franklin_, i. 349. Gov. Sharpe’s letter on this
council is printed in Scharf’s _Maryland_, vol. i. 454.
[1314] A plan of Fort Cumberland, 1755, from a drawing in the King’s
Maps (Brit. Museum), is given in Lowdermilk’s _History of Cumberland_,
p. 92. (Cf. Scharf’s _Maryland_, i. p. 448.) A lithographic view
(1755), in Lowdermilk’s _Hist. of Cumberland_, is given in a reduced
wood-cut in Scharf’s _Maryland_, vol. i. p. 458.
[1315] Cf. a memoir and portrait of St. Clair by C. R. Hildeburn, in
the _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, 1885, p. 1.
[1316] _America and West Indies_, vol. lxxxii.
[1317] _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vii. 91-94. Cf. _Letter to the people of
England on the present situation and conduct of national affairs_
(London, 1755). Sabin, x. no. 40,651.
[1318] See letter from Camp on Laurel Hill, July 12, 1755, on the
defeat, in _Hist. Mag._, vi. 160. In the _Penna. Mag. of History_, iii.
p. 11, is a MS. Newsletter by Daniel Dulany, dated Annapolis, Dec. 9,
1755, giving the current accounts.
[1319] Parkman notes (p. 221) as among his copies a letter of Gov.
Shirley to Robinson, Nov. 5, 1755, from the Public Record Office
(_Amer. and W. Indies_, lxxxii.); a report of the court of inquiry into
the behavior of the troops at the Monongahela; Burd to Morris, July 25;
Sinclair to Robinson, Sept. 3, etc.
[1320] The sermon was printed in Philad., and reprinted in London
in 1756. (Sabin, v. 18,763; Hildeburn, i. no. 1,409; Brinley, i.
218.) There are other symptoms of the time in another sermon of the
same preacher, Oct. 28, 1756. (Sabin, v. 18,757.) Cf. Tyler, _Amer.
Literature_, ii. p. 242; and W. H. Foote’s _Sketches of Virginia_
(Phil., 1850), pp. 157, 284. See further on Davies (who was later
president of Princeton College) and his relations to current events in
Sprague’s _Annals_, iii.; John H. Rice’s memoir of him in the _Lit.
and Evangelical Mag._; Albert Barnes’ “Life and Times of Davies,”
prefixed to _Davies’ Works_ (N. Y., 1851); and David Bostwick’s memoir
of him accompanying Davies’ fulsome _Sermon on the Death of George II._
(Boston, 1761).
[1321] _America and West Indies_, lxxxii. Cf. the statement of loss
in _Collection de Manuscrits_ (Quebec), iii. 544, and in Sargent,
p. 238. The list of Braddock’s killed and wounded, as reported in
the _Gentleman’s Mag._, Aug., 1755, is reprinted in Lowdermilk’s
_Cumberland_, p. 164. There is among the _Sparks MSS._ (no. xlviii.)
a paper, apparently contemporary, giving the British loss, in which
Washington is marked as “wounded.”
[1322] It is signed T. W., and is dated Boston, Aug. 25, 1755.
There were other editions the same year at Bristol and London. Cf.
Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 1,039, 1,120; Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_,
no. 182; Sabin, iii. no. 12,320, x. no. 40,382; Brinley, i. no. 213;
Harvard Coll. lib., 5325.46. The _O’Callaghan Catalogue_, no. 1,749,
says the T. W. was “probably Timothy Walker, afterwards chief justice
of the Common Pleas in Boston.”
[1323] Hildeburn, i. no. 1,479.
[1324] Carter-Brown, iii. 1,038; Thomson, no. 106; Sabin, ii. 7,210.
[1325] _Mem. of the Reign of George II._, 2d ed., ii. 29.
[1326] The book, which is very rare, was published at Lexington,
Ky., in 1799. (Field, _Ind. Bibliog._, no. 1,438; Thomson, _Bibliog.
of Ohio_, 1,055.) It was reprinted in Cincinnati, in 1870 “with an
appendix of illustrative notes by W. M. Darlington,” as no. 5 of the
_Ohio Valley Historical Series_. (Field, no. 1,440.) It was reprinted
at Philad. in 1831, since dated 1834. (Brinley, iii. 5,570.) The author
published an abstract of it in his _Treatise on the mode and manner
of Indian war_, Paris, Ky., 1812. (Field, no. 1,439.) Parkman calls
the earlier book “perhaps the best of all the numerous narratives of
captives among the Indians.”
There is a sketch of Col. James Smith in J. A. M’Clung’s _Sketches
of Western Adventure_ (Dayton, Ohio, 1852). There have been other
reprints of the _Remarkable Occurrences_ in Drake’s _Tragedies of
the Wilderness_ (Boston, 1841); in J. Pritt’s _Mirror of Olden Time
Border Life_ (Abingdon, Va., 1849); in James Wimer’s _Events in Indian
History_ (Lancaster, 1841); and in the _Western Review_, 1821, vol.
iv. (Lexington, Ky.). These titles are noted at length in Thomson’s
_Bibliog. of Ohio_.
[1327] They are: 1. “Relation du combat du 9 juillet, 1755.”
2. “Relation depuis le départ des trouppes de Québec, jusqu’au 30 du
mois de septembre, 1755.”
3. Lettre “de Monsieur Lotbinière à Monsieur le Comte d’Argenson, au
Camp de Carillon, le 24 oct., 1755.”
[1328] One hundred copies printed.
[1329] _Contents._—Notice sur D. H. M. L. de Beaujeu [par J. G. Shea];
Relation de l’action par Mr. de Godefroy; Relation depuis le départ des
trouppes de Québec jusqu’au 30 du mois de septembre, 1755; Relation
de l’action par M. Pouchot; Relation du combat tirée des archives du
Dépôt général de la guerre; Relation officielle, imprimée au Louvre;
Relation des diuers mouvements qui se sont passés entre les François
et les Anglois, 9 juillet, 1755; État de l’artillerie, munitions de
guerre et autres effets appartenant aux Anglais qui se sont trouvés
sur le champ de bataille; Lettre de M. Lotbinière, 24 octobre 1755;
Extraits du registre du Fort Du Quesne. (Cf. Field, _Indian Bibliog._,
no. 1,394.) Shea also edited in the Cramoisy series (100 copies), as
throwing some light on the battle and its hero Beaujeu, _Registres des
baptesmes et sepultures qui se sont faits au Fort Du Quesne pendant les
années 1753, 1754, 1755, & 1756_. _Nouvelle York_, 1859. (iv. 3-51 pp.)
An English translation of this by Rev. A. A. Lambing has been published
at Pittsburgh.
Cf. the French account printed in the _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vi.
256, and the statement of the captured munitions (p. 262). Cf. _N. Y.
Col. Docs._, x. 303, 311. Parkman (app. to vol. ii. 424) brings forward
the official report of Contrecœur to Vaudreuil, July 14, 1755, and
(p. 425) a letter of Dumas, July 24, 1756, written to explain his own
services, both of which Parkman found in the Archives of the Marine
at Paris. It has sometimes been held that Beaujeu, not Contrecœur,
commanded the post. (_Hist. Mag._, Sept., 1859, iii. p. 274.) Parkman
(i. p. 221) also notes other papers among his own MSS. (copies) now in
the Mass. Hist. Soc. library. There is something to be gleaned from the
_Mass. Archives, Doc. collected in France_ (cf. vol. ix. 211), as well
as from the documents copied in Paris for the State of New York (vol.
xi., etc.).
Maurault, in his _Histoire des Abénakis_ (1866), gives a chapter to
“les Abénakis à la bataille de la Mononagahéla.” The part which Charles
Langlade, the partisan chief, took is set forth in Tassé’s _Notice sur
Charles Langlade_ (in _Revue Canadienne_ originally), in Anburey’s
_Travels_, and in Draper’s “Recollections of Grignon” in the _Wisconsin
Hist. Coll._, iii.
[1330] Vol. i. p. 38.
[1331] _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, iii. p. 11.
[1332] _N. Jersey Archives_, 1st ser., viii. 294. The colony was
finally alarmed through fear the enemy would reach her borders.
_Ibid._, viii., Part 2d, pp. 158, 174, 179, 182, 201.
[1333] _Hist. of Maryland_, i. 459.
[1334] Sparks’s _Washington_, ii. 218.
[1335] Sargent, in picturing the condition of society which thus
existed, finds much help in Joseph Doddridge’s _Notes of the Settlement
and Indian wars of the western parts of Virginia and Pennsylvania,
1763-1783, with a view of the state of society and manners of the first
settlers of the western country_, Wellsburgh, Va., 1824. (Sargent,
_Braddock’s Exped._, p. 80; Thomson, _Bibl. of Ohio_, no. 331.)
Doddridge was reprinted, with some transpositions, in Kercheval’s
_Hist. of the Valley of Virginia_ (Winchester, 1833, and Woodstock,
1850,—Thomson, nos. 668-9); and verbatim at Albany in 1876, edited
by Alfred Williams, and accompanied by a memoir of Doddridge by his
daughter (Thomson, no. 332).
Another monograph of interest in this study is John A. M’Clung’s
_Sketches of Western Adventure ... connected with the Settlement of
the West from 1755 to 1794_, Maysville, Ky., 1832. Some copies have
a Philadelphia imprint. There were editions at Cincinnati in 1832,
1836, 1839, 1851, and at Dayton in 1844, 1847, 1852, 1854. An amended
edition, with additions by Henry Waller, was printed at Covington, Ky.,
1872. (Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_, nos. 745-749.)
Of some value, also, is Wills De Hass’s _History of the Early
Settlement and Indian Wars of Western Virginia, previous to 1795_,
Wheeling, 1851. (Thomson, no. 318.)
[1336] James Maury gives a contemporary comment on this harassing
of the frontiers. Maury’s _Huguenot Family_, p. 403. Samuel Davies
pictures them in his _Virginia’s Danger and Remedy_ (Williamsburg,
1756).
[1337] _Penna. Archives,_, ii. 600; _Le Foyer Canadien_, iii. 26;
Sparks’s _Washington_, ii. 137.
These murderous forays can be followed in the correspondence of
Washington (1756); in the _Col. Recs. of Penna._, vii.; _Penna.
Archives_, ii.; Hazard’s _Penna. Reg._; and in the French documents
quoted by Parkman, i. pp. 422-26. There is a letter of John Armstrong
to Richard Peters in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, July, 1882, p. 500; and
local testimony in Egle’s _Pennsylvania_, 616, 714, 764, 874, 1,008;
Rupp’s _Northumberland County_, etc., ch. v. and vi.; Newton’s _Hist.
of the Panhandle, West. Va._ (Wheeling, 1879); Kercheval’s _Valley
of Virginia_, ch. vii., etc.; U. J. Jones’s _Juniata Valley_ (Phil.,
1876); J. F. Meginness’ _Otzinachson, or the West Branch Valley of
the Susquehanna_ (Phil., 1857, p. 62); Scharf’s _Maryland_, vol. i.
470-492; Hand Browne’s _Maryland_, 226.
There is record of the provincial troops of Pennsylvania employed in
these years in the _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vol. ii. In February,
1756, Governor Morris wrote to Shirley, describing the defences he had
been erecting along the borders. (_Penna. Archives_, ii. 569.) There is
in _Ibid._, xii. p. 323, a list of forts erected in Pennsylvania during
this period. The enumeration shows one built in 1747, one in 1749, two
in 1753, seven in 1754, eleven in 1755, twenty-one in 1756, three in
1757, three in 1758, and one in 1759. Plans are given of Forts Augusta
at Shamokin, Bedford at Raystown, Ligonier at Loyalhannon, and Pitt at
Pittsburgh.
In 1756, William Smith (_Hist. New York_, 1814, p. 243) says that
William Johnson, within nine months after the arrival of Braddock,
received £10,000 to use in securing the alliance and pacification of
the Indians.
There was published in London in 1756 an _Account of conferences and
treaties between Sir William Johnson and the chief Sachems, etc.,
on different occasions at Fort Johnson, in 1755 and 1756_ (Brinley,
iii. no. 5,495), and in New York and Boston in 1757 a _Treaty with
the Shawanese on the west branch of the Susquehanna River, by Sir Wm.
Johnson_ (Sabin, xv. 65,759).
[1338] Irving’s _Washington_, i. p. 192, etc. A map of the region under
Washington’s supervision, with the position of the forts, is given in
Sparks’ _Washington_, ii. 110. The journal of John Fontaine describes
some of the forts in the Virginia backwoods. Maury’s _Huguenot Family_,
245, etc.
[1339] Parkman, i. 351.
[1340] The book was first published in London in 1759. (Carter-Brown,
iii. 1,217.) Sparks, in reprinting it in his edition of _Franklin’s
Works_, ii. p. 107, examines the question of Franklin’s relations to
its composition and publication. The book had an appendix of original
papers respecting the controversy. The copy which belonged to Thomas
Penn is in the Franklin Collection, now in Washington. (_U. S. Doc._,
no. 60.) Cf. _Catal. of Franklin Books in Boston Public Library_, p. 8.
[1341] Dr. Franklin and the Rev. William Smith are said to have had
a hand in _A Brief State of the Province of Pennsylvania, in which
the conduct of their assemblies for several years past is impartially
examined_, London, 1755. (Rich, _Bibl. Americana Nova_ (after 1700),
p. 111; Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_, 1,070; Carter-Brown, iii. nos.
1,082, 1,133; Brinley, ii. no. 3,034; Cooke, no. 2,007; a third edition
bears date 1756. It was reprinted by Sabin in N. Y. in 1865.) The
purpose of this tract was (in the opinion of the Quakers) to make them
obnoxious to the British government by showing their factious spirit
of opposition to measures calculated to advance the interests of the
province; and on the other side, _An Answer to an invidious pamphlet
entitled A Brief State_, etc., said to be by one Cross, was published
the same year in London. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,083; Cooke, no.
2,008; Brinley, ii. 3,035; Rich, _Bib. Am. Nov._ (after 1700), p. 111.)
A sequel to the _Brief State_, etc., appeared in London in 1756 as _A
Brief View of the Conduct of Pennsylvania for the year 1755, so far
as it affected the service of the British Colonies, particularly the
Expedition under the late General Braddock_ (Carter-Brown, iii. no.
1,132; Thomson, _Bibl. of Ohio_, no. 1,072; Cooke, no. 2,006; Brinley,
ii. 3,036; Menzies, 1,580-82; Field, _Ind. Bibliog._, 1,446; Barlow’s
_Rough List_, no. 937), which included an account of the contemporary
incursions of the Indians along the Pennsylvania frontiers. A French
version was printed in Paris the same year, under the title of _Etat
présent de la Pensilvanie_ (Brinley, i. 225; Murphy, 329; Quaritch,
1885, no. 29,677, £2 10_s._). The Barlow _Rough List_, no. 930, assigns
it to the Abbé Delaville. It had “une carte particulière de cette
colonie.”
The Quakers found a defender in _An humble apology for the Quakers,
occasioned by certain gross abuses and imperfect vindications of that
people, ... to which are added Observations on A Brief View, and a much
fairer method pointed out than that contained in The Brief State, to
prevent the encroachments of the French_, London, 1756. (Brinley, ii.
3,041.) The latest contribution to this controversy was _A True and
Impartial State of the Province of Pennsylvania_, Philadelphia, 1759.
(Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,232; Brinley, ii. 3,040; Cooke, no. 2,009.)
Hildeburn (_Century of Printing_, i. no. 1,649) says it was thought to
be by Franklin. Parkman (i. p. 351) calls this “an able presentation
of the case of the assembly, omitting, however, essential facts.” This
historian adds: “Articles on the quarrel will also be found in the
provincial newspapers, especially the _New York Mercury_, and in the
_Gentleman’s Magazine_ for 1755 and 1756. But it is impossible to get
any clear and just view of it without wading through the interminable
documents concerning it in the _Colonial Records of Pennsylvania_ and
the _Pennsylvania Archives_.”
Parkman also traces the rise of the disturbance in his _Pontiac_, i. p.
83; and refers further to Proud’s _Pennsylvania_, app., and Hazard’s
_Penna. Reg._, viii. 273, 293, 323.
[1342] _Works_, vii. pp. 78, 84, 94, etc.
[1343] Georg Henry Loskiel, _Geschichte der mission der Evangelischen
Brüder unter den Indianern in Nordamerica_, Leipzig, 1789 (Thomson,
_Bibl. of Ohio_, no. 732), and the English version by Christian
Ignatius La Trobe, _History of the Missions of the United Brethren_,
London, 1794. The massacre is described in Part iii. p. 180. (Thomson,
no. 733.)
John Heckewelder, _Narrative of the Mission of the United Brethren
among the Delaware and Mohegan Indians_, 1740-1808, Philadelphia, 1820.
(Thomson, no. 537; cf. _Hist. Mag._, 1875, p. 287.) There is also a
chapter on “the brethren with the commissioner of Pennsylvania during
the Indian war of 1755-57,” in the _Memorials of the Moravian Church_,
ed. by William C. Reichel (Philad., 1870), vol. i. (Field, _Indian
Bibliog._, no. 1,270.)
[1344] _Penna. Archives_, ii. 485.
[1345] Cf. Parton’s _Franklin_, i. 357; and Franklin’s _Autobiography_,
Bigelow’s ed., p. 319. Franklin drafted the militia act of
Pennsylvania, which was passed Nov. 25, 1755. (_Gentleman’s Mag._,
1756, vol. xxvi.) In Nov., 1755, Gov. Belcher informs Sir Thomas
Robinson of expected forays along the western borders of Virginia and
Pennsylvania. (_New Jersey Archives_, viii., Part 2d, 149.) Even New
Jersey was threatened (_Ibid._, pp. 156, 157, 158, 160, where the
Moravians are called “snakes in the grass”), and Belcher addressed
the assembly (_Ibid._, p. 162), and, Nov. 26, ordered the province’s
troops to march to the Delaware (_Ibid._, p. 174). On Dec. 16 he again
addressed the assembly on the danger (p. 193).
[1346] Cf. Thomson’s _Alienation of the Delawares_, etc.; Heckewelder’s
_Acc. of the Hist. of the Indian Nations_, Phil., 1819; in German,
Göttingen, 1821; in French, Paris, 1822; revised in English, with
notes, by W. C. Reichel, and published by _Penna. Hist. Soc._, 1876.
(Details in Thomson’s _Bibliog. of Ohio_, nos. 533-36.)
[1347] _Administration of the Colonies_, ii. 205.
[1348] The statement is copied in Mills’ _Boundaries of Ontario_, p. 3.
[1349] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, xiii., introduction; Dr. C. H. Hall’s _The
Dutch and the Iroquois_, N. Y., 1882,—a lecture before the Long
Island Hist. Society. In Morgan’s _League of the Iroquois_ there is a
map of their country, with the distributions of 1720, based on modern
cartography. The Tuscaroras, defeated by the English in Carolina,
had come north, and had joined the Iroquois in 1713, or thereabouts,
converting their usual designation with the English from Five to Six
Nations.
[1350] Cf. _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vi. 386, etc. Various letters of
Shirley are in the _Penna. Archives_, vol. ii., particularly one to
De Lancey, June 1, 1755 (p. 338), on the campaign in general, and one
from Oswego, July 20 (p. 381), to Gov. Morris. William Alexander wrote
letters to Shirley detailing the progress of the troops from May onward
(p. 348, etc.).
[1351] Especially one of Sept. 8, “in a wet tent” (p. 402). A letter
from Shirley himself, the next day, Sept. 9, is in the _N. H. Prov.
Papers_, vi. 432. Cf. also _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vi. 956. The records of
the two councils of war, first determining to continue, and later to
abandon, the campaign, with Shirley’s announcement of the decision to
Gov. Hardy, are in _Penna. Archives_, ii. 413, 423, 427, 435.
[1352] Cf. also _Gent. Mag._, 1757, p. 73; _London Mag._, 1759, p. 594.
Cf. Trumbull’s _Connecticut_, ii. 370, etc.
[1353] See particularly for this fight vol. i. 501. Stone treats the
subject apologetically on controverted points. Cf. Field, _Indian
Bibliog._, no. 1,511. Johnson’s letter to Hardy is given in _N. Y. Col.
Docs._, vi. p. 1013.
[1354] Various books may be cited for minor characterizations of
Johnson: Mrs. Grant’s _Memoirs of an American Lady_; J. R. Simms’
_Trappers of New York, or a biography of Nicholas Stoner and Nathaniel
Foster, and some account of Sir William Johnson and his style of
living_ (Albany, 1871, with the same author’s _Schoharie County_, ch.
iv.), called _Frontiersmen of New York_ in the second edition,—works
of little literary skill; Ketchum’s _Buffalo_ (1864). Parkman’s first
sketch was in his _Pontiac_ (i. p. 90). Mr. Stone has also a paper in
_Potter’s Amer. Monthly_, Jan., 1875. Cf. _Lippincott’s Mag._, June,
1879, and Poole’s _Index_, p. 694. His character in fiction is referred
to in Stone’s _Johnson_, i. p. 57.
Peter Fontaine, in 1757, wrote: “General Johnson’s success was owing
to his fidelity to the Indians and his generous conduct to his Indian
wife, by whom he has several hopeful sons.” Ann Maury’s _Huguenot
Family_, p. 351.
William Smith (_New York_, ii. 83), who knew Johnson, speaks of his
ambition “being fanned by the party feuds between Clinton and De
Lancey,” Johnson attaching himself to Clinton.
[1355] Many of these which cover Johnson’s public career have been
printed in the _Doc. Hist. N. Y._ (vol. ii. p. 543, etc.), and_ Penna.
Archives_, 2d ser., vol. vi., not to name places of less extent.
[1356] Cf. _An account of conferences held and treaties made between
Maj.-Gen. Sir Wm. Johnson, Bart., and the Chief Sachems and Warriours
of the Indian nations_, Lond., 1756. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,119;
Stevens’ _Hist. Coll._, i. 1,455; Harvard Coll. lib., 5325.48.)
Johnson’s views on measures necessary to be taken with the Six Nations
to defeat the designs of the French (July, 1754) are in _Penna.
Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 203.
As early as 1750-51, Johnson was telling Clinton that the French
incitement of the Iroquois was worse than open war, and that the only
justification for the French was that the English were doing the same
thing.
[1357] _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vi. 422.
[1358] _Ibid._, p. 421.
[1359] _Ibid._, p. 429.
[1360] Haven (Thomas, _Hist. Printing_, ii. p. 526) notes it as printed
at the time separately in a three-page folio as a _Letter dated at
Lake George, Sept. 9, 1755, to the governours of the several colonies
who raised the troops on the present expedition, giving an account of
the action of the preceding day_. There is a copy of a two-page folio
edition in the cabinet of the Mass. Hist. Soc. Dr. O’Callaghan, in the
_Doc. Hist. N. Y._ (ii. 691), copies it from the _Gent. Mag._, vol.
xxiv., and gives a map (p. 696) from that periodical, which is annexed
herewith.
[1361] Wraxall’s letter, Sept. 10, p. 1003; a gunner’s letter, p. 1005;
and a list of killed and wounded, p. 1006.
[1362] Shirley’s commission to Johnson, and his instructions are given
in the app. of Hough’s ed. of _Rogers’ Journal_, Albany, 1883.
[1363] There is an account of Blanchard’s New Hampshire regiment by
C. E. Potter, in his contribution, “Military Hist. of New Hampshire,
1623-1861” (p. 129), which makes Part i. of the 2d vol. of the _Report
of the Adj.-Gen. of N. H._ for 1866. Cf. also _N. H. Revolutionary
Rolls_, Concord, 1885, vol. i. A second N. H. regiment, under Col.
Peter Gilman, was later sent. (_Ibid._, p. 144.) Col. Bagley, who
commanded the garrison left in Fort William Henry the following
winter, had among his troops the N. H. company of Capt. Robert Rogers.
(_Ibid._, p. 156.)
[1364] _Mass. Bay_, iii. 36.
[1365] _The Mass. Archives_ attest this; cf. also _Doc. Hist. N. Y._,
ii. 667, 677. Out of a reimbursement of £115,000 made by Parliament
to be shared proportionately, Massachusetts was given £54,000 and
New York £15,000, while Connecticut got £26,000,—Rhode Island, New
Hampshire, and New Jersey the rest. (Parkman, i. 382.) The rolls which
show the numbers of troops which Massachusetts sent on the successive
“Crown Point expeditions,” 1755-60, are in the _Mass. Archives_, vols.
xciii.-xcviii.
[1366] The friends of Gen. Lyman were angry at Johnson for his neglect
in his report to give him any share of the credit of the victory.
Cf. Fowler’s _Hist. of Durham, Conn._, 108; Coleman’s _Lyman Family_
(Albany, 1872), p. 204. A letter from Gen. Lyman to his wife is given
by Fowler, p. 133.
[1367] Parkman (vol. i. p. 327) touches on this unpleasantness,
referring to _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vols. vi. and vii., Smith’s _Hist. of
New York_, and Livingston’s _Review of Military Operations_; and adds
that both Smith and Livingston were personally cognizant of the course
of the dispute.
[1368] Cf. vol. i. pp. 174, 182, 184, etc. They include Pomeroy’s
account of the fight of Sept. 8, 1755, addressed to his wife; a letter
of Perez Marsh, dated at Lake George, Sept. 26, 1755; and a list of the
killed, wounded, and missing in Col. Williams’ regiment in the same
action, with a summary of the killed in the whole army, 191 in all.
[1369] They are from Albany, June 6, 1755, July 12; from the carrying
place, Aug. 14, 17, 23; from Lake George, Sept. 11, 26, Oct. 8, 19,
Nov. 2; from Albany, June 19, 1756; from Stillwater, July 16; from
Albany, July 31, August 25, 28; Sept. 2.
[1370] Printed in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, Oct., 1863, p.
346, etc.
[1371] Stone’s _Johnson_, i. 523.
[1372] Samuel Blodget’s _Prospective plan of the battle near Lake
George, on the eighth day of September, 1755, with an explanation
thereof; containing a full, tho’ short History of that important
affair_, was engraved by Thomas Johnston, and published in Boston by
Richard Draper, 1755. (Brinley, i. 209.) The size of the plate is
14×18 inches, and the text is called _Account of the engagement near
Lake George, with a whole sheet plan of the encampment and view of the
battle between the English and the French and Indians_ (4to, pp. 5).
It is dedicated to Gov. Shirley. A copy belonging to W. H. Whitmore is
at present in the gallery of the Bostonian Society, Old State House,
Boston. It was reëngraved (“not very accurately,” says Trumbull) by
Jefferys in London, and was published Feb. 2, 1756, accompanied by
_An Explanation ... by Samuel Blodget, occasionally at the Camp,
when the battle was fought_. (Sabin, ii. 5,955; Harv. Coll. library,
5325.45.) Jefferys inserted the plate also in his _General Topog. of
North America and the West Indies_, London, 1768. It was from Jefferys’
reproduction that it was repeated in Bancroft’s _United States_ (orig.
ed., iv. 210); in Gay’s _Pop. Hist. United States_, iii. p. 288; in
_Doc. Hist. New York_, iv. 169; and in Dr. Hough’s ed. of _Pouchot_.
The plate shows two engagements, with a side chart of the Hudson from
New York upwards: _first_, the ambuscade in which Williams and Hendrick
were killed; and _second_, the attack of Dieskau on the hastily formed
breastwork at the lake. The plate, as engraved by Jefferys, is entitled
_A prospective View of the Battle fought near Lake George on the 8th of
Sep^r, 1755, between 2,000 English and 250 Mohawks under the Command of
Gen^l Johnson, and 2,500 French and Indians under the Command of Genl
Dieskau, in which the English were victorious, captivating the French
General, with a number of his men, killing 700 and putting the rest to
flight_.
[1373] The annexed fac-simile is after a copy of this print in the
library of the American Antiquarian Society.
[1374] Carter-Brown, iii. 1,068; Harvard Coll. lib., 4376.37.
[1375] Haven (in Thomas), ii. 525, who assigns it to Samuel Cooper. It
was reprinted in London, 1755. Brinley, i. no. 214.
[1376] Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_, no. 725. Other editions: Dublin,
1757; New England, 1758; New York, 1770. Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. nos.
1,166, 1,762; Cooke, no. 2,146; Barlow’s _Rough List_, no. 944. It is
reprinted in _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vii. 67. Cf. estimate of the book in
Tyler, _Amer. Literature_, ii. 222.
Stone, _Life of Johnson_, i. 202, says that the coincidences between
passages in this letter and others in William Smith’s _Hist. of New
York_ are so striking as to warrant the conclusion that Smith must have
had a share in the _Review_.
Sedgwick (_Wm. Livingston_, p. 114) says: “Allowance is to be made
for its bitter attacks upon the character of De Lancey, Pownall,
and Johnson.” William Smith, alleged to have been a party to its
production, says: “No reply was ever made to it; it was universally
read and talked of in London, and worked consequences of private and
public utility. General Shirley emerged from a load of obloquy.” De
Lancey (Jones’ _N. Y. during the Rev._, i. 436) holds that, while
Livingston was doubtless cognizant of its publication, its real author
was probably William Smith.
[1377] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,196; Harv. Coll. lib., 4375.25. It is
sometimes ascribed to William Alexander, Earl of Stirling.
[1378] The histories have usually stated that Dieskau was mortally
wounded, and Bancroft (_United States_, iv. 207), in his original
edition speaking of him as “incurably wounded,” has changed it in his
final revision (vol. ii. 435) to “mortally wounded,”—hardly true in
the usual acceptation of the word, since Dieskau lived for a dozen
years, though his wounds were indeed the ultimate cause of his death.
[1379] _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, iii. p. 11.
[1380] Vol. i. 115.
[1381] Cf. further Entick, i. 153; Hutchinson, iii. 35; Smith’s _New
York_, ii. 214; Minot, i. 251; Trumbull’s _Conn._, ii. 368; Palfrey,
Compend. ed., iv. 217; Gay, iii. 283; Barry, ii. 191, etc.; and among
local authorities, Holland’s _Western Mass._; Holden’s _Queensbury_,
p. 285; Palmer’s _Lake Champlain_; Watson’s _Essex County_ (1869), ch.
iv.; De Costa’s _Hist. of Fort George_ (New York, 1871; also Sabin’s
_Bibliopolist_, iii. _passim_, and ix. 39.)
As to Hendrick, see Schoolcraft’s _Notes of the Iroquois_; Campbell’s
_Annals of Tryon County_; N. S. Benton’s _Hist. of Herkimer County_,
ch. i.
Rev. Cortlandt Van Rensselaer delivered a centennial address at
Caldwell in 1855, which is in his _Sermons, Essays, and Addresses_
(Philad., 1861), and Stone (i. 547) makes extracts regarding the
grave and monument of Williams. Joseph White delivered a discourse
on Williams before the alumni of Williams College in 1855. Cf. the
histories of that college.
_A Ballad concerning the fight between the English and French at Lake
George_, a broadside in double column, was published at Boston in 1755.
(Haven, in Thomas, ii. 523.) Parkman (i. 317) cites another, “The
Christian Hero,” in _Tilden’s Poems_, 1756.
[1382] What he hoped of the campaign is expressed in his letter to
Doreil, Aug. 16 (_N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 311). Dieskau’s commission
and instructions (Aug. 15, 1755) from the home government, as well as
Vaudreuil’s instructions to him, are in _Ibid._, x. 285, 286, 327, and
in the original French in _Coll. de Manuscrits_ (Quebec), iii. p. 548.
[1383] Here also (pp. 381, 397), as well as in the _Penna. Archives_,
2d ser., vi. 341, will be found the usual annual reports of
“occurrences” transmitted to Paris.
[1384] Printed in _Coll. de Manuscrits_ (Quebec), iv. p. 1, as is also
a letter of Dieskau from the English Camp (p. 5), and a letter of
Montreuil of Sept. 18 (p. 6).
[1385] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 318.
[1386] It is translated in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 340, and is
accompanied (p. 342) by a diagram of the _cul-de-sac_ which received
the English.
[1387] This seems to be the document which Parkman quotes as _Livre
d’Ordres_, now in the possession of Abbé Verreau. Parkman does not
think it materially modifies the despatches as filed in Paris.
[1388] _New Jersey Archives_, viii., Part 2d, 133; also see pp. 137,
149, 188.
[1389] _New Jersey Archives_, viii., Pt. 2d, p. 168.
[1390] Smith’s _New York_, ii. 224; _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vi. 460, 463;
_The Conduct of Gen^l Shirley_, pp. 53-56; Livingston’s _Rev. of Mil.
Operations_.
[1391] One of his projects, which he had to abandon, was a winter
attack on Ticonderoga. (_N. H. Prov. Papers_, vi. 461, 467.) He
explained in Feb. to Gov. Morris, of Penna., his views of the campaign.
(_Penna. Archives_, ii. 579.) Cf. also _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vi. 480.
[1392] _Johnson_, i. 536.
[1393] Vol. ii. ch. i. Cf. also Parkman, i. 392-3.
[1394] Johnson had held a conference with them at Lake George shortly
after the fight (Sept. 11). _Penna. Archives_, ii. 407.
[1395] Cf. L. C. Draper’s “Expedition against the Shawanoes,” in the
_Virginia Historical Register_ (vol. v. 61). Later in the season
the Pennsylvanians (July and Nov., 1756) sought to quiet the tribes
by conferences at Easton. Cf. _Penna. Archives_, ii. 722, etc., and
Sparks’ note in _Franklin’s Works_, vii. 125, and the histories of
Pennsylvania, and _Several Conferences of the Quakers and the deputies
from the Six Indian Nations, in order to reclaim the Delaware Indians_,
Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 1756, noted in Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,118.
Hildeburn, i. nos. 1,538, 1,539, 1,540, and the _Catal. of works
relating to Franklin in the Boston Public Library_, p. 35, give these
various publications. The opposition of the Quakers to the war was
still an occasion of attacks upon them. Cf. _A true relation of a
bloody battle fought between George and Lewis_ (Philad., 1756), noted
in Hildeburn, i. no. 1,476. In Jan., the New Jersey government had
made a treaty at Croswicks, and the proceedings of the conference were
printed at Philad. (Cf. Hildeburn, i. no. 1,504; Haven, in Thomas, ii.
p. 530.) Governor Sharp erected Fort Frederick for the defence of the
Maryland frontier. Its ruins are shown in Scharf’s _Maryland_, i. 491.
Among the accounts of “captivities” which grew out of the frontier
warfare of Pennsylvania, the _Narrative of the sufferings and
surprising deliverance of William and Elizabeth Fleming_ was one of
the most popular. It was printed in Philadelphia, Lancaster (Pa.), and
Boston, in 1756, in English, and at Lancaster in German. (Hildeburn,
nos. 1,465-1,468.) The _Captivity of Hugh Gibson_ among the Delawares,
1756-59, is printed in the _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxv. 141. A _Journal
of the Captivity of Jean Lowry and her children, giving an account of
her being taken by the Indians, April 1, 1756, in the Rocky Spring
settlement in Pennsylvania_, was printed in Philadelphia in 1760.
(Hildeburn, _Century of Printing_, i. no. 1,683.) On the Indian
depredations at Juniata in 1756, see Egle’s _Hist. Register_, iii. 54.
[1396] In the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vii., these conferences of 1756 can
be followed equally well, beginning with a long paper by the secretary
of Indian affairs, Peter Wraxall, in which he examines the causes of
the declension of British interests with the Six Nations (p. 15), with
records of conferences from March through the season (pp. 44, 91, 130,
171, 229, 244).
[1397] Cf. the instructions given to Vaudreuil, Apr. 1, 1755, touching
his conduct towards the English, in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 295, and
_Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 239.
[1398] _Conduct of Shirley_, etc., p. 76; Pouchot’s _Mémoires_, i. 76;
Parkman, i. 375.
[1399] Vol. i. p. 357. Cf. Barry’s _Mass._, i. 211.
[1400] The roll of the regiment which New Hampshire sent into the field
is given in the _Rept. of the Adj.-Gen. of N. H._, 1866, vol. ii. p.
159, etc.
[1401] On Winslow’s appointment, compare _Conduct of Shirley_, etc., p.
65; _Journal of Ho. of Rep. Mass._, 1755-56; Winslow’s letter in the
_Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, vi. p. 34; Minot’s _Mass._, i. 265; Parsons’s
_Pepperrell_, 289.
[1402] Vol. i. p. 405.
[1403] _Ibid._, i. pp. 401-2.
[1404] Since printed in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ (March, 1882), viii.
206. It covers June 11-Aug. 18, 1756.
[1405] Vol. i. p. 72.
[1406] Parkman (vol. i. p. 394) tells the story of that success,
and refers to a letter of J. Choate in the _Mass. Archives_, vol.
lv.; letters from Albany, in the _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, i. 482, 505;
Livingston’s _Review_; Niles, in _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxxv. 417; Mante,
p. 60; Lossing’s _Life of Philip Schuyler_ (1872, vol. i. p. 130), who
was Bradstreet’s commissary.
[1407] Montcalm’s commission is given in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x.
394, and in _Coll. de Manuscrits_ (Quebec), vol. iv. 19. It is dated at
Versailles, Mar. 1, 1756.
[1408] Vol. i. p. 398.
[1409] Loudon was now directing affairs. The circular from Fox,
secretary of state, to the governors of the colonies, directing them to
afford assistance to Lord Loudon, is in _New Jersey Archives_, viii.,
Pt. ii., p. 209; with additional instructions, p. 218.
[1410] _Life of Johnson_, ii. 22.
[1411] Cf. _Coll. de Manuscrits_ (Quebec), iv. 59. Robert Eastburn,
who was captured by the Indians near Oswego and carried to Canada,
published at Philadelphia and Boston, in 1758, a _Faithful narrative of
many dangers and sufferings during his late captivity_. (Sabin, vi. no.
21,664; Hildeburn, i. no. 1,581.)
[1412] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,163; Field, Indian_ Bibliog._, no.
1,064.
[1413] Second ed., York, 1758; fourth ed., London, 1759. (Carter-Brown,
iii. 1,200, 1,241.) Also, Dublin, 1766; and Stockbridge, Mass., 1796.
[1414] Page 64.
[1415] _New York_ (to 1762), ii. 239.
[1416] _Mass._, vol. iii. The latest account and best to consult is
Parkman’s (vol. i. p. 413). Bancroft’s is much the same in his final
revision (vol. ii. 453) as in his original ed. (iv. 238). Warburton’s
_Conquest of Canada_ (ch. ii.) is tolerably full. For local aspects,
cf. Clark’s _Onondaga_, and a paper by M. M. Jones in _Potter’s
American Monthly_, vii. 178.
[1417] Vol. i. p. 356-360.
[1418] The governors of Canada were in the habit of reporting to the
Marine; but Montcalm sent his despatches to the department of War.
Various ones are given in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x., and in _Coll. de
Manuscrits_ (Quebec), vol. v.
[1419] Such are an officer’s letter (p. 453), a journal (p. 457),
Montcalm to D’Argenson (p. 461), an engineer’s letter (p. 465), an
account (p. 467), Vaudreuil to D’Argenson (p. 471), other narratives
with enumeration of booty (pp. 484-85, 520, 537), Lotbinière’s account
(p. 494), etc. Cf. the French account, Aug. 28, 1756, in the _Penna.
Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 376, beside the letter of Claude Godfroy (p.
391). Pouchot’s _Mémoires_, i. pp. 70, 81, gives the current French
account.
[1420] Boston Pub. Library; Murphy, no. 2,114. It is given in _Coll. de
Manuscrits_ (Quebec), iv. 48.
[1421] They will be found in the _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, iv. pp. 169, 170
(Sept., 1755), 171, 175 (Oct.), 176 (Nov.), 184 (Jan., 1756), 185
(June), 286 (July), etc.
[1422] It was reprinted at Dublin in 1769. (Thomson, _Bibliog. of
Ohio_, nos. 996, 997; Field, _Ind. Bibliog._, no. 1,315; Carter-Brown,
iii. nos. 1,474, 1,702; Barlow’s _Rough List_, nos. 983-84; Brinley,
i. no. 256; Menzies, no. 1,716; H. C. lib., 4376.21.) In a condensed
form it makes part of a book edited by Caleb Stark, and published at
Concord, N. H., in 1831, called _Reminiscences of the French War_, and
it also appears in an abridged form in Caleb Stark’s _Memoir of John
Stark_, Concord, 1860, p. 390. The best edition is that edited by Dr.
F. B. Hough, with an Appendix, Albany, 1883. The _Journals_ cover the
interval from Sept. 24, 1755, to February 14, 1761. Haven (Thomas, ii.
p. 560) cites from the _Boston News-Letter_, Apr. 15, 1762, proposals
for printing at Charleston, S. C., in 4 vols., a “Memoir of Robert
Rogers, containing his journals, 1755-1762,” but the publication was
not apparently undertaken.
[1423] Hough’s ed., p. 9; Parkman, i. p. 437.
[1424] The best later accounts are in Parkman (vol. i. 431), Stone’s
_Johnson_ (ii. 20), and the papers by J. B. Walker in the _Granite
Monthly_, viii. 19, and _Bay State Monthly_, Jan., 1885, p. 211. Sabine
has a sketch of Rogers in his _Amer. Loyalists_, and more or less of
local interest can be gathered from H. H. Saunderson’s _Charlestown, N.
H._, ch. 5 and 6; N. Bouton’s _Concord_, N. H., ch. 6; Caleb Stark’s
_Dunbarton, N. H._, p. 178; and Worcester’s _Hollis, N. H._, p. 98.
Caleb Stark prints a sketch of Rogers in his _Memoir of Gen. Stark_.
Cf. references in _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, Apr., 1885, p. 196.
The officers of Rogers’ Rangers are given in the _Report of the
Adj.-Gen. of N. H._, vol. ii. p. 158, etc., but it is there stated that
but few fragments remain of their rolls.
There is an account by Asa Fitch of the affair of Jan., 1757, in the
_N. Y. State Agric. Soc. Trans._, 1848, p. 917. The legend of “Rogers’
slide,” near the lower end of Lake George, has no stable foundation.
Hough’s ed. of _Journals_, p. 101.
[1425] _Brinley Catal._, i. no. 469.
[1426] Vol. xv. no. 63,223.
[1427] Vol. i. p. 451.
[1428] Some of these are printed in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x., like
Vaudreuil’s letter (p. 542), enclosing an extended narrative (p. 544),
Montcalm to D’Argenson (p. 548), to M. de Paulmy (p. 554), beside other
statements (p. 570, etc.).
[1429] The general accounts which had been earlier printed, and which
were based on contemporary reports, were, on the English side, in
John Knox’s _Historical Journal of the Campaigns, 1757-60_ (London,
1769), Mante’s _History of the Late War_ (London, 1772, pp. 82-85), and
Smith’s _New York_, ii. 246. To these may be added the reports which
were printed in the newspapers and magazines of the time, like the
_Boston Gazette_ and the _London Magazine_. An important letter of John
Burk from the camp at Fort Edward, July 28, 1757, is in the _Israel
Williams MSS._ (Mass. Hist. Soc.).
[1430] Col. Frye’s “Journal of an attack on Fort William Henry, Aug.
3-9” is printed in Oliver Oldschool’s (Dennie’s) _Portfolio_, xxi. 355
(May, 1819).
[1431] Printed in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x.: Montcalm’s letter (p.
596); Journal, July 12 to Aug. 16 (p. 598); Bougainville’s letter
to the ministry (p. 605); articles of capitulation (p. 617); other
accounts (p. 640); number of the French forces (pp. 620, 625), of the
English garrison (p. 621); account of the booty (p. 626), etc. The
same volume contains (p. 645) a reprint of a current French pamphlet,
dated Oct. 18, 1757. These and other documents are in the _Coll. de
Manuscrits_ (Quebec), vol. iv.: Montcalm’s letters from Montreal; his
instructions, July 9 (p. 100); his letters from Carillon (p. 110); his
letter to Webb, Aug. 14 (p. 114); an account of the capture, dated at
Albany, Aug., 1757 (p. 117); Munro’s capitulation (p. 122).
[1432] Vol. iv. Cf. Felix Martin’s _De Montcalm en Canada_, p. 65. The
letter is translated in Kip’s _Jesuit Missions_, and is reprinted by
J. M. Lemoine in his _La Mémoire de Montcalm vengée, ou le massacre
au Fort George_, Quebec, 1864, 91 pp. (Field, _Ind. Bibliog._, no.
906; Sabin, x. p. 205.) Cf., on Roubaud, “The deplorable case of Mr.
Roubaud,” in _Hist. Mag._, 2d ser., viii. 282; and Verreau, _Report on
Canadian Archives_ (1874). A late writer, Maurault, in his _Histoire
des Abénakis_ (1866), has a chapter on these Indians in the wars. They
are charged with beginning the massacre. The modern French view is in
Garneau’s _Canada_, 4th ed., vol. ii. 251.
[1433] There is a letter on the capture, by N. Whiting, among the
_Israel Williams MSS._ (ii. 42) in the Mass. Hist. Soc. library. Cf. a
paper by M. A. Stickney in the _Essex Inst. Historical Collections_,
iii. 79.
[1434] Cf. Scull’s _Evelyns in America_, p. 260.
[1435] The Journals give a sketch of the intrenchment near Fort William
Henry, laid out by James Montresor (p. 23), and describe how the firing
was heard at Fort Edward (p. 26), and how the survivors of the massacre
came in (p. 28). Webb’s reports to the governor during this period are
noted in Goldsbrow Banyar’s diary (Aug. 5-20), in the _Mag. of Amer.
Hist._, January, 1877. The _Journal of General Rufus Putnam, kept in
Northern New York during four campaigns, 1757-1760, with notes and
biog. sketch by E. C. Dawes_ (Albany, 1886), shows (pp. 38-41) how the
news came in from the lake,—the diarist, whose father was a cousin of
Israel Putnam, being stationed at Fort Edward.
[1436] Niles’ _French and Indian Wars_; Minot’s _Massachusetts_ (ii.
21); Belknap’s _New Hampshire_ (ii. 298); Hoyt’s _Antiq. Researches,
Indian Wars_, (p. 288); Williams’ _Vermont_, (i. 376). Chas. Carroll
(_Journal to Canada_, 1876, p. 62) tells what he found to be the
condition of Forts George and William Henry twenty years later.
[1437] Orig. ed., iv. 258; final revision, ii. 463.
[1438] Vol. iii. 376.
[1439] Stone’s _Johnson_, ii. 47. The admirer of Cooper will remember
the interest with which he read the story of Fort William Henry as
engrafted upon _The Last of the Mohicans_, but the novelist’s rendering
of the massacre is sharply criticised by Martin in his _De Montcalm en
Canada_, chaps. 4 and 5. Cf. also Rameau, _La France aux Colonies_,
ii. p. 306. Cooper, in fact, embodied the views which at once became
current, that the French did nothing to prevent the massacre. The news
of the fall of the fort reached the eastern colonies by way of Albany,
where the fright was excessive, and it was coupled with the assurance
that the massacre had been connived at by the French. (_N. H. Prov.
Papers_, vi. 604, 605.) Montcalm had apprehensions that he would be
reproached, and that the massacre might afford ground to the English
for breaking the terms of the surrender. He wrote at once to Webb and
to Loudon, and charged the furor of the Indians upon the English rum
(_N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 618, 619), and Vaudreuil wrote a letter (p.
631) of palliation. Some later writers, like Grahame (_United States_,
iv. 7), do not acquit Montcalm; but the more considerate hardly go
further than to question his prudence in not providing a larger escort.
(Warburton, _Conquest of Canada_, ii. 67.) Potter (_Adj.-Gen. Rep. of
N. H._, 1866, ii. 190) says that of 200 men of that province, bringing
up the rear of the line of retreating English, 80 were killed; and
he reminds the apologists of Montcalm that, when the English were
advised to defend themselves, the French general knew that they had
not surrendered till their ammunition was expended. Stone (_Johnson_,
ii. 49) says that thirty were killed. Parkman (i. p. 512) says it is
impossible to tell with exactness how many were killed—about fifty,
according to French accounts, not including those murdered in the
hospitals. Of the six or seven hundred carried off by the Indians, a
large part were redeemed by the French. The evidence, which is rather
confusing, is examined also in Watson’s _County of Essex, N. Y._, p.
74. Cf. _Les Ursulines de Québec_, 1863, vol. ii. p. 295.
[1440] Of the later writers, see Parkman, ii. 6; Stone’s _Johnson_,
ii. 54; Simms’s _Frontiersmen of N. Y._, 231; and Nath. S. Benton’s
_Herkimer County_, which rehearses the history of the Palatine
community, 1709-1783. Parkman, referring to Loudon’s despatches as he
found them in the Public Record Office, says they were often tediously
long. They were, it seems, in keeping with the provoking dilatoriness
in coming to a point which characterized all his lordship’s movements.
Franklin gives some amusing instances. (Cf. Parton’s _Franklin_, i.
p. 383; Sparks’ _Franklin_, i. 217-21.) “The miscarriages in all
our enterprises,” wrote Peter Fontaine in 1757, “have rendered us
a reproach, and to the last degree contemptible in the eyes of our
savage Indian and much more inhuman French enemies.” (Maury’s _Huguenot
Family_, 366.)
Attached to a collection of papers in the _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, vol. i.,
relating to the Oneida country and the Mohawk Valley, 1756-57, is a
sketch-plan of the Mohawk River and Wood Creek, showing the relative
positions of Fort Bull, Fort Williams, and the German Flats.
[1441] G. H. Fisher on Bouquet in _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, iii. 121.
[1442] _Minutes of Conferences with the Indians at Harris’s ferry and
at Lancaster, Mar., Apr., May, 1757_, fol., Philad. (Haven, in Thomas,
ii. p. 535.)
[1443] _A treaty with the Shawanese and Delaware Indians at Fort
Johnson, by Sir Wm. Johnson, with a preface_, N. Y., 1757. (Harv. Coll.
lib., 5321.30.) It was also printed at Boston. (Haven, p. 535.) Cf.
_Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 499, 511.
[1444] Stone’s _Johnson_, ii. 26.
[1445] _Johnson_, ii. 28.
[1446] _Minutes of Conference held with the Indians at Easton, July and
Aug., 1757_, Philad. (Haven, p. 535.) A journal of Capt. George Croghan
during its continuance and Croghan’s report to Johnson are in _Penna.
Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 527-538, and in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vii. 280.
In a sale of Americana at Bangs’s in New York, Feb. 27, 1854, no. 1,307
of the _Catalogue_ shows MS. minutes of this conference, which is
endorsed by Benj. Franklin, “This is Mr. [Chas.] Thomson’s copy, who
was secretary to King Teedyuskung,” who was the Delaware chief. No.
1,308 of the same _Catalogue_ is the MS. Report of the council.
An account of Johnson’s proceedings with the Indians from July to
Sept., 1757, is in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vii. 324; and in the same
volume are various letters of Johnson to the Lords of Trade.
[1447] It is told graphically in Macaulay’s _Essay on Chatham_. Cf.
also J. C. Earle’s _English Premiers_, Lond., 1871, vol. i.
[1448] Cf. _Occasional reflections on the importance of the war in
America, in a letter to a member of Parliament_, Lond., 1758. (H. C.
lib., 4375.34.) The _Carter-Brown Catal._ (iii. 1,201) assigns this to
Peter Williamson, who published at York, in 1758, _Some considerations
on the present state of affairs wherein the defenceless condition
of Great Britain is pointed out_. (H. C. lib., 6374.19.) Cf. also
_Proposals for uniting the English Colonies ... so as to enable them
to act with force and vigour against their enemies_, London, 1757.
(Carter-Brown, iii. 1,165; Harv. Coll. library, 6374.14.)
[1449] Vol. ii. ch. xviii.
[1450] Orig. ed., iv. 144; final revision, ii. 457.
[1451] _Conduct of a noble commander in America impartially reviewed_,
Lond., 1758, pp. 45. (Carter-Brown, iii. 1,176; Sabin, iv. 15,197.)
[1452] In June, 1758, Simon Stevens, who commanded a reconnoitring
party from Fort William Henry, was captured by the enemy, and an
account of his experiences, till he escaped from Quebec, was printed in
Boston in 1760.
[1453] Cf. letter in _Penna. Archives_, iii. 472. Later historians
have followed Dwight (_Travels_, iii. 383) in supposing the earthworks
still remaining to represent the work of Montcalm in preparation for
the fight. Hough (ed. of _Rogers’ Journal_, p. 118) so accounts them.
Parkman says, however, that these mounds are relics of the strengthened
works that Montcalm threw up later, his protection at the fight being
of logs mainly.
[1454] _Travels_, iii. 384.
[1455] Items from this diary are quoted in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._,
vol. xvii. (1879), p. 243. The original is in the cabinet of that
society.
[1456] Parkman refers (ii. 432) to letters of Colonel Woolsey and
others in the _Bouquet and Haldimand Papers_ in the British Museum.
A letter of Sir William Grant is given in Maclachlan’s _Highlands_
(1875), ii. 340. Knox (i. 148) gives a letter from an officer. Dwight
refers to a letter in the _New Amer. Magazine_. There are among the
letters of Chas. Lee to his sister (_N. Y. Hist. Coll._, 1871) one
from Schenectady, June 18, and one from Albany, Sept. 16, 1758. He
describes his being wounded at Ticonderoga, and is very severe on the
“Booby-in-chief.” Other letters are in the _Boston Gazette_, 1758. The
_Boston Evening Post_, July 24, 1758, has “the latest advices from
Lake George, published by authority,” in which, speaking of Montcalm’s
lines, it is said that “the ease with which they might be forced
proved a mistake; for it was not possible with the utmost exaction of
bravery to carry them.” It gives a table of losses as then reported;
and adds extracts from a letter dated Saratoga, July 12, “which are
not authenticated.” There is in the _Israel Williams MSS._, in the
Mass. Hist. Soc. library, a letter from Col William Williams, dated
July 11, 1758, at Lake George, as at “a sorrowful situation.” The same
papers contain also a letter from Oliver Partridge, Lake George, July
12, 1758; a detailed account of the campaign, by Col. Israel Williams;
a letter of his nephew, Col. William Williams, Aug. 21, 1758; a rough
draft of a narrative of the campaign by Colonel Israel Williams, dated
at Hatfield, Aug. 7, 1758; a letter from Timothy Woodbridge, Lake
George, July 24, 1758; and others from the camp, Lake George, Sept. 26
and 28, by William Williams.
Several diaries have been printed: Chaplain Shute’s is in the _Essex
Inst. Hist. Coll._, xii. 132. In the same, vol. xviii. pp. 81, 177
(April, July, 1881), is another by Caleb Rea, published separately as
_Journal, written during the expedition against Ticonderoga in 1758_.
_Edited by F. M. Ray, Salem, Mass._, 1881.
In the _Historical Mag._, Aug., 1871 (p. 113), is the journal of a
provincial officer, beginning at Falmouth (Me.), May 21, 1758, and
ending on his return to the same place, Nov. 15.
The journal of Lemuel Lyon, during this expedition, makes part (pp.
11-45) of _The military journals of two private soldiers_, with
illustrative notes by B. J. Lossing, published at Poughkeepsie in 1855.
(Field, no. 963; Sabin, x. no. 42,860.) An account by Dr. James Searing
is given in the _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Proc._, 1847, p. 112, and Rufus
Putnam’s journal, 1757-1760, edited by E. C. Dawes (Albany, 1885),
covers the campaign. A Scottish story of second sight,—a legend of
Inverawe,—in reference to the death of Major Duncan Campbell in the
fight, is given in _Fraser’s Mag._, vol. cii. p. 501, by A. P. Stanley;
in the _Atlantic Monthly_, Apr., 1884, by C. F. Gordon-Cumming; and by
Parkman (vol. ii., app., P. 433).
[1457] Vol. ii. p. 432.
[1458] A list of the killed and wounded of the English, from the
_London Mag._, xxvii. p. 427, is in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 728. In
a volume of miscel. MSS., 1632-1795, in the Mass. Hist. Society, there
is a list of officers and soldiers killed and wounded in the attack on
Ticonderoga, July 8, 1758, “from papers of Richard Peters, secretary of
the governor of Pennsylvania.”
[1459] Other general sources: Entick; Hutchinson, iii. 70; Smith’s _New
York_ (1830), ii. 265; Trumbull’s _Connecticut_; Bancroft, orig. ed.,
iv. 298, final revision, ii. 486; Williams’ _Vermont_; Warburton’s
_Conquest of Canada_, ii. ch. 5, who accuses Grahame (_United States_,
ii. 279) of undue predilection for the provincial troops; Watson’s
_County of Essex_, ch. 6; Stone, ii. 173, who neglects to say what
part Johnson’s braves took in the fight; beside the general English
historians, Smollett, Belsham, Mahon, etc.
[1460] Such are Montcalm’s letter to the Marshal de Belle Isle, July
12 (p. 732), his report to the same (p. 737), and his letter to
Vaudreuil (p. 748). The governor made the victory the occasion of
casting reproaches upon the general (p. 757), and Vaudreuil’s spirit
of crimination is shown in his letter to De Massiac, Aug. 4 (p. 779),
and in his observations on Montcalm’s account of the fight (p. 788,
etc.), as well as in Vaudreuil’s letter to Montcalm, and the latter’s
observations upon it (p. 800). The _Coll. de Manuscrits_ (Quebec), vol.
iv., has several documents, like Montcalm’s letters to Vaudreuil of
July 9 and Oct. 21 (pp. 168, 201).
A letter of Doreil, dated at Quebec, July 28, is also in the _N. Y.
Col. Docs._ (pp. 744, 753), as well as a reprint of an account printed
at Rouen, Dec. 23, 1758 (p. 741). A _Journal de l’affaire du Canada,
passée le 8 Juillet, 1758, imprimé à Paris, 1758_, is in the _Coll. de
Manuscrits_ (Quebec), iv. 219. There is a French letter (July 14) in
the _Penna. Archives_, iii. 472, of which a translation is given in the
_N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. p. 734. (Cf. also pp. 747 and 892.) The journal
of military operations before Ticonderoga from June 30 to July 10 is in
_Ibid._, p. 721, as well as a journal of occurrences, Oct. 20, 1757, to
Oct. 20, 1758, which also rehearses the details of the fight (p. 844).
M. Daine, in a letter to Marshal de Belle Isle, dated Quebec, 31
July, 1758, gives him the details of the victory at Carillon, as he
had collected them from the letters of different officers who were in
the action. (_N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 813.) It resembles Montcalm’s own
letter to Vaudreuil.
[1461] On the part of the Indians in the battle, see Joseph Tassé, “Sur
un point d’histoire,” in _Revue Canadienne_, v. 664. Ernest Gagnon has
a paper, “Sur le drapeau de Carillon,” in _Ibid._, new series, ii. 129.
[1462] _Proceedings_, 2d ser., i. p. 134.
[1463] _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1862, p. 217.
[1464] Called “Molong” by the early chroniclers on the English side,
and even by Tarbox, in his _Life of Putnam_. Parkman says Humphreys’
account of the battle is erroneous at several points. There are details
in Rogers’ _Journals_; in a record by Thomson Maxwell in the _Hist.
Coll. of the Essex Institute_, vii. 97; in _Gentleman’s Mag._, 1758, p.
498; in _Boston Gazette_, no. 117; in _N. H. Gazette_, no. 104; beside,
on the French side, in the Paris documents of the Parkman MSS. Cf.
account of the ground in Lossing’s _Field-Book of the Rev._, i. 140,
and Holden’s _Queensbury_, p. 325. A letter of Oliver Partridge, Sept.,
1758 (_Israel Williams MSS._), describes the movements of Rogers.
[1465] Bradstreet himself is thought to have had a hand in _An
Impartial Account of Lieut.-Col. Bradstreet’s Expedition to Fort
Frontenac, by a Volunteer on the Expedition_, London, 1759.
(Carter-Brown, iii. 1,203; Field, _Indian Bibliog._, no. 171; Bost.
Pub. Library, H. 95.74; Brinley, i. 210.) There is in Harvard College
library a copy of a MS. which belonged in 1848 to Lyman Watkins, of
Walpole, N. H., and is called _A Journal of the Expedition against Fort
Frontenac in 1758, by Lieut. Benjamin Bass, with lists of officers_,
etc. (H. C., 5325.51.) Fort Frontenac, after its capture, is described
in a _Letter to the Right Hon. William Pitt, Esq., from an officer at
Fort Frontenac_, London, 1759. (Carter-Brown, iii. 1,223; Sabin, x.
40,533.)
[1466] His letter announcing the occupation is in _Penna. Archives_,
viii. 232, and _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 905.
[1467] Parkman’s notes on these indicate that in Sparks, ii. p. 293,
the letter is abbreviated and altered; p. 295 is altered; p. 297 is
varied; p. 299 has great variations; p. 302 has variations; p. 307 is
shortened and changed; p. 310 has variations.
[1468] This is reprinted in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 902. Cf. _Penna
Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 429.
[1469] _Bibliog. of Ohio_, no. 939; Sabin, xv. 64,453; Field, no.
1,233. It is reprinted in Proud’s _Hist. of Penna._, ii., app.; Rupp’s
_Early Hist. of Western Penna._, p. 99; _Olden Time_, i. 98; _Penna.
Archives_, iii. 520 (cf. also pp. 412, 560). Stone, _Life of Johnson_,
ii. ch. 4, magnifies Johnson’s influence in this pacification of the
Indians. Cf. Parkman’s _Pontiac_, i. 143.
[1470] Vol. ii. ch. 22.
[1471] Orig. ed., iv. 308; final revision, ii. 490.
[1472] Vol. i. ch. 24.
[1473] Cf. Sargent’s _Braddock’s Exped._, introd.; Darlington’s ed. of
Smith’s _Remarkable Occurrences_, p. 102; A. W. Loomis’ _Centennial
Address_ (1858), published at Pittsburgh, 1859; Gordon’s _Hist. of
Pennsylvania; The American Pioneer_ (periodical). A sketch of Fort
Pitt, as Mr. Samuel Vaughan found it in 1787, is given in his MS.
journal, owned by Mr. Chas. Deane.
[1474] The Parkman MSS. contain letters of Bougainville dated July
25, 1758; Paris, Dec. 22, Versailles, Dec. 29; Paris, Jan. 16, 1759;
Versailles, Jan. 28, Feb. 1, 16; Bordeaux, March 5; Paris, Dec. 10.
[1475] Some letters of Doreil on his Paris mission (1760) are among the
Parkman MSS.
[1476] The disheartening began early, as shown by Doreil’s letter of
Aug. 31, 1758 (_N. Y. Col. Docs._, 828), and Montcalm, addressing Belle
Isle in the spring (Apr. 12, 1759), had to depict but a sorry outlook.
(_Ibid._, x. 960.)
[1477] Particularly (p. 857) in the abstracts of the despatches in the
war office, complaining of Vaudreuil.
[1478] Sabin, xii. 47,556. Cf. the address of J. M. Lemoine,
_Glimpses of Quebec_, 1749-1759, made in Dec., 1879, and printed in
the _Transactions_ of the Lit. and Hist. Soc., 1879-80; Martin’s _De
Montcalm en Canada_, ch. 9; and Viscount Bury’s _Exodus of the Western
Nations_ (vol. ii. ch. 9), who seems to have used French documentary
sources.
[1479] N. Y. ed., ii. ch. 6 and 7.
[1480] _Rule and Misrule of the English in America_, N. Y., 1851, p.
209.
[1481] Vol. ii. ch. 1.
[1482] New York, 1882, p. 51.
[1483] See his introduction; also Part ii. p. 59. Various
characteristics of French colonization in Canada are developed by
Rameau in the _Revue Canadienne_: e. g., “La race française en Canada”
(x. 296); “L’administration de la justice sous la domination française”
(xvi. 105); “La langue française en Canada” (new ser., i. 259);
“Immigration et colonisation sous la domination française” (iv. 593).
[1484] Stanwix worked hard to put Pittsburgh into a defensible
condition. Maury’s _Huguenot Family_, 416.
[1485] Indeed, military critics have questioned the general multiform
plan of Pitt’s campaign as a serious error. Cf. Smollett’s _England_,
and Viscount Bury’s _Exodus_, ii. 288. Pitt’s letter of Dec. 9, 1758,
to the colonial governors on the coming campaign is in the _New
Hampshire Prov. Papers_, vi. 703; and his letter of Dec. 29, 1758, to
Amherst on the conduct of it is in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vii. 355.
Cf. also _Chatham Correspondence_. Jared Ingersoll’s account of the
character and appearance of Pitt in 1759 is given in E. E. Beardsley’s
_Life and Times of William Samuel Johnson_, Boston, 2d ed., 1886, p. 21.
Col. Montresor submitted a plan for amendments which, in its main
features, was like Pitt’s. Cf. _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 433, and
_N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 907. (Cf. _Collection de Manuscrits_, Quebec,
iv. 208.) The plan of Vaudreuil, Apr. 1, 1759, on the French side,
is in _Ibid._, x. 952. In Dec., 1758, Gen. Winslow was in England,
and William Beckford was urging Pitt to have recourse to him for
information. _Chatham Correspondence_, i. 378.
[1486] _Life of Johnson_, ii. 394, etc.
[1487] There is a contemporary letter in the _Boston Evening Post_, no.
1,250, a composite account in the _Annual Register_, 1759, and another
in Knox’s _Hist. Journal_, vol. ii. Papers from the London Archives are
in the _New York Col. Docs._, vii. 395. There are among Charles Lee’s
letters two (July 30 and Aug. 9, 1759) describing the siege of Niagara,
and his subsequent route towards Duquesne is defined in another (March
1, 1760). _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1871, p. 9.
[1488] Vol. ii. 42; vol. iii. 165.
[1489] Cf. on Pouchot, _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 668, note. In the same
(p. 990) are the articles of capitulation.
[1490] Vol. ii. p. 130.
[1491] Vol. ii. p. 104, etc.
[1492] Gage’s Letters, 1759-1773 (MS.), in Harvard College library.
In one of them he says to Bradstreet: “You must not conclude that all
the oxen that leave Schenectady reach this; and in your calculation of
provisions make allowance for what may be lost, taken by and left at
the Indian castles, beside what are used at the several posts.”
[1493] Amherst’s letters chronicling progress are in _N. Y. Col.
Docs._, vii. 400, etc. Early in Nov., 1758, it had been rumored in
Albany that Amherst was to supersede Abercrombie. (C. V. R. Bonney’s
_Legacy of Hist. Gleanings_, Albany, 1875, p. 26.) A large number of
letters addressed to Amherst are in the _Bernard Papers_ (Sparks MSS.),
1759. On Amherst’s family connections, cf. James E. Doyle’s _Official
Baronage of England_ (London, 1886), i. p. 38.
[1494] An _Orderly Book_ of Commissary Wilson, in the possession of
Gen. J. Watts De Peyster, was printed as no. 1 of _Munsell’s Historical
Series_, at Albany, in 1857, with notes by Dr. O’Callaghan, which in
the main concern persons mentioned in the record.
A journal of Samuel Warner, a Massachusetts soldier, is printed in the
_Wilbraham Centennial_, and is quoted in De Costa’s _Lake George_.
Parkman was favored by Mr. Wm. L. Stone with the use of a diary of
Sergeant Merriman, of Ruggles’ regiment, and with a MS. book of
general and regimental orders of the campaign. The _Journal of Rufus
Putnam_ covers this forward movement. A MS. “Project for the attack on
Ticonderoga, May 29, 1759, W. B. delt.,” is among the Faden maps, no.
24, Library of Congress.
[1495] A centennial address of the capture of Ticonderoga, delivered
in 1859, is in Cortlandt Van Rensselaer’s _Sermons, Essays, and
Addresses_, Phil., 1861.
[1496] Parkman refers to an account by Thompson Maxwell as of doubtful
authenticity, as it is not sure that the writer was one of Rogers’s
party. A hearsay story of equal uncertainty, respecting an ambush laid
by Rogers for the Indians, as told by one Jesse Pennoyer, is given by
Mrs. C. M. Day, in her _Hist. of the Eastern Townships_. Stone (_Life
of Johnson_, ii. 107) says he could not find any tradition of the raid
among the present descendants of the St. Francis tribe. Maurault, in
his _Histoire des Abénakis_, gives an account. Vaudreuil refers to it
in his letters in the _Parkman MSS._ Cf. Watson’s _County of Essex_, p.
106.
[1497] The first attempt to recount the exploits of Wolfe in the shape
of a regular biography was made by a weak and florid writer, who, in
1760, “according to the rules of eloquence,” as he professed, got out
a brief _Life of General James Wolfe_, which was in the same year
reprinted in Boston. (Carter-Brown, iii. 1,280; Haven in Thomas, p.
557.) Nothing adequate was done, however, for a long time after, and
the reader had to gather what he could from the _Annual Register_,
Smollett’s _England_, Walpole’s _George II._, or from the contemporary
histories of Entick and Mante. (Cf. various expressions in Walpole’s
_Letters_.)
The letters of Wolfe to his parents were not used till Thomas
Streatfeild made an abstract of a part of them for a proposed history
of Kent; but his project falling through, the papers passed by Mahon’s
influence (_Hist. of England_, 3d ed., iv. 151) to the Rev. G. R.
Gleig, who used them in his _Lives of the Most Eminent British Military
Commanders_ (1832). About 1827, such of the Wolfe papers as had
descended from General Warde, the executor of Wolfe’s mother, to his
nephew, Admiral George Warde, were placed in Robert Southey’s hands,
but a life of Wolfe which he had designed was not prepared, and the
papers were lost sight of until they appeared as lots 531, 532 of the
_Catalogue of the Dawson Turner Sale_ in 1858, which also contained
an independent collection of “Wolfiana.” Upon due presentation of the
facts, the lots above named were restored to the Warde family, together
with the “Wolfiana,” as it was not deemed desirable to separate the
two collections. This enlarged accumulation was submitted to Mr.
Robert Wright, who produced the _Life of Major-General James Wolfe_,
which was published in London in 1864. To the domestic correspondence
of Wolfe above referred to, which ceases to be full when the period
of his greatest fame is reached, Mr. Wright added other more purely
military papers, which opportunely came in his way. Some of these had
belonged to Col. Rickson, a friend of Wolfe, and being filed in an old
chest, in whose rusty lock the key had been broken, they had remained
undisturbed till about forty years ago, when the chest was broken open,
and the papers were used by Mr. John Buchanan in a sketch of Wolfe,
which he printed in _Tait’s Magazine_ in 1849, and reprinted in his
_Glasgow Past and Present_ in 1856. Wright found the originals in the
Museum of the Antiquarian Society of Scotland, at Edinburgh, and he
says they, better than the letters addressed to his mother, exhibit the
tone and bent of Wolfe’s mind. The letters which passed between Wolfe
and Amherst during the siege of Louisbourg (1758) were submitted to
Wright by Earl Amherst, and from these, from the “Wolfiana” of Dawson
Turner, from the _Chatham_ and _Bedford Correspondence_, he gathered
much unused material to illustrate the campaigns which closed the
struggle for Canada. See particularly a letter of Wolfe, from Halifax,
May 1, 1759, detailing the progress of preparations, which is in the
_Chatham Correspondence_, i. 403, as is one of Sept. 9, dated on board
the “Sutherland,” off Cape Rouge (p. 425). Walpole speaks of the last
letter received from Wolfe before news came of his success, and of that
letter’s desponding character. “In the most artful terms that could
be framed, he left the nation uncertain whether he meant to prepare
an excuse for desisting, or to claim the melancholy merit of having
sacrificed himself without a prospect of success.” (_Mem. of the Reign
of George II._, 2d ed., iii. p. 218.) Mr. Wright, from a residence in
Canada, became familiar with the scenes of Wolfe’s later life, and was
incited thereby to the task which he has very creditably performed.
[1498] Cf. also, on Wolfe, James’ _Memoirs of Great Commanders_, new
ed., 1858; _Bentley’s Mag._, xxxi. 353; _Eclectic Mag._, lxii. 376;
_Canadian Monthly_, vii. 105, by D. Wilson. Mahon (_England_, iv. ch.
35) tells some striking stories of the way in which Wolfe’s shyness
sometimes took refuge in an almost crazy dash.
[1499] The Abbé Verreau is said to have one. I note another in a sale
catalogue (Bangs, N. Y., 1854, no. 1,319), and a third is cited in the
_Third Report of the Hist. MSS. Commission_, p. 124, as being among the
Northumberland Papers at Alnwick Castle.
[1500] This address was delivered before the N. E. Hist. Geneal. Soc.
in Boston. It was not so much a narrative of events as a critical
examination of various phases of the history of the siege.
Mr. W. S. Appleton describes the medal struck to commemorate the
capture of Quebec and Montreal, in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xi.
298, and in the _Amer. Journal of Numismatics_, July, 1874. A cut of it
is given on the title of the present volume. Cf. _Quebec Lit. and Hist.
Soc. Transactions_, 1872-73, p. 80.
[1501] Those on the English side are as follows:—
1. _Journal of the expedition up the river St. Lawrence from the
embarkation at Louisbourg ‘til after the surrender of Quebeck, by the
sergeant-major of Gen. Hopson’s Grenadiers_, Boston, 1759. (Sabin, ix.
36,723.). This appeared originally in the _N. Y. Mercury_, Dec. 31,
1759, and is reprinted in the second series of the _Hist. Docs. of the
Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec_.
2. _Journal of the expedition up the river St. Lawrence_, beginning
at Perth Amboy, May 8, 1759. The original was found among the
papers of George Allsop, secretary to Sir Guy Carleton, Wolfe’s
quartermaster-general. It has been printed in the _Hist. Docs._, 4th
ser., of the Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec.
3. Capt. Richard Gardiner’s _Memoirs of the siege of Quebec, and of the
retreat of M. de Bourlamaque from Carillon to the Isle aux Noix on Lake
Champlain, from the Journal of a French officer on board the Chezine
frigate ... compared with the accounts transmitted home by Maj.-Gen.
Wolfe_, London, 1761.
4. _An accurate and authentic Journal of the siege of Quebec, 1759, by
a gentleman in an eminent station on the spot_, London, 1759. (Brinley,
i. 207; H. C. library, 4376.29; Carter-Brown, iii. 1,233.)
5. _Genuine letters from a volunteer in the British service at
Quebec_, London [1760]. (Carter-Brown, iii. 1,257.) 6. “Journal of the
particular transactions during the siege of Quebec,” by an officer
of light infantry, printed in _Notes and Queries_, xx. 370. It is
reprinted in the _Hist. Mag._ (Nov., 1860), iv. 321. It extends from
June 26 to Aug. 8, 1759, purports to be penned “at anchor opposite the
island of Orleans.” The original is said to have been in the possession
of G. Galloway, of Inverness, and is supposed to have been written by
an officer of Fraser’s regiment.
7. _A short, authentic account of the expedition against Quebec, by a
volunteer upon that expedition_, Quebec, 1872. It is ascribed to one
James Thompson.
8. _Memoirs of the siege of Quebec and total reduction of Canada, by
John Johnson, clerk and quartermaster-sergeant to the Fifty-Eighth
Regiment._ A MS. of 176 pages, cited by Parkman (ii. 440) as by a
pensioner at Chelsea (England) Hospital. It belongs to Geo. Francis
Parkman, Esq.
9. _A short account of the expedition against Quebec ... by an engineer
upon that expedition (Maj. Moncrief), with a plan of the town and basin
of Quebec, and part of the adjacent country, showing the principal
encampments and works of the British army, and those of the French army
during the attack of 1759. Catal. of Lib. of Parliament_ (Toronto,
1858), p. 1277. There is, or was, a MS. copy in the Royal Engineers’
office at Quebec. The original is without signature, but is marked with
the initials “P. M.” (Miles, _Canada_, p. 493.)
10. Col. Malcolm Fraser’s _Journal of the siege of Quebec_. This
officer was of the Seventy-Eighth Highlanders. It is printed in the
_Hist. Docs. of the Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec_, 2d series. Cf.
“Fraser’s Highlanders before Quebec, 1759,” in Lemoine’s _Maple
Leaves_, new series, p. 141.
11. In the _N. Y. Hist. Coll._ (1881), p. 196, is a journal of the
siege of Quebec, beginning June 4, 1759, and extending to Sept. 13,
accompanied (p. 217) by letters of its author, Col. John Montresor, to
his father (with enclosed diaries of events), dated Montmorency, Aug.
10; Quebec, Oct. 5 and Oct. 18.
12. In Akins’ _Pub. Doc. of Nova Scotia_, p. 452, is a long letter
(July-Aug.) from James Gibson respecting the progress of the siege.
13. In the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Register_ (1872), p. 237, is a
brief journal of the siege, beginning July 8th, kept by Daniel Lane.
14. A letter dated at Quebec, Oct. 22, 1759, written by Alexander
Campbell, in the _Hist. Mag._, iv. 149.
15. Joseph Grove’s _Letter on the glorious success at Quebec ... and
particularly an account of the manner of General Wolfe’s death_,
London, 1759.
16. Timothy Nichols was a private in the company of John Williams, of
Marblehead, and reached Wolfe’s army, by transport, July 19. He notes
the daily occurrences of cannonading, fires in the town, skirmishes,
fire-rafts, the attack near Montmorency, ceasing his entries Aug. 22,
and dying Sept. 9. The MS., which is defective, belongs to Dr. Arthur
H. Nichols, of Boston, to whom the editor is indebted for extracts.
On the French side we have:—
1. _The Second Report of the Hist. MSS. Commission_ (p. 30) notes,
as among the Earl of Cathcart papers, a folio MS., “Journal de la
expédition contre Québec, 1759.” It has 34½ pages, and extends from May
1 to May 10, according to the report.
2. Martin, in his _De Montcalm en Canada_, p. 239, describes an English
MS. in the Bibliothèque du Ministère de la Guerre (Paris), called for
a general title _Memoirs of a French Officer_, and divided into two
parts:—
(1.) Begins with a narrative of the Scottish rebellion in 1745, and
then gives “An account of the war in Canada to the capitulation of
Montreal in 1760, with an account of the siege of Louisbourg in 1758,
and an exact and impartial account of the hostilities committed in
Acadia and Cape Breton before the declaration of war.”
(2.) _a._ Dialogue in Hades between Montcalm and Wolfe, reviewing,
in the spirit of a military critic, the mistakes of both generals in
the conduct of the campaign, not only of Quebec, but of the other
converging forces of the English. This portion is given in English in
the _Hist. Docs. of the Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec_. Martin has a
French translation of it.
_b._ “A critical, impartial, and military history of the war in Canada
until the capitulation signed in 1760.” Published by the Lit. and Hist.
Soc. of Quebec in 1867.
The whole MS. is attributed to a Scotch Jacobite, Chevalier Johnston,
who after the suppression of the Scotch revolt went to France, and
served in the campaign of this year in Canada as aid to Lévis, and
afterwards as aid to Montcalm.
3. In the first series (1840) of the _Hist. Docs. of the Lit. and Hist.
Soc. of Quebec_ there is a “Relation de ce qui s’est passé au siége
de Québec, et de la prise du Canada, par une Religieuse de l’Hôpital
Général de Québec: addressée à une communauté de son ordre en France.”
It is thought to have been written in 1765; and the original belongs to
the Séminaire de Québec. It was again printed at Quebec in 1855.
There was also published at Quebec, about 1827, an English version,
_The siege of Quebec, and conquest of Canada: in 1759_. _By a nun of
the general hospital of Quebec. Appended an account of the laying of
the first stone of the monument to Wolfe and Montcalm._
4. Parkman (ii. 438) considers one of the most important unpublished
documents to be the narrative of M. de Foligny, a naval officer
commanding one of the batteries in the town, namely a _Journal
mémoratif de ce qui s’est passé de plus remarquable pendant qu’a duré
le siége de la ville de Québec_. It is preserved in the Archives de la
Marine at Paris.
5. In the _Hist. Docs. of the Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec_, 4th
series, there is a paper, “Siége de Québec en 1759—journal tenu par
M. Jean Claude Panet, ancien notaire de Québec.” It is the work of an
eye-witness, and begins May 10.
6. “Journal tenu à l’armée que commandait feu M. le Marquis de
Montcalm” is also printed in the _Hist. Docs. of the Lit. and Hist.
Soc. of Quebec_. Parkman calls it minute and valuable.
7. Parkman cites, as from the Archives de la Marine, _Mémoires sur la
Campagne de 1759, par M. de Joannès, major de Québec_.
8. _Siégede Québec, en 1759. Copie d’après un manuscrit apporté de
Londres, par l’honorable D. B. Viger, lors de son retour en Canada, en
septembre 1834-mai 1835. Copie d’un manuscrit déposé à la bibliothèque
de Hartwell en Angleterre._ This was printed in a small edition at
Quebec in 1836, and Parkman (ii. 438) calls it a very valuable diary of
a citizen of Quebec.
9. In the first series of the _Hist. Docs. of the Lit. and Hist. Soc.
of Quebec_ is a “Jugement impartial sur les opérations militaires de
la campagne en 1759, par M^{gr} de Pontbriand, Évêque de Québec.” It
aims only to touch controverted points. It is translated in _N. Y.
Col. Docs._, x. 1059. Cf. “Lettres de M^{gr} Pontbriand,” in _Revue
Canadienne_, viii. 438.
10. Leclerc, in his _Bibliotheca Americana_ (Maisonneuve, Paris),
1878, no. 770, describes a manuscript, _Mémoires sur les affaires du
Canada, 1756-1760, par Potot de Montbeillard, Commandant d’Artillerie_,
as a daily journal, written on the spot, never printed, and one of
three copies known. Priced at 400 francs. This has been secured by Mr.
Parkman since the publication of his book.
11. The Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec has also printed a document, the
original of which was found in the Archives du département de la Guerre
at Paris, entitled: _Événements de la Guerre en Canada durant les
années 1759 et 1760: Relation du Siége de Québec du 27 Mai au 8 Aôut,
1759: Campagne du Canada depuis le 1^{er} Juin jusqu’au 15 Septembre,
1759_. These are followed by other documents, including no. 6 (_ante_).
[1502] The Parkman MSS. contain transcripts from these archives,
1666-1759.
[1503] These are translated in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x., with others:
such as a published narrative of the French, ending Aug. 8 (p. 993); an
account, June 1 to Sept. 15 (p. 1001); Montreuil’s letter (p. 1013);
a journal of operations with Montcalm’s army (p. 1016); and Bigot’s
letter to Belle Isle on the closing movements of the siege (p. 1051).
The collection of Montcalm letters in the Parkman MSS., copied from the
originals in the possession of the present Marquis of Montcalm, begins
in America, May 19 (Quebec), 1756, when he says that he had arrived
on the 12th. The others are from Montreal, June 16, 19, July 20, Aug.
30; from Carillon, Sept. 18; from Montreal, Nov. 3, 9, Apr. 1 (1757),
16, 24, June 6, July 1, 4, 8, Aug. 19; from Quebec, Sept. 13, Feb. 19
(1758); from Montreal, Apr. 10, 18, 20, June 2; from Carillon, July 14,
21, Aug. 20, 24, Sept. 25, Oct. 16, 27; from Montreal, Nov. 21, 29,
Apr. 12 (1759), May 16, 19.
The Parkman MSS. also contain letters of Montcalm to Bourlamaque,
copied from the Bourlamaque papers, beginning with one from Montreal,
June 25, 1756, and they are continued to his death; to which are
added letters of Bougainville and Bernetz, written after the death of
Montcalm.
[1504] Vol. ii. 441.
[1505] Cf. “Où est mort Montcalm?” by J. M. Lemoine, in _Revue
Canadienne_, 1867, p. 630; and the document given in the _Coll. de
Manuscrits_ (Quebec), iv. 231.
[1506] Vol. ii. 325.
[1507] In this last there seems to be an allusion to a book which
appeared in London in 1777, in French and English, published by Almon,
called _Lettres de Monsieur le Marquis de Montcalm à Messieurs de
Berryer et de la Molé, écrites dans les années 1757, 1758, et 1759_.
(Sabin, xii. p. 305; Barlow’s _Rough List_, no. 1,095.) The letters
were early suspected to be forgeries, intended to help the argument
of the American cause in 1777 by prognosticating the resistance and
independency of the English colonists, to follow upon the conquest of
Canada and the enforced taxation of the colonies by the crown. These
views came out in what purported to be a letter from Boston, signed “S.
J.,” to Montcalm, and by him cited and accepted. The alleged letters
were apparently passed round in manuscript in London as early as Dec.,
1775, when Hutchinson (_Diary and Letters_, p. 575) records that Lord
Hardwicke sent them to him, “which I doubt not,” adds the diarist, “are
fictitious, as they agree in no circumstance with the true state of the
colonies at the time.” Despite the doubt attaching to them, they have
been quoted by many writers as indicating the prescience of Montcalm;
and the essential letter to Molé is printed, for instance, without
qualification by Warburton in his _Conquest of Canada_ (vol. ii.), and
is used by Bury in his _Exodus of the Western Nations_, by Barry in his
_Hist. of Mass._, by Miles in his _Canada_ (p. 425), and by various
others. Lord Mahon gave credence to it in his _Hist. of England_ (orig.
ed., vi. 143; but see 5th ed., vi. 95). Carlyle came across this
letter in a pamphlet by Lieut.-Col. Beatson, _The Plains of Abraham_,
published at Gibraltar in 1858, and citing it thence embodied it in
his _Frederick the Great_. Ten years later Parkman found a copy of the
letter among the papers of the present Marquis de Montcalm, but inquiry
established the fact that it was not in the autograph of the alleged
writer. This, with certain internal evidences, constitutes the present
grounds for rejecting the letters as spurious, and Parkman further
points out (vol. ii. 326) that Verreau identifies the handwriting of
the suspected copy of the letter as that of Roubaud.
Mr. Parkman first made a communication respecting the matter to the
_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, June, 1869 (vol. xi. pp. 112-128), where the
editor, Dr. Charles Deane, appended notes on the vicissitudes of the
opinions upon the genuineness of the letters; and these data were added
to by Henry Stevens in a long note in his _Bibliotheca Historica_, no.
1,336. Carlyle finally accepted the arguments against them. (_M. H.
Soc. Proc._, Jan., 1870, vol. xi. 199.)
[1508] This periodical was begun in 1758, and Mahon speaks of its
narratives as “written with great spirit and compiled with great care.”
[1509] The victory of Quebec, as well as British successes in Germany,
induced the formation in England of a “Society for the Encouragement
of the British Troops,” of which Jonas Hanway printed at London, in
1760, an _Account_, detailing the assistance which had been rendered
to soldiers’ widows, etc. (Sabin, viii. no. 30,276. There is a copy in
Harv. Coll. Library.)
[1510] Smith’s _Hist. of New York_ (1830, vol. ii.); the younger
Smith’s _Hist. of Canada_ (vol. i. ch. 2); Chalmers’ _Revolt_, etc.
(vol. ii.); Grahame’s _United States_ (vol. ii.); Mortimer’s _England_
(vol. iii.); Mahon’s _England_, 5th ed. (vol. iv. ch. 35), erroneous in
some details; Warburton’s _Conquest of Canada_ (vol. ii. ch. 10-12);
Bancroft, _United States_, orig. ed., iv.; final revision, vol. ii.;
Gay’s _Pop. Hist. U. S._ (vol. iii. 305); a paper by Sydney Robjohns,
in the _Roy. Hist. Soc. Trans._, v.
[1511] It is reprinted in the _Eclectic Mag._, xxvii. 121, and in
_Littell’s Living Age_, xxxiv. 551.
[1512] Fourth ed., vol. ii. p. 313.
[1513] Cf. also his papers on Montcalm in the _Revue Canadienne_, xiii.
822, 906; xiv. 31, 93, 173. Thomas Chapais’ “Montcalm et le Canada,”
in _Nouvelles Soirées Canadiennes_, i. 418, 543, is a review of
Bonnechose’s fifth edition.
[1514] Vol. ii. 298, 305, 436.
[1515] Miles’ _Canada_, 418.
[1516] Parkman, ii. 317. Walpole (_Mem. of the Reign of George II._, 2d
ed., iii. p. 218) says that “Townshend and other officers had crossed
Wolfe in his plans, but he had not yielded.”
[1517] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,267.
[1518] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,268.
[1519] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vii. 422.
[1520] Aspinwall Papers, in _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxxix. 241.
[1521] Stone’s _Life of Johnson_, ii. 122, etc.
[1522] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, xxxix. 249, etc.
[1523] _Ibid._, p. 302.
[1524] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 1139. There are letters received by
Bourlamaque between June 28, 1756, and the end of the contest in Canada
(1760), preserved in the collection of Sir Thomas Phillipps. They are
from Vaudreuil, De Lévis (after 1759), Berniers, Bougainville, Murray,
Malartic, D’Hébécourt, etc. Copies of them are in the Parkman MSS.
(Mass. Hist. Soc.).
There is a summary of the strategical movements of the war in a _Précis
of the Wars in Canada, 1755-1814_, prepared, by order of the Duke of
Wellington in 1826, by Maj.-Gen. Sir James Carmichael-Smyth, “for the
use and convenience of official people only.” During the American civil
war (1862) a public edition was issued, edited by the younger Sir James
Carmichael, with the thought that some entanglement of Great Britain
in the American civil war (1861-1865) might render the teachings of
the book convenient. The editor, in an introduction, undertakes to
say “that the State of Maine has exhibited an unmistakable desire for
annexation to the British Crown,” which, if carried out, would enable
Great Britain better to maintain military connection between Canada and
New Brunswick.
[1525] _America and West Indies_, vol. xcix.
[1526] Vol. ii. 359.
[1527] Vol. ii. 292-322.
[1528] Vol. ii. 359.
[1529] _Quebec Past and Present_, p. 177.
[1530] _Canada_, 4th ed., vol. ii. 351.
[1531] _Picturesque Quebec_, 305.
[1532] Cf. Martin, _De Montcalm en Canada_, ch. 14; Philippe Aubert
de Gaspé’s _Anciens Canadiens_ (Quebec, 1863), p. 277. In 1854 E.
P. Tache delivered a discourse at a ceremonial held by the Société
Saint-Jean-Baptiste de Québec, on the occasion of “l’inhumation
solennelle des ossements trouvés sur le champ de bataille de
Sainte-Foye.” There is an account of the monument on the ground in
Lemoine’s _Quebec Past and Present_, p. 295.
For the winter in Quebec, see _Les Ursulines de Québec_, vol. iii.
On the 26th of January Col. John Montresor was sent by way of the
Chaudière and Kennebec to carry despatches to Amherst in New York.
His journal till his return to Quebec, May 20, is in the _N. E. Hist.
and Geneal. Reg._, 1882, p. 29, and in the library of the N. E. Hist.
Geneal. Soc. is the map which he made of his route. (_Mag. of Amer.
Hist._, Oct., 1882, p. 709.) Cf. also _Maine Hist. Coll._, vol. i.; _N.
Y. Hist. Coll._, 1881, pp. 117, 524.
[1533] Woodhull was the colonel of the Third Regiment of N. Y.
Provincials, and was with Amherst. The journal begins at Albany, June
11, and ends Sept. 27, 1760. It is in the _Hist. Mag._, v. 257.
[1534] Mante’s account is copied in Hough’s _St. Lawrence and Franklin
Counties_, p. 89, where the passage down the St. Lawrence is treated
at length. Dr. Hough judges the account of the taking of Fort Lévis,
as given by David Humphrey in his _Works_ (New York, 1804, p. 280),
to be mostly fabulous. Hough (p. 704) also prints Governor Colden’s
proclamation on the capture. Pouchot gives a plan of the attack. There
are various documents, French and English, in _Collection de documents_
(Quebec), iv. 245, 283, 297.
[1535] Vol. xxxix. p. 316.
[1536] Vol. ii. p. 360.
[1537] The success of the campaign made Amherst a Knight of the Bath,
and his investiture with the insignia took place at Staten Island in
Oct., 1761, and is described in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, ii. 502.
Charles Carroll (_Journal to Canada_, ed. 1876, p. 86) seems to give
it as a belief current in his time (1776) that Amherst took the route
by Oswego and the St. Lawrence because he feared being foiled by
obstructions at Isle-aux-Noix. The correspondence of Amherst and the
Nova Scotia authorities is noted in T. B. Akins’s _List of MS. Docs. in
the government offices at Halifax_ (1886), p. 12.
[1538] Amherst’s order to Rogers is in Lanman’s _Michigan_, p. 85.
Rogers made a detour from Presqu’isle to Fort Pitt to deliver orders to
Monckton.
[1539] Cf. Rupp’s _Early Penna._, p. 50.
[1540] Cf. also Blanchard’s _Discovery and Conquests of the Northwest_,
ch. vi.
[1541] Cf. Lemoine, _Maple Leaves_, new ser., 79.
[1542] Lemoine, p. 115. See also _Les Anciens Canadiens_, ii. p. 5.
[1543] Moreau’s _Principales requêtes du Procureur-Général en la
commission établie dans l’affaire du Canada_ [1763].
_Mémoire pour le Marquis de Vaudreuil, ci-devant Gouverneur et
Lieutenant-Général de la Nouvelle France_, Paris, 1763.
_Mémoire pour Messire François Bigot ... accusé, contre Monsieur le
Procureur-Général ... contenant l’histoire de l’administration du Sieur
Bigot_, Paris, 1763, 2 vols. This is signed by Dupont and others, with
a “Suite de la seconde Partie,” “contenant la discussion et le détail
des chefs d’accusation.”
_Mémoire pour Michel-Jean-Hugues Péan contre M. le Procureur-Général
accusateur_, Paris, 1763.
_Réponse du Sieur Breard, ci-devant contrôleur de la marine à Québec,
aux mémoires de M. Bigot et du Sieur Péan_ [par Clos], Paris, 1763.
_Mémoire pour D. de Joncaire Chabert, ci-devant commandant au petit
Fort de Niagara, contre M. le Procureur-Général_ [par Clos], in three
parts.
_Mémoire pour le Sieur de la Bourdonnais_ and _supplément_.
_Mémoire pour le Sieur Duverger de Saint Blin, lieutenant
d’enfantrie dans les troupes étant ci-devant en Canada, contre M. le
Procureur-Général_, Paris, 1763.
_Mémoire pour_ [Charles Deschamps] _le Sieur de Boishebert ci-devant
commandant à l’Acadie_ [par Clos].
_Mémoire du Sieur_ [Jean-Baptiste] _Martel_ [de Saint-Antoine] _dans
l’affaire du Canada_, 1763.
Jean-Baptiste-Jacques-Elie de Beaumont’s _Observations sur les profits
prétendus indûment faits par la Société Lemoine des Pins_, 1763.
Sufflet de Berville’s _Jugement rendu souverainement et en dernier
ressort dans l’affaire du Canada du 10 Decembre, 1763_, [contre Bigot,
etc.], Paris, 1763.
Some of these are mentioned in Stevens’ _Bibl. Geographica_, nos.
546-551.
On Bigot, cf. Lemoine, “Sur les dernières années de la domination
française en Canada,” in _Revue Canadienne_, 1866, p. 165.
[1544] See Vol. III., Index.
[1545] Frothingham, _Rise of the Republic_, p. 86. Bancroft makes a
brief summary of movements towards union in the opening chapter of vol.
viii. of his final revision.
[1546] Cf. also _Rise of the Republic_, p. 111.
[1547] Cf. _Rise of the Republic_, p. 111.
[1548] _Rise of the Republic_, p. 112.
[1549] _Hist. Mag._, iii. 123.
[1550] Cf., on Coxe, G. M. Hills’ _Hist. of the Church in Burlington,
N. J._ (2d ed.), where there is a portrait of Coxe.
[1551] No attempt is made to enumerate all the conferences with the
Indians in which several colonies joined. They often resulted in
records or treaties, of which many are given in the _Brinley Catalogue_
(vol. iii. no. 5,486, etc.). Records of many such will also be found
in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._ and in _Penna. Archives_. Cf. Stone’s _Sir
William Johnson_. See chapters ii. and viii. of the present volume.
[1552] _Rise of the Republic_, 116. Cf. also Kennedy’s _Serious
Considerations on the Present State of the Affairs of the Northern
Colonies_, New York, 1754. James Maury was writing about this time: “It
is our common misfortune that there is no mutual dependence, no close
connection between these several colonies: they are quite disunited by
separate views and distinct interests, and like a bold and rapid river,
which, though resistless when included in one channel, is yet easily
resistible when subdivided into several inferior streams.” (Maury’s
_Huguenot Family_, 382.) In March, 1754, Shirley urged a union upon the
governor of New Hampshire. (_N. H. Prov. Papers_, vi. 279.)
[1553] The commissions of the deputies are printed in _Penna.
Archives_, ii. 137, etc.
[1554] Cf. Shirley to Gov. Wentworth, in _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vi. 279.
[1555] Sparks’s ed., iii. 26. The “Short Hints,” with Alexander’s and
Colden’s notes, are preserved in a MS. in the N. Y. Hist. Soc. Library;
and from this paper they were first printed in Sedgwick’s _Life of
William Livingston_, Appendix. A MS. in Colden’s handwriting is among
the _Sparks MSS._ (no. xxxix.).
[1556] It can also be found in _Penna. Col. Rec._, vi. 105; _N. Y.
Col. Docs._, vi. 889; Minot’s _Massachusetts_, i. 191; Pownall’s
_Administration of the Colonies_, 1768, app. iv.; Trumbull’s
_Connecticut_, app. i.; Haliburton’s _Rule and Misrule of the English
in America_, p. 253,—not to name other places.
There is a MS. copy among the Shelburne Papers, as shown in the _Hist.
MSS. Commission’s Report_, no. 5, p. 55.
[1557] The first of these is by Franklin, in his _Autobiography_. It
will be found in Sparks’s ed., p. 176, and in Bigelow’s edition, p.
295. Cf. also Bigelow’s _Life of Franklin, written by himself_, i. 308,
and Parton’s _Life of Franklin_, i. 337.
The second is that by Thomas Hutchinson, contained in his _Hist. of
Mass. Bay_ (iii. p. 20).
The third is William Smith’s, in his _History of New York_ (ed. of
1830), ii. p. 180, etc.
The fourth is in Stephen Hopkins’s _A true representation of the plan
formed at Albany [in 1754], for uniting all the British northern
colonies, in order to their common safety and defence_. It is dated
at Providence, Mar. 29, 1755. (Carter-Brown, iii. 1,065.) It was
included in 1880 as no. 9, with introduction and notes by S. S. Rider,
in the _Rhode Island Historical Tracts_. Cf. William E. Foster’s
“Statesmanship of the Albany Congress” in his _Stephen Hopkins_ (_R.
I. Hist. Tracts_), i. p. 155, and his examination of current errors
regarding the congress (ii. p. 249). This account by Hopkins is the
amplest of the contemporary narratives which we have.
[1558] Cf. John Adams’ _Novanglus_ in his _Works_, iv. 19; Parton’s
_Franklin_, i. 340; John Almon’s _Biog., Lit., and Polit. Anecdotes_
(London, 1797), vol. ii.
[1559] This subject, however, is examined with greater or less
fulness—not mentioning works already referred to—in William
Pulteney’s _Thoughts on the present state of affairs with America_
(4th ed., London, 1778); Chalmers’ _Revolt of the American Colonies_,
ii. 271; Trumbull’s _Connecticut_, ii. 355-57, 541-44; Belknap’s _New
Hampshire_, ii. 284; Minot’s _Massachusetts_, i. 188-198; Sparks’s
edition of _Franklin_, iii. p. 22; Pitkin’s _Civil and Political Hist.
of the U. States_, i. 143; Bancroft’s _United States_ (final revision),
ii. 385, 389; Barry’s _Massachusetts_, ii. 176 (with references);
Palfrey’s _Compendious Hist. New England_, iv. 200; Weise’s _Hist. of
Albany_, p. 313; Stone’s _Sir William Johnson_, i. ch. 14; Munsell’s
_Annals of Albany_, vol. iii., 2d ed. (1871); Greene’s _Hist. View
Amer. Revolution_ (lecture iii.).
[1560] Another MS. is in the _Trumbull MSS._, i. 97.
[1561] It is printed in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vi. 917; _Penna. Archives_,
2d ser., vi. 206.
[1562] It is printed in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vi. 903; _Penna. Archives_,
2d ser., vi. 206.
[1563] _Montcalm and Wolfe_, ii. 383, etc.
[1564] Orig. ed., iv. ch. 17; and final revision, ii.
[1565] There was an English version issued in London the same year.
Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 1, 294-95. The tract is known to be the
production of Jean François Bastide. Both editions are in Harvard
College library [4376.34 and 35].
[1566] _Considerations on the importance of Canada ... addressed to
Pitt_, London, 1759. (Harv. Coll. lib., 4376.39).
The superior gain to Great Britain from the retention, not of Canada,
but of the sugar and other West India islands, is expressed in a
_Letter to a Great M——r on the prospect of peace, wherein the
demolition of the fortifications of Louisbourg is shewn to be absurd,
the importance of Canada fully refuted, the proper barrier pointed out
in North America, etc._, London, 1761. (Carter-Brown, iii. 1,299.)
_Examination of the Commercial Principles of the late Negotiation,
etc._, London, 1762. (Two editions. Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,321.)
_Comparative importance of our acquisitions from France in America,
with remarks on a pamphlet, intitled An Examination of the Commercial
Principles of the late Negotiation in 1761_, London, 1762. There was a
second edition the same year. (Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 1,317-18.)
Burke was held to be the author of a tract, _Comparative importance
of the commercial principles of the late negotiation between Great
Britain and France in 1761, in which the system of that negotiation
with regard to our colonies and commerce is considered_, London, 1762.
(Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,319.)
[1567] Carter-Brown, iii. 1,263-1,266. The two great men were Pitt
and Newcastle. The _Letter_ was reprinted in Boston, 1760. As to its
authorship, Halkett and Laing say that it “was generally attributed to
William Pulteney, Earl of Bath, and is so attributed in Lord Stanhope’s
_History of England_; but according to Chalmers’ _Biographical
Dictionary_ it was really written by John Douglas, D. D., Bishop of
Salisbury.” Sabin says that it has been attributed to Junius. Cf.
Bancroft, orig. ed., iv. p. 364.
[1568] There were editions in Dublin, Boston, and Philadelphia the
same year. (Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 1,251-55. Cf. _Franklin’s Works_,
Sparks’s ed., iv. p. 1.)
[1569] Cf. Bancroft, orig. ed. iv. pp. 369, 460. “After the surrender
of Montreal in 1759, rumors were everywhere spread that the English
would now new-model the colonies, demolish the charters, and reduce all
to royal governments.” John Adams, preface to _Novanglus_, ed. 1819, in
_Works_, iv. 6.
[1570] Sparks’s _Franklin_, i. p. 255; Parton’s _Franklin_, i. 422. It
is also held that Franklin’s connection with this pamphlet was that
of a helper of Richard Jackson. _Catal. of Works relating to Franklin
in the Boston Pub. Library_, p. 8. Lecky (_England in the XVIIIth
Century_, iii. ch. 12) traces the controversy over the retention of
Canada. Various papers on the peace are noted in the _Fifth Report of
the Hist. MSS. Commission_ as being among the Shelburne Papers.
[1571] Among other tracts see _Appeal to Knowledge, or candid
discussions of the preliminaries of peace signed at Fontainebleau, Nov.
3, 1762, and laid before both houses of Parliament_, London, 1763.
(Carter-Brown, iii. 1,340.) There is a paper on the treaty in _Dublin
University Mag._, vol. 1. 641. Cf. “The Treaty of Paris, 1763, and the
Catholics in American Colonies,” by D. A. O’Sullivan, in _Amer. Cath.
Quart. Rev._, x. 240 (1885).
[1572] The treaty is printed in the _Gent. Mag._, xxxiii. 121-126.
[1573] It is given in the _Annual Register_ (1763); in the _Gentleman’s
Magazine_ (Oct., 1763, p. 479), with a map (p. 476) defining the
boundaries of the acquired provinces; in Sparks’s _Franklin_, iv. 374;
in Mills’ _Boundaries of Ontario_, pp. 192-98, and elsewhere. For other
maps of the new American acquisitions, see the _London Magazine_ (Feb.,
1763); Kitchen’s map of the Province of Quebec, in _Ibid._ (1764,
p. 496); maps of the Floridas, in _Gent. Mag._ (1763, p. 552); of
Louisiana, _Ibid._ (1763, p. 284), and _London Mag._ (1765, June).
[1574] Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_, no. 838; Sabin, xii. 49,693; Harv.
Coll. lib., 4375.29; Rich, _Bib. Am. Nova_ (after 1700), p. 121.
[1575] Brinley, i. 221.
[1576] Rich, _Bib. Am. Nov._ (after 1700), p. 134.
[1577] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,351; Stevens, _Bibl. Geog._, no. 891.
[1578] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,389; Rich, _Bib. Am. Nova_ (after
1700), p. 144.
[1579] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,483. Cf. similar titles in Sabin, iv.
15,056-58, but given anonymously.
[1580] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,680; Sabin, ix. p. 529; Rich, _Bib. Am.
Nova_ (after 1700), p. 168.
[1581] Rich, _Bib. Am. Nov._ (after 1770), p. 180.
[1582] Field, _Ind. Bibliog._, no. 1,003; Brinley, i. no. 241; Rich,
_Bib. Am. Nova_ (after 1770), p. 188; Sabin, xi. 44,396. It is worth
about $75 or more.
[1583] Rich, _Bib. Am. Nov._ (after 1700), p. 146; Barlow’s _Rough
List_, nos. 985, 986.
[1584] In the vol. for 1757 (xxvii. p. 74) there is a map of the seat
of war.
[1585] Rich, _Bib. Am. Nova_ (since 1700), p. 135.
[1586] Sabin, xv. 64,707.
[1587] Sabin, xv. 64,708. Part (57) of the edition (200) is in large
quarto. Field, _Indian Bibliog._, no. 1,236.
[1588] On the publications and MS. collections of the Lit. and
Hist. Soc. of Quebec, covering the period in question, see _Revue
Canadienne_, vi. 402. The society was founded in 1834 by the Earl of
Dalhousie.
[1589] _Bib. Am. Nova_ (after 1700), p. 131.
[1590] Leclerc, _Bibl. Americana_, no. 771; Stevens, _Bibl. Geog._, no.
1,122; Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,221.
[1591] _Transactions Lit. and Hist. Soc. Quebec_, 1871-72, p. 117.
[1592] A letter from Mr. Parkman, cited in vol. ii. p. xv., explains
the gaps which provokingly occur in the Poore collection. See _ante_,
p. 165, and Vol. IV, p. 366.
[1593] Mr. J. M. Lemoine has a paper, “Les Archives du Canada,” in the
_Transactions of the Royal Soc. of Canada_, vol. i. p. 107.
[1594] Various documents relating to the war, particularly letters
received by the governor of Maryland, are in the cabinet of the
Maryland Hist. Soc., an account of which is given in Lewis Meyer’s
Description of the MSS. in that society’s possession (1884), pp. 8, 13,
etc. The printed index to the MSS. in the British Museum yields a key
to the progress of the war under such heads as Abercrombie, Amherst,
Bouquet, etc.
[1595] _Laws and Resolves_, 1885, ch. 337.
[1596] Resolves, 1884, ch. 60. See _ante_, p. 165.
[1597] See _ante_, p. 166.
[1598] Rich, _Bib. Amer. Nova_ (after 1700), pp. 108, 114.
[1599] See _ante_, p. 158.
[1600] London (1757, 1758, 1760, 1765, 1766, 1770, 1777, 1808, two),
Dublin (1762, 1777), Boston (1835, 1851); beside making part of
editions of Burke’s _Works_. Its authorship was for some time in doubt.
(Sabin, iii. 9,282, 9,283, who also enumerates various translations,
9,284, etc.)
[1601] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,767; Rich, _Bib. Am. Nova_, after 1700,
p. 178.
[1602] Rich, _Bib. Am. Nov._, after 1770, p. 192.
[1603] Rich, _Bib. Am. Nov._, after 1700, p. 262.
[1604] Rich (_Bib. Am. Nov._, after 1700, p. 118) describes it. There
is a copy in Harvard College library.
[1605] Sabin, ix. 35,962-63.
[1606] See _ante_, p. 162.
[1607] London, 1757. Harv. Coll. library; Barlow’s _Rough List_,
939, etc. The Beckford copy on large paper, with the original view
of Oswego, was priced by Quaritch in 1885 at £63. An octavo ed. was
printed in 1776. A French version, _Histoire de la Nouvelle-York_, was
published at London in 1767.
[1608] _New York_ (1814), pp. xii., 135. Cf. Cadwallader Colden on
Smith’s _New York_ (_N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, ii. 203, etc.).
[1609] Vol. IV. p. 367.
[1610] Vol. IV. pp. 157, 367.
[1611] Cf. a “Discours” at Garneau’s tomb by Chauveau, in the _Revue
Canadienne_, 1867, p. 694; and an account of Garneau’s life in _Ibid._,
new series, iv. 199. Cf. J. M. Lemoine (_Maple Leaves_, 2d ser., p.
175) on the “Grave of Garneau.” Cf. Lareau’s _Littérature Canadienne_,
p. 157, and J. M. Lemoine’s “Nos quatre historiens modernes,—Bibaud,
Garneau, Ferland, Faillon,” in _Trans. Roy. Soc. Canada_, i. p. 1.
[1612] Lareau’s _Littérature Canadienne_, p. 230.
[1613] G. W. Greene, in _Putnam’s Mag._, 1870, p. 171.
[1614] _United States_, i. 263.
[1615] _History of the Rise and Progress of the United States._ Lond.,
1827; N. Y., 1830; Boston, 1833. Sabin, vii. no. 28,244.
[1616] _History of the United States to the Declaration of
Independence._ Lond., 1836; 2d ed., enlarged, Philad., 1845; but some
copies have Boston, 1845; Philad., again in 1846 and 1852. Sabin, vii.
28,245.
[1617] Edmund Quincy’s _Life of Josiah Quincy_, p. 479. In the present
History, Vol. III. p. 378.
[1618] _Hist. of the United States of America._
[1619] _Hist. of the United States of America._
[1620] _Popular Hist. of the United States._
[1621] _History of England._
[1622] _History of England from the Peace of Utrecht to the Peace of
Versailles, 1713-1783, by Lord Mahon_, 5th ed., London, 1858.
[1623] In review of this book, Gen. J. Watts de Peyster gives a
military critique on the campaigns of the war in the _Hist. Mag._, May,
1869 (vol. xv. p. 297).
* * * * * *
Transcriber’s note:
—Obvious errors were corrected.