may consult Felt’s _Ecclesiastical History of New England_; the
“Ecclesiastical Hist. of Mass. and Plymouth Colonies,” in _Mass. Hist.
Coll._, vols. vii., viii., ix., etc.; Lodge’s _English Colonies_ (pp.
423-434); the chapters by Dr. Mackenzie in vol. ii., and those on the
various denominations in vol. iii., of the _Mem. Hist. of Boston_,
with their references; William Stevens Perry’s _Hist. of the American
Episcopal Church_ (2 vols. 1885); H. W. Foote’s _King’s Chapel_
(Boston); M. C. Tyler’s _Hist. of American Literature_; H. M. Dexter’s
_Congregationalism as seen in its literature_ (particularly helpful is
its appended bibliography); Dr. W. B. Sprague’s _Annals of the American
Pulpit_; with the notices of such as were ministers in Sibley’s
_Harvard Graduates_; the lives of preachers like Jonathan Edwards; and
among the general histories of New England, particularly that of Backus.
One encounters in studying the ecclesiastical history of New England
frequent references to organizations for propagating the gospel,
and their similarity of names confuses the reader’s mind. They can,
however, be kept distinct, as follows:—
I. “Corporation for promoting and propagating the gospel among the
Indians of New England.” Incorporated July 27, 1649. Dissolved 1661.
There is a history of it by Scull in the _New Eng. Hist. and Geneal.
Reg._, xxxvi. 157. What are known as the “Eliot tracts” were its
publications. (Cf. Vol. III. p. 355.)
II. “Corporation for the propagation of the gospel in New England
and parts adjacent in America.” Incorporated April 7, 1662. It still
exists. The history of it is given by W. M. Venning in the _Roy. Hist.
Soc. Trans._, 2d ser., ii. 293. Its work in New England was broken up
by the American Revolution, but it later (1786) began anew its labors
in New Brunswick. Cf. also Henry William Busk’s _Sketch of the Origin
and the Recent History of the New England Company_, London, 1884.
III. “Society for the propagation of the gospel in foreign parts.”
Chartered June 16, 1701. _Historical Account_ by Humphreys, London,
1730. The printed annual reports present a reflex of the religious and
even secular society of the colonies in the eighteenth century. The
_Murphy Catalogue_, no. 2,334, shows an unusual set from 1701 to 1800.
The set in the Carter-Brown library is complete for these years.
IV. “Society for propagating the gospel among the Indians and others in
North America.” Incorporated by Massachusetts in 1787.
[391] Separately as _Remarks on the early paper Currency of Mass._,
with photographs of Mass. bills. Cambridge, 1866.
[392] Brinley, i. no. 857.
[393] Haven in Thomas, ii. p. 333; Brinley, i. no. 726.
[394] _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, Apr., 1866, p. 88; Palfrey, iv. 333,
with references; _Province Laws_ (Ames and Goodell), i. 700; _Sewall
Papers_, ii. 366.
[395] Cf. Henry Bronson’s “Hist. Acc. of Connecticut Currency” in the
_N. Haven Hist. Soc. Papers_, i. p. 171.
[396] What has been called “the first gun fired in the Land-bank war
of 1714-1721” was a reprint in Boston, in 1714, of a tract which was
originally published in London in 1688, called _A Model for erecting
a Bank of Credit. Adapted especially for his majesties Plantations
in America._ (_Prince Catal._, p. 45.) The Boston preface, dated Feb.
26, 1713-14, says that “a scheme of a bank of credit, founded upon a
land security, ... will be humbly offered to the consideration of the
General Assembly at their next session.” (Sabin, no. 49,795; Brinley,
i. no. 1,430.)
[397] Sabin, ii. no. 6,710; _Prince Catal._, p. 51. But see Ibid.,
under “Bank of Credit,” p. 4, for other titles.
[398] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, 1884, p. 226.
[399] Hutchinson’s _Massachusetts_, ii. 207, 208.
[400] Brinley, i. no. 1,431.
[401] Sabin, ii. no. 6,711.
[402] Cf. Haven in Thomas, ii. pp. 370-392; Brinley, i. pp. 188-191;
Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 184, 185, 302.
[403] _First Essays at Banking in New England._
[404] This tract (Brinley, i. no. 1,434; Sabin, iv. 14,536) was the
work of John Colman, who followed it later in the same year with _The
distressed state of the town of Boston once more considered_, etc.
(Brinley, no. 1,439; Sabin, iv. no. 14,537), which was induced by an
answer to his first tract, called _A letter from one in the Country to
his friend in Boston_, 1720 (Brinley, i. no. 1,435, and nos. 1,436-37
for the sequel; also Sabin, iv. 14,538). There were further attacks on
the council in _News from Robinson Crusoe’s island_, with attendant
criminations (Brinley, i. nos. 1,440-42).
[405] Fac-similes in _The Century_, xxviii. 248; Gay’s _Pop. Hist. U.
S._, iii. p. 132.
[406] In a tract, _Money the Sinews of Trade_, Boston, 1731 (Brinley,
i. no. 1,447), there is a wail over the disastrous effect of Rhode
Island bills in Massachusetts. Rhode Island, in 1733, issued a large
amount of paper money for circulation, chiefly in Massachusetts; and
the elder colony suffered from the infliction in spite of all she could
do. There is in the _Connecticut Col. Records_, 1726-35, p. 421, a
fac-simile of a three-shilling bill of the “New London Society united
for trade and commerce in New England.”
[407] _Trade and Commerce inculcated ... with some proposals for the
bringing gold and silver into the country._ Boston, 1731. (Brinley, i.
no. 1,448.)
[408] Bennett, an English traveller, who was in New England at this
time, gives an account of the currency in vogue, and he says that the
merchants informed him that “the balance of trade with England is so
much against them that they cannot keep any money [coin] amongst them.”
_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, 1860-62, pp. 123-24.
[409] Cf. description of the notes of the “Silver Scheme” in _N. E.
Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1860, pp. 263-64.
[410] P. O. Hutchinson’s _Thomas Hutchinson_, p. 51. _A Dissertation
on the Currencies of the British plantations in North America, and
Observations on a paper currency_ (Boston, 1740), is ascribed to
Hutchinson.
[411] _An Account of the Rise, Progress, and Consequences of the two
late Schemes commonly call’d the Land-bank or Manufactory Scheme and
the Silver Scheme in the Province of the Massachusetts Bay, wherein
the Conduct of the late and present G——r during their Ad——ns is
occasionally consider’d and compar’d. In a letter [Apr. 9, 1744] from a
gentleman in Boston to his friend in London._ 1744. The reader of the
life of Sam. Adams remembers how the closing days of his father’s life
and the early years of his own were harassed by prosecutions on account
of the father’s personal responsibility as a director of the Land-bank
Company. (Cf. Wells’ _Life of Sam. Adams_, vol. i. pp. 9, 26; _N. E.
Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1860, p. 262.) The names of the “undertakers”
of the Land-bank are given in Drake’s _Boston_, p. 613.
[412] _Historical MSS. Commission’s Report_, v. 229.
[413] Sabin, v. no. 20,725; Carter-Brown, iii. no. 589; _Boston Pub.
Lib. Bull._, 1884, p. 138.
[414] Sabin, v. 20,723.
[415] It was reprinted in Boston in 1740; again in London, 1751, with
a postscript; and once more, London, 1757. Sabin, v. no. 20,721;
Carter-Brown, iii. 608, 660; Brinley, i. no. 1,450; Harvard Col. lib’y,
10352.3. Douglass reiterated his views with not a little feeling in
various notes, sometimes uncalled for, through his _Summary_, etc., in
1747. Two rejoinders to Douglass’s views appeared, entitled as follows:
_An inquiry into the nature and uses of money, more especially of the
bills of public credit, old tenor.... To which is added a Reply to a
former Essay on Silver and Paper Currencies_. _As also a Postscript
containing remarks on a late Discourse concerning the Currencies_,
Boston, 1740. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 659; Boston Pub. Liby. H. 94.53;
Brinley, i. 1,451.) _Observations occasioned by reading a pamphlet
intituled, A discourse concerning the currencies, etc._, London, 1741.
(Brinley, i. no. 1,453.)
Other tracts in the controversy were these: _A letter to —— ——,
a merchant in London concerning a late combination in the Province
of Massachusetts Bay to impose or force a private currency called
Land-bank money_. [Boston] 1741. (Brinley, i. no. 1,454.) _A letter to
a merchant in London to whom is directed the printed letter_ [as above]
_dated Feb. 21, 1740_. [Boston] 1741. (_Boston Pub. Liby. Bull._, 1884,
p. 138.) These and other titles can be found in Haven’s Bibliography
in Thomas, ii. pp. 444-508; in Carter-Catal., Brown, vol. iii.; in
the _Prince Catalogue_, under “Land-bank” and “Letter,” pp. 34, 35; in
the _Brinley_ i. pp. 191-192. The general histories like Bancroft (last
revision, ii. 263), Hildreth (ii. 380), Palfrey (iv. 547), Williamson
(ii. 203), Barry (ii. 132), take but a broad view of the subject.
Hutchinson (ii. 352) is an authoritative guide, and W. G. Sumner in his
_Hist. of Amer. Currency_, and J. J. Knox in _U. S. Notes_ (1884), have
summarized the matter. Cf. a paper on the Land-bank and Silver Scheme
read before the Amer. Statistical Association in 1874 by E. H. Derby;
and one by Francis Brinley in the _Boston Daily Advertiser_, Sept. 4,
1856. There is a fac-simile of a Mass. three-shillings bill of 1741 and
a sixpence of 1744 in Gay’s _Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. pp. 131, 134.
[416] In 1749 Douglass said (_Summary_, i. 535), “The parties in
Massachusetts Bay at present are not the Loyal and Jacobite, the
Governor and Country, Whig and Tory, but the debtors and creditors. The
debtor side has had the ascendant ever since 1741, to the almost utter
ruin of the country.”
[417] P. O. Hutchinson (_Diary and Letters of Thomas Hutchinson_, p.
53) gives a table of depreciation which the governor made:—
_Rates of Silver in_
1714 8½
1715 9⅙
1716-17 12
1721 13
1722 14
1724-25 16
1725-26 15½
1730 18
1731 19
1733 21
1734 25
1737 26½
1738 27
1739 28½
1744 30
1745 36
1746 36, 38, 40, 41
1747 50, 55, 60
Felt (p. 83) begins his table in 1710-1711, at 8; for 1712-13 he gives
8-1/2; and (p. 135) he puts the value in 1746-48 at 37, 38, 40; and in
1749-52 at 60. Cf. table in Judd’s _Hadley_, ch. xxvii.
[418] Admiral Warren was authorized to receive the money. _Mass.
Archives_, xx. 500, 508.
[419] See a humorous contemporary ballad on the Death of Old Tenor,
in 1750, reprinted in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xx. p. 30. It is
ascribed to Joseph Green in the _Brinley Catal._, no. 1,459. Cf. _Some
observations relating to the present circumstances of the Province
of the Mass. Bay; humbly offered to the consideration of the General
Assembly_, Boston, 1750. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 934; Brinley, i. no.
1,457.) Hutchinson’s plan was opposed in _A Word in Season to all true
lovers of their liberty and their country, by Mylo Freeman_, Boston,
1748. (Brinley, i. no. 1,456.) Cf. Minot’s _Massachusetts_, i. ch. v.
[420] Judge H. B. Staples in his _Province Laws of Mass._, Worcester,
1884 (p. 13, etc.), gives a synopsis of Massachusetts legislation
on the subject of paper money during the whole period; but Ames and
Goodell’s ed. of the _Laws_ is the prime source.
[421] Stephen Hopkins was the chairman of the committee reporting to
the assembly on the paper-money question, Feb. 27, 1749 (_R. I. Col.
Rec._, v. 283, and _R. I. Hist. tracts_, viii. 182; and June 17, 1751,
_R. I. Col. Rec._, v. 130).
[422] Brinley, i. 1,493; ii. 2,655.
[423] Harv. Col. Lib., no. 16352.7; Brinley, ii. 2,656.
[424] Thomas, _Hist. of Printing_, i. 129; Minot, i. 208; Drake’s
_Boston_, p. 635; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 404.
[425] Nos. 1,494-95.
[426] Brinley, nos. 1,497-98; Hunnewell’s _Bibliog. of Charlestown_, p.
9. Various other pamphlets on the Excise Bill are noted by Haven (in
Thomas), ii. pp. 520-21.
[427] The act is printed and a description of the stamps is given in
the _N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, July, 1860, p. 267. One of the stamps
shows a schooner, another a cod-fish, and a third a pine-tree,—all
proper emblems of Massachusetts. The vessel with a schooner rig was
a Massachusetts invention, being devised at Gloucester in 1714, and
the story goes that her name came from some one exclaiming, “How she
schoons!” as she was launched from the ways. Cf. Babson’s _Gloucester,_
p. 251; _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Nov., 1884, p. 474, and (by Admiral
Preble), Feb., 1885, p. 207; and _United Service_ (also by Preble),
Jan., 1884, p. 101. The earliest mention of the fish as an emblem I
find in Parkman’s statement (_Frontenac_, p. 199, referring to Colden’s
_Five Nations_) that one was sent to the Iroquois in 1690 as a token of
alliance. A figure of a cod now hangs in the chamber of the Mass. House
of Representatives, and the legislative records first note it in 1784,
but lead one to infer that it had been used earlier. Cf. _Essex Inst.
Hist. Coll._, Sept., 1866; _Hist. Mag._, x. 197. The pine-tree appeared
on the coined shilling piece in 1652, which is known by its name. Cf.
_Hist. Mag._, i. 225, iii. 197, 317; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xi.
293; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, i. 354, with references; _Amer. Jour. of
Numismatics_; _Coin Collector’s Journal_, etc.
[428] Cf. _post_, ch. vii.
[429] Clarence W. Bowen’s _Boundary Disputes of Connecticut_, part iv.;
S. E. Baldwin on the “Boundary line between Connecticut and New York,”
in the _New Haven Hist. Soc. Collections_, iii.; Smith’s _New York_
(1814), p. 275.
[430] Cf. further in Smith’s posthumous second volume, p. 250; and in
papers by F. L. Pope in the _Berkshire Courier_, May 13, 20, 27, 1885.
Cf. G. W. Schuyler’s _Colonial New York_, i. 281.
[431] Cf. _Brinley Catal._, no. 1,464; Deane’s _Bibliog. Essay on Gov.
Hutchinson’s hist. publications_ (1857), p. 37.
[432] _Journal of the Proceedings of the Commissaries of New York at
a Congress with the Commissaries of the Massachusetts Bay, relating
to the establishment of a partition line of jurisdiction between the
two provinces_, New York, 1767. _Conference between the Commissaries
of Massachusetts Bay and the Commissaries of New York_, Boston,
1768. _Statement of the case respecting the controversy between New
York and Massachusetts respecting their boundaries_, London, Boston,
Philadelphia, 1767.
[433] The form of these charters is given in the _N. E. Hist. and Gen.
Reg._. 1869, p. 70.
[434] H. Hall in _Hist. Mag._, xiii. pp. 22, 74.
[435] Brinley, ii. no. 2,799; Sabin, x. p. 413.
[436] _Brinley Catal._, nos. 2,510, 2,622; _Sparks’ Catal._, nos.
47, 50. Allen’s argument in this tract was reprinted in 1779 in his
_Vindication of the opposition of the inhabitants of Vermont to the
government of New York_ (Dresden, 1779).
[437] John L. Rice, in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, viii. p. 1. Cf. _Journals
of Prov. Cong. etc._ (Albany, 1842).
[438] Brinley, i. no. 2,511. Cf. for the proclamation, Sabin, xiii. 53,
873.
[439] Printed at Dresden, Vt., 1779, and reprinted in the _Records of
the Governor and Council of Vermont_ (Montpelier, 1877), vol. v. pp.
525-540. Brinley, i. no. 2,512; Boston Pub. Library, 2338.10.
[440] Printed at Dresden, 1779, and reprinted in the _Records of the
Council of Safety of Vermont_ (Montpelier, 1873), vol. i. p. 444. Cf.
Brinley, i. no. 2,513.
[441] Printed at Hartford, 1780, and reprinted in the _Records of the
Gov. and Council of Vermont_ (Montpelier 1874), vol. ii. p. 223. Cf.
Brinley, i. no. 2,514. Stephen R. Bradley published the same year
_Vermont’s appeal to the candid and impartial world_ (Hartford, 1780).
Brinley, i. no. 2,515. The _Journals of Congress_ (iii. 462) show how,
June 2, 1780, that body denounced the claims of the people of the New
Hampshire grants. The same journals (iv. pp. 4, 5) give the Vermont
statement of their case, dated Oct. 16, 1781; and New York’s rejoinder,
Nov. 15, 1781.
[442] It is reprinted in the _Records of the Gov. and Council of
Vermont_ (Montpelier, 1874), vol. ii. p. 355. Brinley, i. no. 2,516. It
was published anonymously. Cf. under date of March 1, 1782, the Report
on the history of the N. H. grants in the _Journals of Congress_,
iii. 729-32. The pardon by New York of those who had been engaged in
founding Vermont is in Ibid. iv. 31 (April 14, 1782); and a report to
Congress acknowledging her autonomy is in Ibid. iv. p. ii. (April 17,
1782).
[443] Documentary sources respecting this prolonged controversy will
be found in William Slade, Jr.’s _Vermont State Papers, being a
collection of records and documents connected with the assumption and
establishment of government by the people of Vermont_ (Middlebury,
1823); in _Documents and Records relating to New Hampshire_, vol. x.;
in O’Callaghan’s _Doc. Hist. New York_, vol. iv. pp. 329-625, with a
map; in the _Fund Publications_ of the N. Y. Hist. Society, vol. iii.,
and in the _Historical Magazine_ (1873-74), vol. xxi. Henry Stevens,
in the preface (p. vii.) of his _Bibliotheca Historica_ (1870), refers
to a collection of papers formed by his father, Henry Stevens, senior,
of Barnet, Vermont. The first volume of the _Collections of the
Vermont Hist. Soc._ had other papers, the editing of which was sharply
criticised by H. B. Dawson in the _Historical Magazine_, Jan., 1871;
with a reply by Hiland Hall in the July number (p. 49). The controversy
was continued in the volume for 1872, Mr. Hall issuing fly leaves of
argument and remonstrance to the editor’s statements.
The earliest general survey of the subject, after the difficulties
were over, is in Ira Allen’s _Natural and political History of the
State of Vermont_ (London, 1798, with a map), which is reprinted
in the first volume of the _Collections of the Vermont Hist. Soc._
(Montpelier, 1870). It is claimed to be “the aim of the writer to lay
open the source of contention between Vermont and New York, and the
reasons which induced the former to repudiate both the jurisdiction and
claims of the latter, before and during the American Revolution, and
also to point out the embarrassments the people met with in founding
and establishing the independence of the State against the intrigues
and claims of New York, New Hampshire, and Massachusetts.” The most
extensive of the later accounts is in Hiland Hall’s _Early Hist. of
Vermont_ (1868), ch. v. and vi., with a part of Mitchell’s map of 1755.
Smith’s _History of New York_ (ii. 149) gives the New York side of the
controversy. Cf. also Bancroft’s _United States_, final revision, ii.
361; and Philip H. Smith’s _Green-Mountain Boys, or Vermont and the New
York land jobbers_ (Pawling, N. Y., 1885).
The controversy enters more or less into local histories, like
Holden’s _Queensbury, N. Y._ (p. 393); William Bassett’s _Richmond, N.
H._ (ch. iii.); O. E. Randall’s _Chesterfield, N. H._; Saunderson’s
_Charlestown, N. H._ All the towns constituting these early grants
are included in Abby Maria Hemenway’s _Vermont Historical Gazetteer,
a local history of all the towns in the State_ (Burlington and
Montpelier, 1867-1882), in four volumes.
The bibliography of Vermont to 1860, showing 250 titles, was printed
by B. H. Hall in _Norton’s Lit. Register_, vol. vi.; a more extended
list of 6,000 titles by Marcus D. Gilman was printed in the _Argus and
Patriot_, of Montpelier, Jan., 1879, to Sept. 15, 1880. (Boston Public
Library. 6170.14.)
[444] “Early Connecticut Claims in Pennsylvania,” by T. J. Chapman in
_Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Aug., 1884.
[445] Cf. documents mentioned in Henry Stevens’s _Catal. of books and
pamphlets relating to New Hampshire_ (1885, p. 15), which documents
were sold by him to the State of New Hampshire. Stevens says regarding
these papers: “Dear fussy old Richard Hakluyt, the most learned
geographer of his age, but with certain crude and warped notions of the
South Sea ‘down the back side of Florida,’ which became worked into
many of King James’s and King Charles’s charters, and the many grants
that grew out of them, was the unconscious parent of many geographical
puzzles.... All these are fully illustrated in the numerous papers
cited in these cases.” The Thomlinson correspondence (1733-37) in the
Belknap papers (Mass. Hist. Soc.), which is printed in the _N. H. Prov.
Papers_, iv. 833, etc., relates to the bounds with Massachusetts, and
chiefly consists of letters which passed between Theodore Atkinson, of
Portsmouth, and Capt. John Thomlinson, the province agent in London.
Cf. Hiland Hall’s _Vermont_, ch. iv.; Palfrey’s _New England_, iv. 554;
Belknap, Farmer’s ed., p. 219; and the Report of the Committee on the
name Kearsarge, in the _N. H. Hist. Soc. Proc._, 1876-84, p. 136. The
journal of Richard Hazzen (1741), in running the bounds of Mass. and
New Hampshire, is given in the _N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, xxxiii. 323.
[446] _Historical Mag._, 2d ser. vol. ix. 17; _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vi.
349. Cf. Belknap’s _New Hampshire_, iii. 349; and Farmer’s ed. of same,
p. 245. Douglass (_Summary_, i. 261) points out how inexact knowledge
about the variation of the needle complicated the matter of running
lines afresh upon old records. Cf. also Ibid., p. 263.
[447] The original MS. award of the commissioners is in the State-paper
office in London. The _Carter-Brown Catal._, iii. no. 692, shows a
copy of it. The Egerton MSS. in the British Museum have, under no.
993, various papers on the bounds of Massachusetts, 1735-54. Cf. also
Douglass, _Summary_, i. 399.
[448] Mr. Waters reports in the British Museum an office copy of the
“Bounds between Massachusetts Bay and Connecticut,” attested by Roger
Wolcott, 1713; and also a plan of the south bounds of Massachusetts Bay
as it is said to have been run by Woodward and Safery in 1642. Douglass
(_Summary_, i. 415) has some notes on the bounds of Massachusetts Bay;
and on those with Connecticut there are the original acts of that
province in the _Conn. Col. Records_, iv. (1707-1740).
[449] Bowen’s _Boundary Disputes of Connecticut_, part iii.; Palfrey’s
_New England_, iv. 364. The report of the joint committee on the
northern boundary of Conn. and Rhode Island, April 4, 1752, is printed
in _R. I. Col. Rec._, v. 346. Cf. Foster’s _Stephen Hopkins_, i. 145.
[450] Bowen, parts ii. and iii., with maps of Connecticut (1720) and
Rhode Island (1728); _Rhode Island Col. Records_, iv. 370; Palfrey, iv.
232; _R. I. Hist. Mag._, July, 1884, p. 51; and the map in Arnold’s
_Rhode Island_, ii. 132, showing the claims of Connecticut. Cf.
Foster’s _Stephen Hopkins_, i. 144. Since Vol. III. was printed some
light has been thrown on the earlier disputes over the Rhode Island
and Connecticut bounds through the publication by the Mass. Hist. Soc.
of the _Trumbull Papers_, vol. i. (pp. 40, 76), edited by Chas. Deane,
who gives references. Rhode Island’s answer to Connecticut about their
bounds in 1698, and other papers pertaining, are also printed with
references in the _Trumbull Papers_, i. p. 196, etc.
[451] The cuts of this fort have been kindly furnished by the Maine
Historical Society.
[452] Cf. “Frontier Garrisons reviewed by order of the Governor, 1711,”
in _Maine Hist. and Geneal. Recorder_, i. p. 113; and “Garrison Houses
in Maine,” by E. E. Bourne, in _Maine Hist. Coll._, vii. 109.
[453] Chapters xii. (1688-95), xiv. (1700-1710), xvi. (1713-1725), xxi.
(1756-1763). Whittier tells the story of the “Border War of 1708” in
his _Prose Works_, ii. p. 100. Cf. Sibley’s _Harvard Graduates_, iii.
313.
[454] _Sewall Papers_, ii. 182; _Hist. Mag._, viii. 71.
[455] The original edition is called _The Redeemed Captive, returning
to Zion_. _A faithful history of remarkable occurrences in the
captivity and deliverance of Mr. John Williams, minister of the gospel
in Deerfield, who, in the desolation which befel that plantation, by
an incursion of the French and Indians, was by them carried away with
his family into Canada,_ [with] _a sermon preached by him on his return
at Boston, Dec. 5, 1706_. Boston, 1707. (Harv. Col. lib., 4375.12;
Brinley, i. no. 494; Carter-Brown, iii. no. 103.) A second edition was
issued at Boston in 1720; a third in 1738, with an appendix of details
by Stephen Williams and Thomas Prince; a fourth without date [1773];
a fifth in 1774; another at New London without date [1780?]; one at
Greenfield in 1793, with an additional appendix by John Taylor,—the
same who delivered a _Century Sermon_ in Deerfield, Feb. 29, 1804,
printed at Greenfield the same year; what was called a fifth edition
at Boston in 1795; sixth at Greenfield, with additions, in 1800;
again at New Haven in 1802, following apparently the fifth edition,
and containing Taylor’s appendix. United with the narrative of Mrs.
Rowlandson’s captivity, it made part of a volume issued at Brookfield
in 1811, as _Captivity and Deliverance of Mr. John Williams and of
Mrs. Rowlandson, written by themselves_. The latest edition is one
published at Northampton in 1853, to which is added a biographical
memoir [of John Williams] with appendix and notes by Stephen W.
Williams. (Brinley, i. nos. 495-505; Cooke, 2,735-37; Field, _Indian
Bibliog., 1672-75_.) The memoir thus mentioned appeared originally as
_A Biographical Memoir of the Rev. John Williams, first minister of
Deerfield, with papers relating to the early Indian wars in Deerfield_,
Greenfield, 1837. The author, Stephen W. Williams, was a son of the
captive, and he gives more details of the attack and massacre than his
father did. Jeremiah Colburn (_Bibliog. of Mass._) notes an edition
dated 1845. This book has an appendix presenting the names of the
slain and captured, and Captain Stoddard’s journal of a scout from
Deerfield to Onion or French River in 1707. (Field, no. 1,674.) John
Williams died in 1729, and a notice of him from the _N. E. Weekly
Journal_ is copied in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, April, 1854,
p. 174; and Isaac Chauncey’s _Sermon_ at his funeral was printed in
Boston in 1729. (Brinley, no. 508.) The house in Deerfield in which
Williams lived, showing the marks of the tomahawk which beat in the
door, stood till near the middle of this century. An unsuccessful
effort was made in 1847 to prevent its destruction. (_N. E. Hist. and
Gen. Reg._, ii. 110.) There are views of it in Hoyt’s _Antiquarian
Researches_, and in Gay’s _Pop. Hist. United States_, iii. 122. Eleazer
Williams, the missionary to the Indians at the west, was supposed
to be a great grandson of the captive, through Eunice Williams, one
of the captive’s daughters, who adopted the Indian life during her
detention in Canada, and married, refusing afterwards to return to
her kindred. A claim was set up late in Eleazer Williams’ life that
the was the lost dauphin, Louis XVII., and he is said to have told
stories to confirm it, some of which gave him a name for questionable
veracity. In 1853, a paper in _Putnam’s Magazine_ (vol. i. 194), called
“Have we a Bourbon among us?” followed by a longer presentation of the
claim by the same writer, the Rev. J. H. Hanson, in a book, _The Lost
Prince_, attracted much attention to Williams, who died a few years
later in 1858, aged about 73. There is a memoir of Mr. Williams in
vol. iii. of the _Memorial Biographies_ of the N. E. Hist. and Geneal.
Society. The question of his descent produced a number of magazine
articles (cf. _Poole’s Index_, p. 1411, and appendix to the _Longmeadow
Centennial Celebration_), the outcome of which was not favorable to
Williams’ pretension, whose truthfulness in other matters has been
seriously questioned. Hoyt, the author of the _Antiquarian Researches_,
represented on the authority of Williams that there were documents in
the convents of Canada showing that the French, in their attack on
Deerfield, had secured and had taken to Canada a bell which hung in the
belfry of the Deerfield meeting-house, and that this identical bell was
placed upon the chapel of St. Regis. Benjamin F. De Costa (_Galaxy_,
Jan., 1870, vol. ix. 124) and others have showed that the St. Regis
settlement did not exist till long after. This turned the allegation
into an attempt to prove that the place of the bell was St. Louis
instead, the present Caughnawaga. Geo. T. Davis, who examines this
story, and gives some additional details about the attack on the town,
has reached the conclusion, in his “Bell of St. Regis,” that Williams
deceived Hoyt by a fabrication. (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._ (1870), xi.
311; Hough’s _St. Lawrence and Franklin Counties_, ch. 2.)
There is in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, ix. 478 (March, 1867), a
contemporary account of the destruction of Deerfield, with a table
of losses in persons and property; and a letter by John Schuyler in
the _Mass. Archives_, lxxii. 13. Cf. also Penhallow’s _Indian Wars_;
Hutchinson’s _Massachusetts_, ii. 127, 141; Belknap’s _New Hampshire_,
ch. 12; Holmes, _Amer. Annals_, with notes; Hoyt, _Antiq. Researches on
Indian Wars_, 184; Drake’s _Book of the Indians_, iii. ch. 2; Holland’s
_Western Mass._, i. ch. 9; Barry’s _Mass._, ii. 92; Palfrey’s _New
England_, iv. 262; Sibley’s _Harvard Graduates_, iii. 251, 261; and on
the French side, Charlevoix, ii. 290, and a paper by M. Ethier, “Sur la
prise de Deerfield, en 1704,” in _Revue Canadienne_, xi. 458, 542. John
Stebbins Lee’s _Sketch of Col. John Hawkes of Deerfield, 1707-1784_,
has details of the Indian wars of this region.
[456] King William’s war, 1688-98, in ch. xxiii.; Queen Anne’s, ch.
xxiv.; the wars of 1722-26, 1744-49, 1754-63, in ch. xxx. A competent
authority calls Mr. Judd’s history “one of the best local histories
ever written in New England.” H. B. Adams, _Germanic Origin of New
England Towns_, p. 30.
[457] Harv. Col. lib., 5325.40; _H. C. Murphy Catal._, no. 811. Drake’s
_Particular Hist. of the Five Years’ French and Indian War_ (Albany,
1870), pp. 10, 12. There is a genealogical memoir of the Doolittles in
the _N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, vi. 294. Dr. S. W. Williams printed
in the _New Eng. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, April, 1848, p. 207, some
contemporary Deerfield papers of this war of 1745-46. The Hampshire
County recorder’s book contains in the handwriting of Samuel Partridge
an account of the border Indian massacres from 1703 to 1746. It is
printed in the _N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, April, 1855, p. 161.
[458] See French documents for this period in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 32.
[459] Then embracing, to 1761, the four western counties of
Massachusetts as now marked.
[460] A. L. Perry on the history and romance of Fort Shirley, in the
_Bay State Monthly_, Oct., 1885; and in the _Centennial Anniversary of
Heath, Mass., Aug. 19, 1885, edited by Edward P. Guild_, p. 94.
[461] The contemporary narrative of this disaster is that of John
Norton, the chaplain of the fort, who was carried into captivity, and
whose _Redeemed Captive_, as he called the little tract of forty pages
which gave his experiences, was printed in Boston in 1748, after his
return from Canada. (Haven’s bibliog. in Thomas, ii. p. 498.) In 1870
it was reprinted, with notes (edition, 100 copies), by Samuel G. Drake,
and published at Albany under the title of _Narrative of the capture
and burning of Fort Massachusetts_. (Field, _Indian Bibliog._, no.
1,139; Brinley, i. 483; Drake’s _Five Years’ French and Indian Wars_,
p. 251; Sabin, xiii. 55,891-92.) Cf. Nathaniel Hillyer Egleston’s
_Williamstown and Williams College_, Williamstown, 1884; Stone (_Life
of Sir William Johnson_, i. 225), in his account of the attack, uses a
MS. journal of Serjeant Hawkes. The French documents are in _N. Y. Col.
Docs._, x. 65, 67, 77.
[462] Life and character of Col. Ephraim Williams, in _Mass. Hist. Soc.
Coll._, viii. 47.
[463] The fort will be seen to consist of a house (A in ground plan,
40 × 24), nine-feet walls of four-inch white ash plank, surmounted by
a gambrel roof, the pitches of which are seen (E, F) in the profile,
while the limits of the house are marked (X X) in the prospect. Sills
(H) on the ground gave support to pillars (I, K, in ground plan, A, C,
in profile), which held a platform (B in profile) which was reached
by doors (K in profile), and protected towards the enemy by a bulwark
of plank pierced with loop-holes, as the doors and window-shields of
the house were. One corner of this surrounding breastwork had a tower
for lookout, as seen in the prospect. At one end a wall (E, F, G, in
ground plan) with a bastion (D) enclosed a yard (L in ground plan, G
in profile), which was planked over. In this was a well (C in ground
plan) and a storehouse (B, size 35 × 10, in ground plan), with a roof
inclining inward (H, in profile).
[464] Hall’s _Eastern Vermont_, i. 67. The papers of Col. Williams are
preserved in two volumes in the cabinet of the Mass. Hist. Soc., having
come into their possession in 1837. (_Proceedings_, ii. 95, 121.) The
papers are few before 1744, and the first volume comes down to 1757,
and concerns the warfare with the French and Indians in the western
part of the province. The second volume ends in the main with 1774,
though there are a few later papers, and continues the subject of the
first, as well as grouping the papers relating to Williams College and
Williams’ correspondence with Gov. Hutchinson. It was this same Col.
Israel Williams who took offence in 1762 that his son’s name was put
too low in the social scale, as marked on the class-lists of Harvard,
and tried to induce the governor to charter a new college in Hampshire
County. (_Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc._, xx. 46.)
The MS. index to the _Mass. Archives_ will reveal much in those papers
illustrative of this treacherous warfare, and the _Report of the
Commissioners on the Records, etc._ (1885), shows (p. 24) that there
is a considerable mass of uncalendared papers of the same character.
Various letters from Gov. Shirley and others addressed to Col. John
Stoddard during 1745-47, respecting service on the western frontiers
of Massachusetts, are preserved in the cabinet of the Mass. Hist.
Society. These, as well as the Israel Williams papers, the Col.
William Williams’ papers (in the Pittsfield Athenæum), and much else,
will be availed of thoroughly by Prof. A. L. Perry in the _History
of Williamstown_, which he has in progress. A coöperative _Memorial
History of Berkshire County_, edited by the historian of Pittsfield,
is also announced, but a _History of Berkshire County_, issued under
the auspices of the Berkshire Historical Society, seems likely to
anticipate it.
[465] There is an account of Mason’s expedition from New London to
Woodstock in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, ix. 473.
[466] [This is described in Vol. IV. p. 364, with authorities, to
which add Pearson’s _Schenectady Patent_, 1883, p. 244; _Mag. of Amer.
Hist._, July, 1883; Palfrey’s _New England_, iv. 45; _Mass. Archives_,
xxxvi. 111.—ED.]
[467] See Vol. IV. pp. 353, 361, 364. Cf. _Connecticut Col.
Records_, iv. 38; and the present volume, _ante_, p. 90.
[468] During the Dutch occupation of New York there were only
two Catholics in New Amsterdam, and according to Father Jogues, the
Jesuit missionary, they had no complaint to make that they suffered
on account of their faith. Father Le Moyne, another missionary, was
allowed to come to New Netherland a few years later, and administer the
rites of the church to the few Romanists then in the province, and in
1686 Governor Dongan, himself of the Church of Rome, reports that there
were still only “a few” of his co-religionists in the government.
[469] Vetoed by the king in 1697.
[470] Leamer and Spicer.
[471] See Vol. III. ch. x.
[472] He remained in the debtors’ prison in New York until
his accession to the earldom of Clarendon furnished the means for his
release.
[473] A court of equity had been erected in the Supreme Court
of New York by an ordinance of Gov. Cosby, in 1733.
[474] From Zenger’s narrative of his trial.
[475] _Hist. Mag._, xiv. 49.
[476] Cf. Bancroft, final revision, ii. 254.
[477] The chief justice’s commission was made for “during good
behavior” in Sept., 1744, so as to conform with the practice in New
Jersey.
[478] He came to New York in 1703 as secretary of the
province, and was connected by marriage with the royal house of Stuart.
He returned to England in 1745, and died in 1759.
[479] See ch. viii.
[480] [Cf. Vol. III. p. 495.—ED.]
[481] _Col. Doc._, iv. 159.
[482] The state of affairs in Pennsylvania and Delaware resulting from
it is best described in a letter written in June, 1707, by Col. Robert
Quary, the judge of the admiralty in New York and Pennsylvania, to the
Lords of Trade.
[483] Being the first settlers of the province, the Quakers had very
naturally made affirmation instead of an oath a matter of great
importance. Upon a revision of the laws following the resumption of the
government by Penn, a law concerning the manner of giving evidence,
passed in 1701, was repealed by the queen in 1705, not because the
English government intended to deprive the Quakers of Pennsylvania of
their cherished privilege, but because it punished false affirming with
more severity than the law of England required for false swearing.
Hence Gookin’s objections. The whole question was not satisfactorily
settled until the passage of a law, and its approval by the king,
prescribing the forms of declaration of fidelity, abjuration, and
affirmation.
[484] He was a considerable trader there when the place was first laid
out for a town. Proud’s _Pennsylvania_.
[485] These £45,000 Pennsylvania currency represented only £29,090
sterling, gold being sold then at £6 6_s._ 6_d._ p. oz., and silver at
8_s._ 3_d._ p. oz.
[486] East New Jersey the same; New York and West New Jersey ten
shillings and sixpence.
[487] During the following year, and as long as the war lasted, the
same £100,000 were yearly voted, and bills to that amount emitted,
secured by a tax on property. Again, in 1764, the Indian troubles about
Fort Augusta caused another emission of £55,000. The war with Spain
threatened Philadelphia, and £23,500 more were voted. Again, in 1769,
bills to the amount of £14,000 were granted towards the relief of the
poor in Philadelphia, and £60,000 for the king’s use.
[488] Chapter iv.
[489] See _ante_, p. 143.
[490] Vol. VI.
[491] How rarely slaves were imported is shown by the fact that of
1,062 entries for duty (a negro imported for sale was taxed £4) during
the period from the 11th of March, 1746, to the 31st of March, 1749,
only 29 entries were of 49 slaves, and 5 of these were brought on
speculation, the others being servants or seamen, and thus exempted
from duty. Slavery and the slave traffic were never countenanced in New
York, and much less in New Jersey and Pennsylvania, where the Quakers
early declared themselves opposed to this institution.
[492] See Vol. IV. p. 410. [Mr. Fernow assisted Geo. W. Schuyler in the
account of the records given in his _Colonial New York_ (1885).—ED.]
[493] Only two of these copies are now known: one is in the manuscript
department of the State library at Albany, the other is in the library
of the Long Island Historical Society. These laws were printed in the
_Collection of the New York Historical Society_, vol. i. [Cf. Sabin,
xiii. p. 178, for editions of early New York laws; and the present
_History_, Vol. III. pp. 391, 414, 510.—ED.]
[494] The Bradford copy of 1694, in the State library
(Albany), not being considered complete, the legislature of 1879
appropriated $1,600 to purchase a better copy at the Brinley sale
in 1880. [This was the first book printed in New York. Sabin (xiii.
53,726, etc.; cf. x. p. 371, and _Menzies Catal._, no. 1,250) gives the
successive editions. For the proceedings of the assembly in various
forms, see _Ibid._, xiii. 53,722, 54,003, etc.—ED.]
[495] It may be here noted that there are also in the State library
at Albany the “Minutes of the Proceedings of the Commissioners for
settling the Boundaries of the Colony of Rhode Island eastwards towards
the Massachusetts Bay,” 1741, one volume; and the “Minutes of the
Commissioners appointed to examine, etc., the Controversy between
Connecticut and the Mohegan Indians,” 1743, one volume.
[496] [The Johnson papers are further described in chapter viii. of the
present volume.—ED.]
[497] [Dr. Sprague gave also to Harvard College library the
papers of Gen. Thomas Gage during his command in New York; but they
relate mainly to a later period.—ED.]
[498] [This is probably the manuscript sold at an auction sale in New
York (Bangs, Feb. 27, 1854, _Catal._, no. 1,330). In an introduction,
Wraxall gives an account of his office and its difficulties. He says
the originals were somewhat irregularly arranged in four folio volumes,
and in part in Dutch, “of which I was my own translator.”—ED.]
[499] The State library also possesses a small MS., _The Mythology of
the Iroquois or Six Nations of Indians_, by the Hon’ble James Deane,
Senior, of Westmoreland, Oneida County, who represented his county
in the assembly of New York, in 1803 and 1809, and probably obtained
his material from the Oneida Indians in his neighborhood. His account
differs very little from that given by the Indian David Cusick. [See
Vol. IV. p. 298.—ED.]
[500] [See _ante_, p. 169.—ED.]
[501] Papers relative to the trade and manufactures of New York,
1705-1757, are in _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, i.
[502] [Page 79, _ante_. Since that other description of maps
in this volume was finally made, there has been issued (1885), in two
large volumes, a _Catal. of the printed maps, plans, and charts in
the British Museum_, in which, under the heads of America, New York,
etc., will be found extensive enumerations of maps of the eighteenth
century.—ED.]
[503] The drafts of Delisle particularly were the bases of many maps a
long way into the eighteenth century. See _Catal. Maps, Brit. Mus._,
1885.
[504] For example, the _Geography anatomiz’d or the
Geographical Grammar, by Pat. Gordon_ (London, 1708), makes the St.
Lawrence divide “Terra Canadensis” into north and south parts, of which
last section New York (discovered by Hudson in 1608) is a subdivision,
as are New Jersey (discovered by the English, “under the conduct of
the Cabots,” in 1497) and Pennsylvania, of which it is blindly said
that it was discovered “at the same time with the rest of the adjacent
continent.” The western limit of these provinces bounds on “Terra
Arctica.”
[505] For example, the map without date or imprint, called
_Pennsylvania, Nova Jersey et Nova York cum Regionibus ad Fluvium
Delaware in America sitis. Nova Delineatione ob oculos posita per
Matth. Scutterum, Sanctae Caes. Maj. Geographum, Aug. Vind._ It places
“Dynastia Albany,” “St. Antoni Wildniss,” or “Desertum orientale,”
near the junction of the two branches of the Susquehanna River. New
York city is on the mainland, from which Long Island is separated by a
narrow watercourse.
Another, equally wild in its license, is a _Carte Nouvelle de l’Amérique
Angloise, etc., Dressée sur les Relations les plus Nouvelles_. _Par le
Sieur S. à Amsterdam chez Pierre Mortier, Libraire, avec Privilége de
nos Seigneurs._ Lake Erie (Lac Fells) is misshapen, and the Ohio River
is ignored.
A common error in the maps of this period, based on Dutch notions, is
to place Lakes Champlain and George east of the Connecticut, as is
shown in the _Nova Belgica et Anglia Nova_ of Allard’s _Minor Atlas_,
usually undated, but of about 1700. The same atlas also contains (no.
32) a map showing the country from the Penobscot to the Chesapeake,
called _Totius Neobelgii nova tabula_.
[506] [He was born in 1664, and had since 1687 been occupied
in his art. During 1701-06 he was at Leipzig, at work on the maps in
Cellarius; then he contributed to the geography of Scherer, which
appeared in 1710. Homann published what he called an _Atlas Novas_ in
1711, and an _Atlas Methodicus_ in 1719.—ED.]
[507] Including one without date: _Nova Anglia Septentrionali Americae
implantata Anglorumque Coloniis florentissima, Geographiae exhibita
a Joh. Baptista Homann, Sac. Caes. Maj. Geographo, Norimbergae, cum
Privilegio Sac. Caes. Maj._ “Novum Belgium, Nieuw Nederland nunc New
Jork,” occupies the territory bounded by a north and south line from
Lac St. Pierre (St. Lawrence River) through Lakes Champlain and George
to about Point Judith on the Sound. In the northwest corner of New
York we find “Le Grand Sault St. Louis;” in the southwest, “Sennecaas
Lacus,” from which the Delaware River and a tributary of the Hudson,
“Groote Esopus River,” emerge. The “Versche River,” the Dutch name for
the Connecticut, runs west of Lake George.
[508] See _ante_, pp. 80, 133. Sabin gives editions of his _Atlas_
in 1701, 1709, 1711, 1717, 1719, 1723, 1732. Moll’s map of the New
England and middle colonies in 1741 is in Oldmixon’s _British Empire_.
His drafts were the bases of the general American maps of Bowen’s
_Geography_ (1747) and Harris’s _Voyages_ (1764). Cf. _Catal. Maps,
Brit. Mus._ (1885), under Moll, and pp. 2969-70.
[509] Second ed. 1739; third, 1744.
[510] He makes the Mohawk, or western branch of the Delaware River,
empty into the eastern branch below Burlington. The same writer’s
_Modern Gazetteer_ (London, 1746) is only an abbreviation of his
history.
The charts of _The English Pilot_ of about this time give the
prevailing notions of the coast. The dates vary from 1730 through the
rest of the century,—the plates being in some parts changed. In the
edition of 1742 (Mount and Page, London) the maps of special interest
are: No. 14, New York harbor and vicinity, by Mark Tiddeman; and No.
15, Chesapeake and Delaware bays. The Dutch _Atlas van Zeevaert_ of
Ottens may be compared.
[511] _Ante_, p. 81. The French reproduction is called _Nouvelle Carte
Particulière de l’Amérique, où sont exactement marquées ... la Nouvelle
Bretagne, le Canada, la Nouvelle Écosse, la Nouvelle Angleterre, la
Nouvelle York, Pennsylvanie, etc._ This is sometimes dated 1756.
[512] _Ante_, p. 81.
[513] This is the title of the second part of the volume; the first
title calls it an _Index of all the considerable Provinces, etc., in
Europe_.
[514] _Ante_, p. 83. Stevens also notes a little Spanish _Exámen
sucincto sobre los antiguos Limites de la Acadia_, as having a map of
about this time. _Bibl. Hist._ (1870) no. 679.
[515] Cf. _ante_, p. 81; and the _Carte des Possessions Françoises et
Angloises dans le Canada et Partie de la Louisiane. À Paris chez le
Sieur Longchamps, Geographe_ (1756).
[516] Morgan’s _League of the Iroquois_ has an eclectic map of their
country in 1720.
[517] Governor Burnet, in his letter of December 16, 1723, perhaps
alludes to it when he says: “I have likewise enclosed a map of this
province, drawn by the surveyor Gen^{ll}, Dr. Colden, with great
exactness from all surveys that have been made formerly and of late
in this province;” ... but more probably Colden refers to it, in his
letter of December 4, 1726, to Secretary Popple, as “a Map of this
Province, which I am preparing by the Governor’s Order.” As this last
letter (_N. Y. Col. Docs._, v. 806) treats mainly of quit-rents, and as
this map illustrates the same as fixed in the various patents, it is
most likely that the latter is the map now under consideration. There
is a map of the Livingston manor (1714) in the _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, iii.
414, and papers concerning it (1680-1795) are in the same. A map of the
Van Rensselaer manor (1767) is in _Idem._, iii. 552. Cf. _Mag. of Amer.
Hist._, Jan., 1884, with views and portraits.
[518] [This map is further mentioned in chapter viii.—ED.]
[519] Cf. _Report of the Regents of the University on the
Boundaries of the State of New York_ (Albany, 1883-84), two large
vols., with historical documents; and the _Bicentennial Celebration
of the Board of American Proprietors of East New Jersey_ (1884). [The
history of the controversy as given in the _Report of the Regents_ is
by Mr. Fernow, whose references are mainly to the _N. Y. Col. Doc._,
iii., iv., vi., vii., xiii., and the _New Jersey Archives_, ii., iii.,
vi., viii. H. B. Dawson published at Yonkers, N. Y., 1866, _Papers
concerning the boundary between the States of New York and New Jersey,
written by several hands_. On the New Jersey side, see W. A. Whitehead
and J. Parker in _New Jersey Hist. Soc. Proc._, vols. viii. and x.,
and second series, vol. i.; and also Whitehead’s _Eastern boundary of
New Jersey: a review of a paper by Hon. J. Cochrane and rejoinder to
reply of_ [H. B. Dawson] (1866). The _Brinley Catal._, ii. 2,745-2,750,
shows various printed documents between 1752 and 1769. Cf. note on the
sources of the boundary controversies, in Vol. III. p. 414.—ED.]
[520] Cf. Vol. III. p. 116.
[521] [Vol. III. p. 501. It is also in Cassell’s _United States_, i.
282. Respecting Thomas’s _Historical Description_, see Vol. III. pp.
451, 501-2. Cf. also Menzies ($120); Murphy, no. 2,470; Brinley, no.
3,102; Barlow, no. 739; F. S. Ellis (1884), no. 284, £35. The text was
translated and the map reproduced in the _Continuatio der Beschreibung
der Landschaffts Pennsylvaniæ_, with foot-notes, probably by Pastorius,
Frankfort and Leipzig, 1702 (_Boston Pub. Lib. Bulletin_, July, 1883,
p. 60).—ED.]
[522] It has been reproduced in Egle’s _Pennsylvania_ (p. 92)
and in Cassell’s _United States_ (i. 450).
[523] Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, ii. no. 399.
[524] [In Hazard’s _Register of Penna._, Oct. 2, 1830, there
is an account of the “long walk” and the so-called “Walking Purchase”
acquired in Pennsylvania in 1736, by terms which embraced a distance
to be walked in a day and a half, which, by reason of plans devised
to increase the distance, was the cause later of much indignation
among the Indians. This paper is reprinted in W. W. Beach’s _Indian
Miscellany_ (Albany, 1877), p. 86. See further, on troublesome
purchases of lands from the Indians, the papers in _Doc. Hist. N. Y._,
on the Susquehanna River, where reference is made to the _Susquehanna
Title Stated and Examined_ (Catskill, 1796).—ED.]
[525] Haven in Thomas, ii. p. 343.
[526] Sparks has bound with it a copy of the act of Parliament, 1696,
for reversing the attainder of Leisler and others, and refers to
Smith’s _New York_, p. 59, etc., and Hutchinson’s _Massachusetts Bay_,
i. 392.
[527] For a view of Leisler’s house, see Vol. III. 417.
[528] Cf. Edw. F. De Lancey, ed. of Jones’s _N. Y. during the Rev._,
and his memoir of James De Lancey in _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, iv., and also
Sedgwick’s _Wm. Livingston_.
[529] _An account of the commitment, arraignment, tryal, and
condemnation of Nicholas Bayard, Esq., for high treason in endeavoring
to subvert the government of the province of New York ... collected
from several memorials taken by divers persons privately, the
commissioners having strictly prohibited the taking of the tryal in
open Court._ New York, and reprinted in London, 1703. (Cf. Brinley, ii.
no. 2,743.)
_Case of William Atwood, Esq., Chief Justice of New York ... with
a true account of the government and people of that province,
particularly of Bayard’s faction, and the treason for which he and
Hutchins stand attainted, but reprieved before the Lord Cornbury’s
arrival._ (London, 1703.) It is reprinted in the _N. Y. Hist. Soc.
Coll._, 1880.
These original reports are both rare, and cost about $5.00 each.
P. W. Chandler examines the evidence on the Bayard trial (_Amer.
Criminal Trials_, i. 269), and the proceedings are given at length in
Howell’s _State Trials_, vol. xiv.
[530] The report of his trial was printed at the time, and reprinted
with an introduction by William Livingston in 1755, and again in
Force’s _Tracts_. See Critical Essay of chap. iv., _post_.
[531] Cornbury is said to have paraded in woman’s clothes. Cf. _Hist.
Mag._, xiii. 71; Shannon’s _N. Y. City Manual_, 1869, p. 762.
[532] _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, i. 377; iv. 109. Colden was a Scotchman
(born in 1688), who, after completing his studies at the University
of Edinburgh, came to Pennsylvania in 1708, where he practised as
a physician, and gathered the material for describing in the _Acta
Upsaliensia_ several hundred American plants. For a few years after
1715 he was in England; but when Hunter came to New York as governor
in 1720, he made Colden surveyor-general and councillor, and ever
after he was actively identified with New York. There is a likeness of
Colden in _Ibid._, iii. 495. The Colden Papers are in the library of
the N. Y. Historical Society. A portion of them are the correspondence
of Colden with Smith, the historian of New York, and with his father,
respecting alleged misstatements in Smith’s _History_, particularly
as regards a scheme of Gov. Clarke to settle Scotch Highlanders near
Lake George. These letters were printed in the _Collections_ of that
society, second series, vol. ii. (1849) p. 193, etc., and another group
of similar letters makes part of vol. i. (p. 181) of the _Publication
Fund Series_ of the same _Collections_. (See Vol. III. p. 412.) The
main body, however, of the Colden Papers occupy vols. ix. and x. of
this last series (1876 and 1877). The earlier of these volumes contains
his official letter-books, 1760-1775, which “throw a flood of light
upon the measures which were steadily forcing New York into necessary
resistance to arbitrary government.” The succeeding volume takes the
next ten years down to 1775.
[533] Haven in Thomas, ii., _sub anno_ 1735, 1738; Carter-Brown, iii.
593, 594. Chandler cites editions in New York, 1735, 1756, 1770,
and London, 1764. Franklin printed _Remarks on Zenger’s Trial_ in
1737. _Remarks on the Trial of John Peter Zenger_ (London, 1738) is
signed by Indus Britannicus, who calls Hamilton’s speech a “wild and
idle harangue,” and aims to counteract “the approval of the paper
called Common Sense.” Cf. for Hamilton the chapter on the Bench and
Bar in Scharf and Westcott’s _Philadelphia_ (ii. 1501). “Andrew
Hamilton was the first American lawyer who gained more than a local
reputation, and the only one who did so in colonial times.” Lodge,
_Short History_, 233, gives references on the courts and bar of
Pennsylvania and New York (pp. 232, 233, 316, 317). There is a portrait
of Andrew Hamilton in the Penn. Hist. Soc., and a photograph of it in
Etting’s _Independence Hall_. The trial is canvassed in Chandler’s
_Amer. Criminal Trials_, i. 151; and the narrative of the trial and
the _Remarks_, etc., are reprinted in Howell’s _State Trials_, vol.
xvii. Cf. also Hudson’s _Journalism_, p. 81, and Lossing in _Harper’s
Monthly_, lvii. p. 293. The New York State library possesses a
collection made by Zenger himself of all the printed matter on the case
appearing in his day.
[534] See the full title in Sabin’s _Dictionary_, viii. no. 33,058.
Copies were sold in the Rice sale ($140); Menzies, no. 971 ($240);
Strong ($300); Brinley, no. 2,865 ($330); Murphy, no. 1,260; Quaritch
(£45). There are copies in Harvard College library, Philadelphia
library, Carter-Brown (iii. no. 779), and Barlow (_Rough List_, no.
878). It was reprinted in London in 1747 (Sabin, viii. no. 33,059), and
in New York in 1810 as _The New York Conspiracy, or a history of the
negro plot, with the journal, etc._ (Harvard College library, Boston
Public library, Brinley, Cooke, etc.), and was again reprinted in New
York in 1851, edited by W. B. Wedgwood, as _The Negro Conspiracy in the
City of New York in 1741_.
All the histories touch the story, but for original or distinctive
treatment compare Smith’s _New York_, ii. 58; Stone’s _Sir William
Johnson_, i. 52; Williams’ _Negro Race in America_, i. p. 144; and the
legal examination of the case in Peleg W. Chandler’s _American Criminal
Trials_ (i. 211).
[535] See Lives of Penn noted in Vol. III.
[536] _Proceedings_, v. 312. They are now in the library of the
Pennsylvania Hist. Society.
[537] Hildeburn, _Century of Printing; Catal. of Works rel. to B.
Franklin in Boston Pub. Library_, pp. 26, 32, 38.
[538] Stevens, _Bibl. Hist._ (1870), no. 1,995.
[539] G. Clarke’s _Voyage to America, with introduction and notes by
E. B. O’Callaghan_ (Albany, 1867), being no. 2 of a series of _N.
Y. Colonial Tracts_. Clarke remained in the province till 1745. The
original MS. of his _Voyage_ is in the State library at Albany.
[540] Portraits of Keith are in G. M. Hill’s _Hist. of the Church in
Burlington, New Jersey_, and in Perry’s _Amer. Episcopal Church_, i. p.
209.
[541] The bibliography of the Quakers has been given in Vol. III.
p. 503. Since that notice was made, Joseph Smith has added to his
series of books on Quaker literature _Bibliotheca quakeristica: a
bibliography of miscellaneous literature relating to the friends
(quakers), and biographical notices_ (London, 1883). Quaker
publications in Pennsylvania can best be followed in Hildeburn’s
_Century of Printing in Penna._, while entries more or less numerous
will be found in Haven’s list (Thomas’s _Hist. of Printing_, ii.), and
particularly respecting the tracts of George Keith, in Sabin, ix. p.
403; Carter-Brown, ii. and iii.; Brinley, ii. 3,406, etc.; Cooke, iii.
1,342, etc.
Mr. C. J. Stillé has printed a paper on “Religious Tests in Provincial
Pennsylvania” in the _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, Jan., 1885.
[542] _Collection of the Epistles and Works of Benjamin Holme, to
which is prefixed an account of his life and travels in the work of
the ministry, through several parts of Europe and America, written by
himself_ (London, 1753). Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,000.
[543] London, 1779. There were editions in Philad., 1780; York, 1830;
and the book makes vol. v. of the Friends’ Library, Philad., 1841.
Sabin (vii. 28,825) gives it as earlier printed with _Some brief
remarks on sundry important subjects_, London, 1764, 1765; Dublin,
1765; London, 1768; Philad., 1781; London, 1805.
These books do not add much to our knowledge of other than the
emotional experiences prevalent among this sect at this period. The
_Journals_ of John Woolman reveal the beginnings of the anti-slavery
agitation among his people. The journals have passed through numerous
editions, and John G. Whittier added an introduction to an edition in
1871 (Boston). Cf. Allibone, iii. 2,834.
[544] _An Account of Two Missionary Voyages by the Appointment of the
Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, etc., by
Thomas Thompson, A. M., Vicar of Reculver in Kent_ (London, 1758).
For the history of the Episcopal Church in the middle colonies during
the eighteenth century, see Perry’s _Amer. Episc. Church_, i. chapters
9, 11, 12, 13; and for the non-juring bishops, p. 541. Cf. De Costa’s
introduction to Bishop White’s _Memoirs of the Prot. Episc. Church_, p.
xxxii. A statement of the condition of the church in New York in 1704-5
is in the _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, iii. 74.
[545] Sec Crit. Essay of chap. vi.
[546] Brinley, ii. 3,073; Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, ii. no. 336.
[547] Muller, _Books on America_, 1872, no. 1,211; 1877, no. 2,903:
Brinley, _Catal._, ii. no. 3,093. His book is called _Getrouw Verhaal
van den waren toestant der meest Herderloze Gemeentens in Pensylvanien,
etc._ (Amsterdam, 1751.)
[548] Stevens, _Bibl. Geog._, no. 268; Tuckerman’s _America and her
Commentators_, p. 274; Sabin, i. no. 3,868. This traveller must not be
confounded with William Bartram, the son, whose travels belong to a
period forty years later.
[549] Chap. viii.
[550] _Ante_, p. 83. There is a chapter on the modes of travel of this
time in Scharf and Westcott’s _Philadelphia_ (vol. iii.).
[551] A German version, _Reise nach dem nördlichen America_, was
published at Göttingen in 1754-64,—some copies having the imprint
Leipzig and Stockholm. (Sabin, ix. 36,987.) A Dutch translation,
_Reis door Noord Amerika_, has for imprint Utrecht, 1772. (Sabin, ix.
36,988.) An English version by J. R. Forster, _Travels into North
America_, appeared in three volumes at Warrington and at London, in
1770-71, with a second edition at London in 1772. (Sabin, ix. 36,989;
Rich, _Bib. Am. Nova_, p. 178.) Cf. the present _History_, IV. p. 494,
and Tuckerman’s _America and her Commentators_, p. 295.
[552] Two editions, 1775; Dublin, 1775; third edition, London, 1798,
revised, corrected, and greatly enlarged by the author. It is reprinted
in Pinkerton’s _Voyages_, vol. xiii. A French version was published
at Lausanne and at the Hague in 1778, and a German one, made by C. D.
Ebeling, at Hamburg, in 1776. (Sabin, iii. pp. 142-3.)
[553] Chapter viii. Particularly may reference be made to Charles
Thomson’s _Enquiry into the Causes of the Alienation of the Delaware
and Shawanese Indians from the British Interests_.
[554] Chap. viii.—critical part.
[555] Cf. Brinley, iii. 5,486.
[556] Gov. Bernard’s letter in this conference is in _N. Jersey
Archives_, ix. p. 139.
[557] There are in the _Doc. Hist. N. Y._ (vol. iii. p. 613, etc.)
various papers indicative of the opposition the Moravians encountered
within the province of New York.
[558] Cf. the Critical Essay of chap. viii. One of the earlier
historical treatments is John C. Ogden’s _Excursion to Bethlehem and
Nazareth, in 1799, with a succinct history of the Society of United
Brethren_. (Philad., 1800.)
[559] Crit. Essay of chap. viii.
[560] See Vol. III. p. 515.
[561] _Life of Zeisberger_, pp. 37, 98, 120.
[562] The Moravian Historical Society (Nazareth, Penna.) has taken
active measures to preserve the records of their missionary work. In
1860 it published at Philadelphia _A memorial of the dedication of
monuments erected by the Moravian Historical Society, to mark the sites
of ancient missionary stations in New York and Connecticut_ [by W. C.
Reichel], which contains an account of the Moravians in New York and
Connecticut; [Mission of] Shekomeko [N. Y.], by S. Davis; Visit of the
committee [to Shekomeko and Wechquadnach], and the proceedings of the
society and dedication of the monuments.
The society also began a series of transactions in 1876, whose first
volume included _Extracts from Zinzendorf’s Diary of his second, and in
part of his third journey among the Indians, the former to Shekomeko,
and the other among the Shawanese, on the Susquehanna. Transl. from
a German MS. in the Bethlehem archives. By Eugene Schaeffer_ (1742),
and _Names which the Lenni Lenape or Delaware Indians gave to rivers,
streams, and localities, within the States of Pennsylvania, New Jersey,
Maryland, and Virginia, with their significations_. _Prepared from a
MS. by J. Heckewelder, by William C. Reichel._
For the Moravians in Philadelphia, see Scharf and Westcott’s _Hist. of
Philad._ (vol. ii. p. 1320, etc.), and Abraham Ritter’s _Hist. of the
Moravian Church in Philad. from its foundation in 1742_ (Phil., 1857).
Poole’s _Index_, p. 870, will enable the reader to trace the literature
of which the Moravians have been the subject. The sect publish at
Bethlehem a _Manual_, which is convenient for authoritative information.
[563] Jonathan Edwards wrote Brainerd’s life, using his diaries in
part. In 1822 a new edition, by Sereno Edwards Dwight, included
journals (June, 1745, to June, 1746) that had been published
separately, which had been overlooked by Edwards. (Sabin, ii. nos.
7,339-7,346.) The _Journal of a two months’ tour with a view of
promoting religion among the frontier inhabitants of Pennsylvania,
and introducing Christianity among the Indians west of the Alegh-geny
Mountains, by Charles Beatty_ (London, 1768), is the result of a
mission planned in England, and is addressed to the Earl of Dartmouth
and other trustees of the Indian Charity School. In Perry’s _Amer.
Episcopal Church_, chapter 19, is given an account of missionary labors
among the Mohawks and other Indian tribes. Gideon Hawley’s account of
his journey among the Mohawks in 1753 is in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._,
iv., and _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, iii.
[564] Lodge (p. 227) has epitomized this immigration. See references in
Vol. III. p. 515.
[565] Cf. Redmond Conyngham, _An account of the settlement of the
Dunkers at Ephrata, in Lancaster County, Pennsylvania_. _Added a short
history of that religious society, by the late Rev. Christian Endress,
of Lancaster_, which makes part of the _Historical Society of Penn.
Memoirs_. (1828, vol. ii. 133-153.) Cf. further _Penna. Mag. of Hist._,
v. 276; _Century_, Dec., 1881; Schele de Vere on a “Protestant Convent”
in _Hours at Home_, iv. 458. For their press see Thomas’s _Hist. of
Printing_, i. 287; _Catal. of Paintings in the Penna. Hist. Soc._,
1872, p. 6; and Muller’s _Books on America_, 1877, no. 3,623.
[566] The Dutch of J. G. De Hoop Scheffer’s historical account of the
friendly relations between the Dutch and Pennsylvania Baptists was
printed at Amsterdam in 1869 (Muller, _Books on America_, 1872, no.
1,296), and, translated with notes by S. W. Pennypacker, it appeared
as the “Mennonite Emigration to Pennsylvania” in the _Penna. Mag. of
Hist._, ii. 117; also see S. W. Pennypacker’s _Historical and Biog.
Sketches_ (Philad., 1883); cf. further in R. Baird’s _Religions in
America_ (1856), E. K. Martin’s _Mennonites_ (Philad., 1883), and
M’Clintock and Strong’s _Cyclopædia_, vi. 98.
On the Baptists in general in Pennsylvania, see Sprague’s _Amer.
Pulpit_, vol. vi.; _Hist. Mag._ (xiv. 76), for an account by H. G.
Jones of the lower Dublin Baptist Church (1687), the mother church
of the sect in Pennsylvania, and Morgan Edwards’s _Materials towards
a history of the Baptists in Pennsylvania, both British and German,
distinguished into First-day Baptists, Keithian Baptists, Seventh-day
Baptists, Tunker Baptists, Mennonist Baptists_ (Philad., 1770-1792), in
two volumes; but the second volume applies to New Jersey. (Sabin, vi.
21,981.)
[567] Cf. James W. Dale’s _Earliest settlement by Presbyterians on the
Delaware River in Delaware County_. (Philad., 1871; 28 pp.)
[568] Annotated ed. of 1876 (Albany), by Jas. Grant Wilson.
[569] _Memoirs_, vols. ix. and x. They cover the years 1700-1711. “Much
of the correspondence is taken up with business and politics; but it
is also a great storehouse of information respecting men and manners.”
Tyler, _Amer. Lit._, ii. 233.
[570] Cf. E. G. Scott, _Development of Constitutional Liberty in the
English Colonies_ (New York, 1882), ch. vi.; Scharf and Westcott’s
_Philadelphia_ (ii. chapters 18, 29, 30, etc.). Scott says,
“Pennsylvania had a greater diversity of nationalities than any other
colony, and offered consequently a greater variety of character” (p.
162).
[571] The history of the paper-money movement in Pennsylvania is traced
in Henry Phillips, Jr.’s _Hist. sketch of the paper money issued by
Pennsylvania, with a complete list of the dates, issues, amounts,
denominations, and signers_ (Philad., 1862), and his _Hist. sketches of
the paper currency of the American colonies_ (Roxbury, 1865). A list
of the Pennsylvania and New Jersey currency, printed by Franklin, is
given in the _Catal. of works relating to Franklin in the Boston Pub.
Library_ (p. 42).
For New York paper money see J. H. Hickcox’s _Hist. of the bills of
credit or paper money issued by New York from 1709 to 1780_ (Albany,
1866—250 copies).
For the New Jersey currency Phillips will suffice. These monographs
must be supplemented by the general histories and comprehensive
treatises on financial history.
[572] Cf. _An account of the College of New Jersey, with a prospect
of the College neatly engraved. Published by order of the Trustees_,
Woodbridge, N. J., 1764 (_Brinley Catal._, ii. 3,599); _Princeton
Book_, a history of the College of New Jersey; “Princeton College,” an
illustrated paper in the _Manhattan Mag._, ii. p. 1; S. D. Alexander
in _Scribner’s Monthly_, xiii. 625; H. R. Timlow in _Old and New_, iv.
507; B. J. Lossing in _Potter’s Amer. Monthly_, v. 482.
[573] For these last two colleges, see chapter 23 of Perry’s _Amer.
Episcopal Church_, vol. i.
[574] Cf. Job R. Tyson’s _Social and intellectual state of Pennsylvania
prior to 1743_; and Scharf and Westcott’s _Philadelphia_ (ii. ch.
35). An enumeration of American books advertised in the _Pennsylvania
Gazette_, 1728-1765, is given in _Hist. Mag._, iv. 73, 235, 328.
[575] Vol. i. was issued in 1885, bringing the record down to 1763.
Trial specimens of the list were earlier issued in the _Bulletin_ of
the Philadelphia Library, and separately. The first book printed was by
Bradford, in 1685, being Atkins’s _America’s Messenger_ (an almanac).
An interesting list of books, printed in Philadelphia and New York
previous to 1750, is given in the _Brinley Catal._, ii. nos. 3,367, etc.
[576] See list of his publications in _Hist. Mag._, iii. 174; his
genealogy in _N. Y. General and Biog. Record_, Oct., 1873; a recent
account of him in Scharf and Westcott’s _Philadelphia_ (iii. 1965). Cf.
G. D. Boardman on “Early printing in the middle colonies” in _Penna.
Mag. of Hist._, Apr., 1886, p. 15; Lodge’s _English Colonies_, 255. See
further references in Vol. III. p. 513.
[577] His career is commemorated by Horatio Gates Jones in an address,
_Andrew Bradford, the founder of the newspaper press in the Middle
States_ (Philad., 1869). Cf. Scharf and Westcott’s _Philadelphia_
(vol. iii. ch. 48), on the press of Philadelphia; Thomas’s _Hist.
of Printing_ (Worcester, 1874), ii. p. 132; and Frederic Hudson’s
_Journalism in the United States_ (N. Y., 1873), p. 60. The best
known of the early Philadelphia papers was, however, _The Universal
Instructor in all Arts and Sciences and Pennsylvania Gazette_, which,
begun Dec. 24, 1728, passed with the fortieth number into the control
of Benj. Franklin, who retained only the secondary title for the paper.
Cf. “History of a newspaper—the Pennsylvania Gazette,” in _Mag. of
Amer. Hist._, May, 1886, by Paul L. Ford; a long note by Hildeburn in
_Catal. of works relating to Franklin in Boston Pub. Library_, p. 37.
Of the _American Magazine_, published at Philadelphia in 1741, and the
earliest magazine printed in the British colonies, probably only three
numbers were issued (Hildeburn, no. 688). It must not be confounded
with a later _American Magazine_, printed by W. Bradford, which lived
through thirteen monthly numbers, Oct., 1757, to Oct., 1758. It
purported to be edited “by a society of gentlemen,” and Tyler (_Amer.
Literature_, ii. 306) calls it “the most admirable example of our
literary periodicals in the colonial time.” Cf. Wallace’s _Col. Wm.
Bradford_, pp. 64, 73.
[578] Hildeburn’s _Century of Printing_; the _Catal. of books relating
to Franklin in the Boston Public Library_; _Brinley Catal._, nos.
3,197, etc., 4,312, etc. Cf. Parton’s _Franklin_; Thomas’s _Hist. of
Printing_. The series of _Poor Richard’s Almanacks_ was begun in 1733
(fac-simile of title in Smith’s _Hist. and lit. curios._, pl. ix., and
Scharf and Westcott’s _Philadelphia_, i. 237). Cf. _Catal. of works
relating to Franklin in Boston Pub. Library_, p. 14. In 1850-52 a
publication at New York, called _Poor Richard’s Almanac_, reprinted the
Franklin portion of the original issues for 1733-1741.
[579] He gives in an appendix the publications of the younger
Bradford’s press, 1742-1766. Cf. J. B. MacMasters on “A free Press in
the Middle Colonies,” in the _Princeton Review_, 1885.
[580] New York, in Vol. III. p. 412, IV. p. 430, and particularly on
Smith’s _History_, see Tyler’s _Amer. Lit._, ii. 224; Pennsylvania, in
Vol. III. p. 507; New Jersey, in Vol. III. pp. 453, 455. The general
histories of the English colonies are characterized in the notes at the
end of chapter viii. of the present volume.
[581] Vol. IV. p. 410, etc. Cf. E. A. Werner’s _Civil list and
constitutional history of the Colony and State of New York_. (Albany,
1884.)
[582] See Vol. III. pp. 411, 414; IV. 440. Some special aspects are
treated in _Our Police Protectors; Hist. of the N. Y. Police_ (New
York, 1885, ch. 2, “British occupancy, 1664-1783”); J. A. Stevens on
old coffee houses, in _Harper’s Mag._ (Mar., 1882), also illustrated
in Wallace’s _Col. Wm. Bradford_; T. F. De Voe’s _Hist. of the Public
Markets of N. Y. from the first settlement_ (N. Y., 1862); H. E.
Pierrepont’s _Historical Sketch of the Fulton Ferry and its Associated
Ferries_ (Brooklyn, 1879); the Catholic Church on N. Y. Island, in
_Hist. Mag._, xvi. 229, 271.
[583] Frank Munsell’s_ Bibliog. of Albany_ (1883). See Vol. IV. p. 435.
Its own story has been freshly told in A. J. Weise’s _Hist. of the City
of Albany_ (1884).
[584] See Vol. IV. p. 441.
[585] A method, prevailing widely at present, of forcing local pride
and business enterprise into partnership has produced in New York, as
it has in other States, a series of county histories which may find in
future antiquaries more respect than historical students at present
feel for them. The work of some of the local historical societies, like
those of Ulster, Oneida, Cayuga, and Buffalo, is conducted in general
in a better spirit, and its genuine antiquarian zeal is exemplified in
such books as J. R. Simms’s _Frontiersmen of New York_ (1882-83), and
in the conglomerate _History of the Schenectady patent in the Dutch and
English times; being contributions toward a history of the lower Mohawk
Valley, by Jonathan Pearson and others; edited by J. W. MacMurray_.
(Albany, 1883.)
[586] Vol. III. p. 510. For record of the governors from 1682 to
1863, see _Hist. Mag_., viii. 266; and the summarized _Governors of
Pennsylvania_, 1609-1873, by Wm. C. Armor. (Norwich, Conn., 1874.)
Another official enumeration is Charles P. Keith’s _Provincial
Councillors of Pennsylvania who held office between 1733 and 1776, and
those earlier Councillors who were some time chief magistrates of the
province, and their descendants_. (Philadelphia, 1883.)
[587] In addition to those named in Vol. III. p. 510, and as coming
more particularly within the period under consideration, a few may be
named:—
From 1844 to 1846 Mr. I. Daniel Rupp issued various books of local
interest: _Hist. of Lancaster Co._ (Lancaster, 1844); _History
of Northampton, Lehigh, Monroe, Carbon, and Schuylkill Counties_
(Harrisburg, 1845); _History of Dauphin, Cumberland, Franklin, Bedford,
Adams, and Perry Counties_ (Lancaster, 1846); and _Early Hist. of
Western Pennsylvania_ (Pittsburgh, 1846).
The others may be arranged in order of publication: C. W. Carter and A.
J. Glossbrener’s _York County_ (1834); Neville B. Craig’s _Pittsburg_
(1851); George Chambers’s _Tribute to Irish and Scotch early settlers
of Pennsylvania_ (Chambersburg, 1856); U. J. Jones’s _Juniata Valley_
(1856); H. Hollister’s _Lackawanna Valley_ (1857); J. F. Meginness’s
_West Branch Valley of the Susquehanna_ (1857); Geo. H. Morgan’s
_Annals of Harrisburg_ (Harrisburg, 1858); Stewart Pearce’s _Annals
of Luzerne County, from the first settlement of Wyoming to 1860_
(Philad., 1860); J. I. Mombert’s _Lancaster County_ (1869); Alfred
Creigh’s _Washington County_ (1870); Alexander Harris’s _Biog. Hist. of
Lancaster County_ (1872); S. W. Pennypacker’s _Annals of Phœnixville
to 1871_ (Philad., 1872); Emily C. Blackman’s _Susquehanna County_
(Philad., 1873); John Hill Martin’s _Bethlehem, with an account of
the Moravian Church_ (Philad., 1873); A. W. Taylor’s _Indiana County_
(1876); S. J. M. Eaton’s _Venango County_ (1876); John Blair Linn’s
_Annals of Buffalo Valley, Pa._, 1755-1855 (Harrisburg, 1877); H. G.
Ashmead’s _Hist. sketch of Chester_ (1883).
The histories of Wyoming, deriving most of their interest from later
events, will be mentioned in Vol. VI. The local references can be
picked out of F. B. Perkins’s _Check List of Amer. Local History_. The
_Pennsylvania Mag. of History_ and _Egle’s Notes and Queries_ (1881,
etc.), with its continuation, the _Historical Register_, make current
records of local research.
[588] Vol. III. p. 509.
[589] Cf. the long list of titles under Philadelphia, prepared by C.
R. Hildeburn, in Sabin’s _Dict. of books relating to America_ (vol.
xiv. p. 524), and lesser monographs, like James Mease’s _Picture of
Philadelphia_ (1811); Daniel Bowen’s _Hist. of Philadelphia_ (1839);
_Harper’s Monthly_ (Apr., 1876); J. T. Headley in _Scribner’s Monthly_
(vol. ii.); _A Sylvan City, or quaint corners in Philadelphia_
(Philad., 1883); Hamersley’s _Philad. Illustrated_ (1871).
The evidence of an organized government in Philadelphia prior to the
charter of incorporation given by Penn in 1701 is presented in the
_Penna. Mag. of History_ (Apr., 1886, p. 61). There is a graphic
description of Philadelphia about 1750 in the _Life of Bampfylde Moore
Carew_.
[590] Vol. III. pp. 454-55. Some of the earlier collections of New
Jersey laws are noted in the _Brinley Catal._, ii. no. 3,583, etc. Cf.
titles in Sabin, vol. xiii.
[591] Vol. III. p. 455.
[592] Chief among the architectural landmarks of old New York was the
City Hall, on Wall Street, built in 1700, and taken down in 1812. (Cf.
views in Valentine’s _Manual_, 1847 and 1866; _Mag. of Amer. Hist._,
ix. 322; and Watson’s _Annals of New York_, p. 176.) Valentine’s
_Manual_ and his _Hist. of N. York_ contain various views of buildings
and localities belonging to the early part of the eighteenth century.
Particularly in the _Manual_, see the views of early New York in
the volume for 1858, with a view of Fort George and the city from
the southwest (1740). (Cf. _Appleton’s Journal_, viii. p. 353.) The
_Manual_ for 1862 contains a view of the battery (p. 503); others of
the foot of Wall Street (p. 506), of the great dock (p. 512), and of
the East River shore (p. 531),—all of 1746; and of the North River
shore in 1740 (p. 549). The volume for 1865 contains a history of
Broadway, with historical views; that for 1866 a history of Wall
Street, to be compared with the treatment of the same subject by Mrs.
Lamb in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._
An engraving from Wm. Burgiss’s view of the Dutch church in New York,
built 1727-37, is given in Valentine’s _Hist. of N. Y. City_, p. 279.
A paper on the old tombs of Trinity is in _Harper’s Mag._, Nov., 1876.
The _Manual_ also preserves samples of the domestic architecture of the
period. Old houses, especially Dutch ones, are shown in the volumes
for 1847, 1850, 1853, 1855. In that for 1858 we have in contrast
the Dutch Cortelyou house (1699) and the Rutgers mansion. Of famous
colonial houses in New York city and province, cuts may be noted of the
following among others:—
Van Cortland House, in Mrs. Lamb’s _Homes of America_ (1879), p. 696;
Harper’s Mag., lii. 645; _Appleton’s Journal_, ix. 801; _Mag. of Amer.
Hist._, xv. (Mar., 1883). Philipse Manor House at Yonkers, in Lamb;
Appleton’s, xi. 385; _Harper’s Mag._, lii. 642. Roger Morris House,
in Lamb. See further on this house when Washington’s headquarters,
in Vol. VI. Beekman House, in Lamb; Valentine’s _Manual_, 1854, p.
554; Appleton’s, viii. 310. Livingston House, in Lamb; _Mag. of Amer.
Hist._, 1885, p. 239. Verplanck House, in Lamb; Potter’s _Amer.
Monthly_, iv. 242. Van Rensselaer House at Albany, in Lamb. Schuyler
Mansion in Albany, in Lamb.
Many of these houses are also conveniently depicted in _Harper’s
Cyclopædia of U.S. Hist._ (ed. by Lossing).
Cf. “Old New York and its Houses,” by R. G. White, in _The Century_,
Oct., 1883. Geo. W. Schuyler’s _Colonial New York_ epitomizes the
histories of several of the old families,—Van Cortlandt, Van
Rensselaer, Livingston, Verplanck, etc. (vol. i. 187, 206, 243, 292).
[593] Cf. Valentine’s _Hist. of New York City_, p. 263; his _N. Y. City
Manual_, 1841-42, 1844-45, 1850, and 1851; Dunlap’s _New York_, i. 290;
Mrs. Lamb’s _New York_, i. 524; Lossing’s New York, i. 14; Weise’s
_Discoveries of America_, p. 358. It was also republished in fac-simile
by W. W. Cox, of Washington; and in lithograph by G. Hayward. Cf. _Map
Catal. Brit. Mus._ (1885), _sub_ “New York City.”
[594] Cf. the “Ville de Manathe ou Nouvelle York,” in Bellin’s
_Petit Atlas Maritime_, vol. i. (1764). The same atlas has a plan of
Philadelphia of that date.
[595] Cf. Vol. III. p. 551.
[596] There is a print of the old capitol at Annapolis. Cf. Gay, _Pop.
Hist. U. S._, iii. 51.
[597] Vol. III. p. 551.
[598] See the arguments on the question of the king’s subjects carrying
with them, when they emigrate, the common and statute law, in Chalmers’
_Opinions of Eminent Lawyers_, i. 194. Cf. also note in E. G. Scott’s
_Constitutional Liberty_, p. 40.
[599] “A few neglected grave-stones, several heaps of brick and
rubbish, and a solitary mansion, belonging to one of the oldest
families in the State, are about all that remain of the once famous
seaport town [Joppa] of provincial Maryland.” Lewis W. Wilhelm’s _Local
Institutions of Maryland_ (1885), p. 128. This paper is parts v., vi.,
and vii. of the third series of the _Johns Hopkins University Studies_,
and covers a history of the land system, the hundreds, the county and
towns of the province. The institutional life of the town began in
1683-85.
[600] See a portrait of Sharpe after an old print in Scharf’s
_Maryland_, i. 443.
[601] Vol. III. p. 153.
[602] There is a cut of Culpepper, after an old print, in Gay, _Pop.
Hist. U. S._, iii. 54.
[603] Grahame, _United States_, i. p. 126, has a note on the
authorities concerning the penal proceedings following the rebellion.
[604] See Brock’s _Hist. of Tobacco_, cited in Vol. III. p. 166.
[605] Cf. _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1872, p. 30.
[606] Cf. James Drew Sweet on Williamsburg, as the “ancient vice-regal
capital of Virginia,” in _Mag. of Western Hist._, Oct., 1885, p. 117.
[607] Palmer’s _Calendar_, p. 86.
[608] Palmer’s _Calendar_, p. 152.
[609] _Official Letters_, i. 116, 134; _Byrd MSS._, Wynne’s ed., ii.
192.
[610] Palmer’s _Calendar_, p. 162.
[611] See _post_, ch. viii. Iron was first forged in 1714.
[612] Spotswood’s speeches to the assembly in 1714 and 1718 are in
Maxwell’s _Virginia Register_, vol. iv.
[613] February, 1718-19. _Official Letters_, ii. 273. “Capt. Teach,
alias Blackbeard, the famous Pyrate, came within the Capes of this
Colony in a Sloop of six Guns and twenty Men; whereof our Governor
having Notice, ordered two Sloops to be fitted out, which fortunately
met with him. When Teach saw they were resolv’d to fight him, he leap’d
upon the Round-House of his Sloop, and took a Glass of Liquor, and
drank to the Masters of the two Sloops, and bid Damnation seize him
that should give Quarter; but notwithstanding his Insolence the two
Sloops soon boarded him, and kill’d all except Teach and one more, who
have been since executed. The head of Teach is fix’d on a Pole erected
for that Purpose.” (1719.) _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Sept., 1878.
[614] Account in _Byrd MSS._, Wynne’s ed., ii. 249-63.
[615] West, the crown counsel in 1719, interpreted the law as leaving
in the hands of the king the right to present to vacant benefices
in Virginia. Chalmers’ _Opinions of Eminent Lawyers concerning the
Colonies_, etc. London, 1814, i. p. 17. Blair was still the champion of
the ecclesiastical supremacy. Cf. Spotswood’s _Official Letters_, ii.
292; Perry’s _Church Papers of Va._, pp. 199, 247.
[616] Meade, _Old Churches_, etc., ii. 75.
[617] Speeches of Gov. Drysdale to the assembly in 1723 and 1726 are
printed in Maxwell’s _Virginia Reg._, vol. iv.
[618] We have the journal of William Black, who was sent by the
province in 1744 to treat with the Iroquois, with reference to these
shadowy lands. _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, vols. i. and ii.
[619] See the view of this mansion in _Appleton’s Journal_, July 19,
1873; in Mrs. Lamb’s _Homes of America_, N. Y., 1879; and in the paper
on the Fairfaxes in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ (Mar., 1885), vol. xiii.
p. 217, by Richard Whateley. Fairfax’s stone office, which was near the
mansion, is still standing.
[620] There is no portrait of Maj. William Mayo known to be in
existence. Mayo came to Virginia in 1723, and in 1728 was one of those
who ran the dividing line between Virginia and North Carolina. In 1737
he planned Richmond, and died in 1744. See the paper, “Some Richmond
Portraits,” in _Harper’s Magazine_, 1885.
[621] The speeches and papers respecting the opening of the assembly
under Gooch in 1736 are reprinted from the _Virginia Gazette_ in
Maxwell’s _Virginia Reg._, iv. p. 121.
[622] Byrd, of Westover, in comparing the New Englanders with the
Southrons of Virginia, says that the latter “thought their being
members of the established church sufficient to sanctifie very loose
and profligate morals.” Wynne’s ed. _Westover MSS._, i. p. 7. Cf. the
collation of the laws and traits of Virginia and New England in “Old
Times in Virginia,” in _Putnam’s Mag._, Aug., 1869. A paper by W. H.
Whitmore on “The Cavalier Theory refuted,” in the _Continental Monthly_
(1863), vol. iv. p. 60, was written in the height of feeling engendered
by the civil war.
[623] Given in the _Dinwiddie Papers_, i. p. 3.
[624] _Post_, ch. viii.
[625] The journal of Col. James Burd, while building Fort Augusta, at
Shamokin, 1756-57, is in the _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., ii. p. 743.
Loudon caused Fort Loudon to be built on the Tennessee in 1756. There
is a MS. plan of it in the De Brahm MS. in Harvard College library.
[626] John Echols’s journal about “a march that Capt. Robert Wade took
to the New River” in search of Indians, Aug.-Oct., 1758, is in Palmer’s
_Calendar_, p. 254; and papers on the expedition against the Shawnee
Indians in 1756 are in Maxwell’s _Virginia Register_, vol. v. pp. 20,
61.
[627] Vol. III. p. 555.
[628] _Archives of Maryland. Proceedings and acts of the general
assembly, January, 1617-38-September, 1664. Published by authority of
the State, under the direction of the Maryland Historical Society.
William Hand Browne, editor._ Baltimore: Maryland Historical Society.
1883. Two other volumes have since been published.
[629] _Archives of Maryland: Calendar and Report by the Publication
Committee of the Maryland Hist. Society_, 1883.
[630] This _Calendar_ shows that the Proprietary records, with few
gaps, exist from 1637 to 1658; the council proceedings from 1636 to
1671, with some breaks; the assembly proceedings from 1637 to 1658
(included in the published volume, with continuation from the Public
Record Office in London to 1664); the Upper House Journals from 1659
to 1774; the Senate Journals, 1780-83; the Lower House Journals, 1666
to 1774; the Revolutionary journals, 1775-1780; the Laws from 1638
to 1710 (those to 1664 are continued in the published volume, and
the commissioners say that the full text probably exists of these
from 1692 to 1774; and while Bacon in his edition of the Laws had
given only six of the 300 laws, and none before 1664 in full, the
commissioners in the printed volume have supplied the full text of the
others from the Public Record Office); the Court Records, 1658-1752;
Letters, 1753-1771; Council of Safety Correspondence, 1775-77; Council
Correspondence, 1777-93; Commission books, 1726-1798; Commission on the
Public Records, 1724-1729; Minutes of the Board of Revenue, 1768-1775;
the David Ridgely copies of important papers (1682-1785), made in 1838;
and Ethan Allen’s Calendar of Maryland State Papers, 1636-1776, made in
1858. (See Vol. III. p. 556.)
The laws of Maryland, 1692-1718, were printed in Philadelphia by
Bradford. (Hildeburn’s _Penna. Publications_, no. 150.) The charter of
Maryland, with the debates of the assembly in 1722-24, was printed in
Philadelphia in 1725. (Ibid. no. 255.)
[631] Vol. III. p. 559.
[632] Ch. v. Bancroft (_History of the United States_, orig. ed., ii.
244) says: “The chapters of Chalmers on Maryland are the most accurate
of them all.”
[633] One of the _American Commonwealths_, edited by Mr. Horace E.
Scudder.
[634] Also in Lewis Mayer’s _Ground Rents in Maryland_, Baltimore, 1883.
[635] Cf. Mr. Adams’s _Maryland’s influence in founding a national
commonwealth_, published as no. 11 of the Fund Publications of the
Maryland Historical Society.
Since Volume III. of the present History was printed, there have
been added to these Fund Publications, as no. 18, B. T. Johnson’s
_Foundation of Maryland and the origin of the act concerning religion,
of April 21, 1649_; no. 19, E. Ingle’s _Capt. Richard Ingle, the
Maryland pirate and rebel, 1642-1653_; no. 20, L. W. Wilhelm’s _Sir
George Calvert, Baron of Baltimore_.
Beside Mr. Johnson’s monograph on the Toleration Act, Mr. R. H. Clarke
in the _Catholic World_, October, 1883, has replied to the views held
by Bancroft.
Beside Mr. Wilhelm’s paper on Calvert, see E. L. Didier on the family
of the Baltimores in _Lippincott’s Magazine_, vi. 531. Scharf gives
portraits of the fifth and sixth lords (vol. i. pp. 381, 441). Neill
traces the line’s descent in the eighth chapter of his _Terra Mariæ_.
[636] _Memorial Volume, 1730-1880. An account of the municipal
celebration of the 150th anniversary of the settlement of Baltimore,
October 11-19, 1880. With a sketch of the history, and summary of the
resources of the city. Illus. by Frank B. Mayer._ (Baltimore, 1881.)
328 pp. 4^o. Cf. also G. W. Howard, _Monumental City, its past history
and present resources_. Baltimore, 1873-[83].
[637] There is a copy in the library of the Pennsylvania Historical
Society. It is reproduced in Scharf’s _Maryland_ (i. 421), and in his
_City and County of Baltimore_ (p. 58).
[638] Neill’s _Terra Mariæ_, p. 200; Sabin, _Dictionary_, iv. 16,234.
M. C. Tyler, _Hist. Amer. Literature_, ii. 255, epitomizes it. In 1730
there appeared at Annapolis, _Sot-weed Redivivus, or the Planter’s
Looking-glass, in burlesque verse, calculated for the meridian of
Maryland, by E. C., Gent_. Mr. Tyler throws some doubt upon the
profession of the same authorship conveyed in the title, because it
is destitute of the wit shown in the other. The next year (1731) the
earlier poem is said to have been reprinted at Annapolis with another
on Bacon’s Rebellion. (_Hist. Mag._, iv. 153.) The _Sot-weed Factor_
was again reprinted with a glossary in Shea’s _Early Southern Tracts_,
1866, edited by Brantz Mayer. There is a copy of the original edition
in Harvard College library [12365.14].
[639] Cf. E. W. Latimer’s “Colonial Life in Maryland, 1725-1775” in
the _International Review_, June, 1880; Frank B. Meyer’s “Old Maryland
Manners” in _Scribner’s Monthly_, xvii. 315; and J. C. Carpenter’s “Old
Maryland, its Homes and its People,” in _Appleton’s Journal_, Mar. 4,
1876, with a view of the Caton mansion. The Carroll house is pictured
in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, ii. 105.
[640] A view of All-Hallows Church, built 1692, is given in Perry, ii.
613.
[641] Vol. III. p. 513. In the Ellis sale, London, Nov., 1885, no. 232,
was a map, _Novi Belgii, Novæque Angliæ necnon partis Virginiæ tabulæ,
multis in locis emendata a Nicolas Visschero_ (Amsterdam, about 1651),
which had belonged to William Penn, and was indorsed by him, “The map
by which the Privy Council, 1685, settled the bounds between Lord
Baltimore and I, and Maryland, Pennsylvania and Territorys or annexed
Countys.—W. P.” Franklin printed (1733) the articles of agreement
between Maryland and Pennsylvania, and again (1736) with additional
matter. In 1737 and 1742 he printed the proclamations against the armed
invaders from Maryland. Cf. _Catal. of Works relating to B. Franklin,
in Boston Public Library_ (1883), pp. 29, 36.
[642] Cf. also Jacob’s _Life of Cresap_, p. 25; B. Mayer’s _Logan and
Cresap_, p. 25; Gordon’s _Pennsylvania_, p. 221; Egle’s _Pennsylvania_,
p. 824; Rapp’s _York County, Pa._, p. 547; Hazard’s _Reg. of Penna._,
i. 200, ii. 209. The statement of the government of Maryland,
respecting the border outrages, which was addressed to the king in
council, is printed in Scharf’s _Hist. of Maryland_, i. p. 395.
[643] A map showing the temporary bounds as fixed by the king in
council, 1738, is in _Penna. Archives_, i. 594.
[644] The report on this line is given in Scharf’s _Maryland_, p. 407.
Cf. map in _Penna. Arch._, iv.
[645] Cf. Vol. III. p. 489. Extracts from Mason’s field-book are given
in the _Hist. Mag._, v. 199. A view of one of the stones erected by
them, five miles apart, and bearing the arms of Penn and Baltimore,
is given in the _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, vi. 414, in connection with
accounts respectively of Baltimore and Markham in 1681-82. See Vol.
III. p. 514. The line was continued farther west in 1779, giving to
Pennsylvania the forks of the Ohio, which Dinwiddie had claimed for
Virginia. _Olden Time_, i. 433-524.
[646] _Report of the Boundary Commission_ (1874), pp. 21, 129. Cf.
Moll’s map of Virginia and Maryland in Oldmixon’s _Brit. Empire in
America_, 1708, which shows Chesapeake and Delaware bays and their
affluents.
[647] “A new map of Virginia, humbly dedicated to ye Right Hon^{ble}
Thomas Lord Fairfax, 1738,” in Keith’s Virginia. The _Map of the most
inhabited part of Virginia by Joshua Fry and Peter Jefferson_, 1751,
published in London by Jeffreys, is the best known map of this period.
The map which was engraved for Jefferson’s _Notes on Virginia_, 1787,
which showed the country from Albemarle Sound to Lake Erie, was for
the region east of the Alleghanies, based on Fry and Jefferson, and
on Scull’s _Map of Pennsylvania_, “which was constructed chiefly on
actual survey,” while that portion west of the mountains is taken from
Hutchins. A fac-simile of this map is in the _Notes_ which accompany
the second volume of the _Dinwiddie Papers_.
There is a map of the Chesapeake and Delaware bays in Bowen’s
_Geography_, 1747.
[648] There are two copies of this in Harvard College library. Cf. map
of Maryland in _London Mag._, 1757.
[649] See further in Vol. III. p. 159. There is in Maxwell’s _Virginia
Register_, vol. i. p. 12, a paper on the limits of Virginia under the
charters of James I.
[650] _Spotswood Letters_, ii. 26.
[651] The Westover Papers also contain a journey to a tract that Byrd
owned near the river Dan, which he called a “Journey to the land of
Eden.” See the view of the Westover mansion in _Harper’s Magazine_,
May, 1871 (p. 801); in _Appleton’s Journal_, Nov. 4, 1871, with notes
by J. E. Cooke; and in Mrs. Lamb’s _Homes of America_, 1879, where are
views of other colonial houses like Powhatan Seat, Gunston Hall, etc.
Cf. references on country houses in Lodge, _Short History_, p. 79.
There are views of Ditchley House, the home of the Lees of the Northern
Neck, and of Brandon House, the seat of the Beverleys in Middlesex, in
_Harper’s Mag._, July, 1878 (pp. 163, 166). For some traces of family
estates in the eastern peninsula, see _Harper’s Mag._, May, 1879.
It was the cradle of the Custises. There is a paper on the ancient
families of Virginia and Maryland by George Fitzhugh in _De Bow’s
Review_ (1859), vol. xxvi. p. 487, etc.
[652] Cf. M. C. Tyler, _Hist. Amer. Literature_, ii. 270; J. Esten
Cooke’s _Virginia_, 362. Stith speaks of Byrd’s library (3,625
vols.) as “the best and most copious collection of books in our
part of America.” Byrd possessed the MS. of the Virginia Company
Records, already referred to (Vol. III. p. 158). See some account
of the Westover library in Maxwell’s _Virginia Hist. Reg._, iv. 87,
and _Spotswood Letters_, i. p. x., where something is said of other
Virginia libraries of this time. Grahame (_United States_, i. 148)
evidently mistakes these manuscripts of Byrd’s for something which he
supposed was published in the early part of that century on the history
of Virginia, and which he says Oldmixon refers to.
[653] _The importance of the British plantations in America to this
kingdom_, London, 1731, p. 75.
[654] This sketch is reproduced in Hawks’ _No. Carolina_, ii. 102. The
journal of the commissioners is given in Martin’s _No. Carolina_, vol.
i. App.
[655] Williamson’s _North Carolina_, App., for documents reprinted in
Maxwell’s _Virginia Reg._, iv. p. 80.
[656] _Grant of the Northern Neck in Virginia to Lord Culpepper by
James II._, in Harvard College library.
[657] _Spotswood Letters_, i. 152.
[658] This grant, from conflicting interests, has been the subject of
much later litigation. Cf. Kercheval’s _History of the Valley_, 2d ed.,
1850, pp. 138-152. Cf. on the boundary disputes between Pennsylvania
and Virginia, _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Feb., 1885, p. 154.
[659] Vol. III. 160, 161.
[660] In his introduction, p. xxxv., he discusses the successive seals
of Virginia.
[661] _Sparks’ Catal._, p. 214.
[662] _Spotswood Letters_, ii. 16.
[663] _Hist. Amer. Lit._, ii. 260. Cf. Sprague’s _Annals of the Amer.
Pulpit_, v. p. 7.
[664] One of the earliest accounts of the college is in the paper
of 1696-98 (_Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. v. section xii.). Palmer
(_Calendar_, p. 61) gives a bill for facilitating the payment of
donations to the college (1698). Its charter is given in _The Present
State_, etc., by Blair and others, was printed at Williamsburg in
1758, and is found in the _History of the College of William and Mary_
(1660-1874), printed with the general catalogue at Richmond in 1874.
An oration by E. Randolph on the founders of William and Mary College
was printed at Williamsburg in 1771. Jones in 1724 gave a rather
melancholy picture of the institution, then a quarter of a century old.
It is, he says, “a college without a chapel, without a scholarship, and
without a statute; a library without books, comparatively speaking,
and a president without a fixed salary, till of late.” (Hugh Jones’s
_Present State_, 83.) Other sketches are _Historical Sketch of the
College of William and Mary_, Richmond, 1866 (20 pp.); _History of
William and Mary College from the foundation_, Baltimore, 1870; and
Mr. C. F. Richardson’s “Old Colonial College” in the _Mag. of Amer.
History_, Nov., 1884. Richardson, together with Henry Alden Clark, also
edited _The College Book_, which includes an account of the college,
as of others in the United States. Doyle (_English in America_, 363)
says, “We may well doubt if the college did much for the colony....
It is evident it was nothing better than a boarding-school, in which
Blair had no small difficulty in contending against the extravagance
engendered by the home training of his pupils.”
[665] The _Canadian Antiquarian_ (iv. 76) describes an old MS.
concerning the government of the English plantations in America, which
is preserved in the library at Ottawa, and is supposed to have been
written “by a Virginian in 1699, Mr. Blaire or B. Hamson [? Harrison],
Jr.” Cf. on Blair, E. D. Neill’s _Virginia Colonial Clergy_. Can this
be the account elsewhere referred to, and printed in the _Mass. Hist.
Collections_, vol. v.? See _Scribner’s Monthly_, Nov., 1875, p. 4.
[666] See Vol. III. 164. Lodge, _Short Hist. Eng. Colonies_, speaks
of this book as “inaccurate but not uninteresting.” Cf. Cooke’s
_Virginia_, p. 361. Beverley’s family is traced in the _Dinwiddie
Papers_, ii. 351.
[667] In Maxwell’s _Virginia Register_, iii. p. 181, etc., there is
a paper, “Some observations relating to the revenue of Virginia, and
particularly to the place of auditor,” written early in the 18th
century; and extracts from “A general accompt of the quit-rents of
Virginia, 1688-1703, by William Byrd, Rec’r Gen’ll,” etc.
[668] There is a copy in Harvard College library. Sabin (ix. 36,511)
says it is not so rare as Rich represents. It was reprinted in 1865 as
no. 5 of Sabin’s Reprints (New York).
[669] _Hist. Amer. Lit._, ii. 268. Cf. Perry’s _Amer. Episc. Church_,
i. 307; Sprague’s _Annals_, v. p. 9.
[670] Lodge (_Short History_, etc., p. 65) refers, on the modes of
cultivating tobacco, to sundry travellers’ accounts of the last
century: Anburey, ii. 344; Brissot de Warville, 375; Weld, 116;
Rochefoucauld, 80; Smyth, i. 59.
Cf. _The present state of the tobacco plantations in America_ (about
1709), folio leaf (Sabin, xv. 65,332).
[671] See Vol. III. p. 165. A paper by Sir William Keith on “The
Present State of the Colonies in America with respect of Great Britain”
is in Wynne’s ed. of the _Byrd MSS._, ii. 214, with (p. 228) Gov.
Gooch’s “Researches” on the same. Walsh in his _Appeal_ (part i. sect.
5) shows the benefits reaped by Great Britain from the American trade,
making use of an essay on the subject by Sir William Keith (1728) which
will be found in Burk’s _Virginia_ (vol. ii. ch. 2).
[672] See Vol. III. p. 165; Cooke’s _Virginia_, 361.
[673] The four volumes, 1804-16, which make up a complete set of Burk
are now rather costly. Stevens, _Bibl. Amer._, 1885, no. 59, prices
them at £18 18_s._ See Vol. III. p. 165.
[674] _United States_, orig. ed., ii. 248; iii. 25; and later eds.
[675] _Short Hist._, 23, etc.
[676] Vol. III. p. 166.
[677] It forms one of the _American Commonwealths_, edited by H. E.
Scudder.
[678] Cf. Wm. Green’s “Genesis of Counties” in Philip Slaughter’s
_Memoir of Hon. Wm. Green_; and Edward Channing’s _Town and County
Government in the English Colonies of North America_, being no. x.
of the 2d series of the same _Johns Hopkins University Studies_. Cf.
also Henry O. Taylor’s “Development of Constitutional Government in
the American Colonies,” in the _Mag. of Amer. History_, Dec., 1878,—a
summary contrasting Massachusetts and Virginia.
[679] Cf. article from _Richmond Enquirer_, Dec. 9, 1873, copied in _N.
E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1874, p. 257.
[680] Cf. C. Campbell’s _Genealogy of the Spotswood Family_, published
in 1868.
[681] _Post_, ch. viii.
[682] See ch. viii.
[683] Vol. III. p. 166.
[684] There is a copy of this rare discourse in Harvard College
library. Perry in his _Amer. Episc. Church_, i. 139, gives a rude
drawing of the title, as if it were a fac-simile of it. Cf. Dexter’s
_Bibliog. of Congregationalism_, no. 2,530, and the notice of Thomas
Bray, in Sprague’s _Annals_, v. 17. See the views of old churches in
Meade, Perry, and _Appleton’s Monthly_, vol. vi. 701; xii. 193, etc.
[685] _Ecclesiastical Contributions_, vol. i.
[686] W. S. Perry’s Hist. _Coll. of the American Colonial Church_, and
his _Hist. of the Amer. Episc. Church_ (1885).
[687] “Early Episcopacy in Virginia,” in his introduction to White’s
_Memoirs of the Episc. Church_, p. xxiv., etc.
[688] It is said that the collection of parish registers and vestry
books which Meade gathered was finally bestowed by him upon the
theological seminary near Alexandria. _Spotswood Letters_, i. p. 166.
[689] See Vol. III. p. 160.
[690] An episode of Mackemie’s history is recorded in a _Narrative of
a new and unusual American imprisonment of two Presbyterian ministers,
and prosecution of Mr. Francis Mackemie, one of them, for preaching a
sermon at New York_, 1707, in _Force’s Tracts_, vol. iv. Cf. Sprague’s
_Annals_, iii. p. 1; Richard Webster’s _Hist. of the Presbyterian
Church_.
[691] Semple’s _Hist. of the Baptists;_ R. B. C. Howell’s “Early
Baptists of Virginia” in L. Moss’s _Baptists and the National
Centenary_, Philadelphia, 1874 (pp. 27-48).
[692] Meade’s _Old Churches_, etc., i. 463; _Mag. of Amer. Hist._,
viii. 31 (Jan., 1882), by Wm. P. Dabney.
[693] A private letter-book of Captain William Byrd, Jan. 7, 1683, to
Aug. 3, 1691, is preserved by the Virginia Hist. Soc.; Maxwell’s _Va.
Reg._, i. and ii., where some of the letters are printed. Some letters
of a certain William Fitzhugh (1679-1699) are preserved in _Ibid._, i.
165. Two letters of Culpepper’s on Virginia matters, dated at Boston,
on his way to England in 1680, are in _Ibid._, iii. p. 189.
[694] _Virginia Hist. Soc. Coll.; The Huguenot Family_, 260, 333. See
Vol. III. p. 161. MS. letters of the second William Byrd and of Dr.
George Gilmor are also preserved.
[695] Tyler, _Hist. Amer. Lit._, ii. 269.
[696] _Old Churches and Families of Virginia._ Philad., 1857. It takes
up the older parishes in succession.
[697] _A history of St. Mark’s parish, Culpepper County, Virginia;
with notes of old churches and old families, and illustrations of the
manners and customs of the olden time._ [Baltimore, Md.?] 1877.
[698] _Sketches of Virginia._
[699] His chapter on “The golden age of Virginia” in his _Virginia_.
[700] Vol. I. ch. 26.
[701] Chap. v., “Manners in the southern provinces.”
[702] On Virginia social classes, see Lodge, p. 67, and references.
[703] A. Burnaby, _Travels through the middle settlements in North
America_, 1759-60, London, 1775. Extracts from Burnaby relating to
Virginia are given in Maxwell’s _Virginia Register_, vol. v.
T. Anburey, _Travels through the interior parts of America_, two vols.,
London, 1789. He was an officer of Burgoyne’s army.
C. C. Robin, _Nouveau Voyage dans l’Amérique Septentrionale en 1781_.
Philad., 1782. He was one of Rochambeau’s officers.
J. F. D. Smyth, _Travels in the United States_, London, 1784. Extracts
from Smyth on Virginia are in Maxwell’s _Virginia Reg._, vi. p. 11,
etc. John Randolph said of this book in 1822: “Though replete with
falsehood and calumny, it contains the truest picture of the state of
society and manners in Virginia (such as it was about half a century
ago) that is extant. Traces of the same manners could be found some
years subsequent to the adoption of the federal constitution, say to
the end of the century. At this moment not a vestige remains.”
Brissot de Warville, _Nouveau Voyage dans les États Unis_, Paris, 1791.
Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, _Voyage dans les États-Unis_, 1795-97.
Weld, _Travels through the States of North America_, 1795-97, London,
1799.
In fiction reference may be made to De Foe’s _Captain Jack_; Paulding’s
_Sketches_; Kennedy’s _Swallow Barn_; Miss Wormley’s _Cousin Veronica_;
and Thackeray’s _Virginians_.
[704] All the country of which North and South Carolina form a part was
known for a long time by the name of Florida, a name given by early
Spanish explorers. The English, after the settlement of Virginia,
called the region in that direction South Virginia. From 1629, in the
reign of Charles I., the name Carolana (as in Heath’s claim), and at
times Carolina, began to be used (see _S. C. Hist. Soc. Coll._, i. p.
200). At length, when the new charter was obtained, the name as it now
stands was definitely applied to the region granted to the Proprietors.
If they had wished, they could have adopted some other name. It
happened that the fort built by the French in Florida was called in
Latin “arx Carolina”; a Charles fort was also built by them in what is
now South Carolina,—both so named in honor of Charles IX. of France;
yet they did not apply the name to the territory, which they continued
to call Florida. Gov. Glen in his _Description of South Carolina_
(1761) says: “The name Carolina, still retained by the English, is
generally thought to have been derived from Charles the Ninth of
France, in whose reign Admiral Coligny made some settlements on the
Florida coast.”
[705] Clarendon was the companion of Charles II. in his exile, and
rendered great service in his restoration. We all know the services
of General Monk (preëminently the restorer of the king), afterwards
created Duke of Albemarle. Sir George Carteret, governor of the Isle
of Jersey, opposed Cromwell, and gave refuge to Charles, the Duke of
York, the Earl of Clarendon, and others. Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper
(Earl of Shaftesbury) was particularly commended to the king by
General Monk as one of the council, and his abilities raised him to
the chancellor-ship. Sir John Colleton had impoverished himself in the
royal cause; and after Cromwell’s success retired to Barbadoes, till
the Restoration. Lord Berkeley had faithfully followed Charles in his
exile; and his brother, Sir William, as governor of Virginia, caused
that colony to adhere to the king, as their rightful sovereign. The
Earl of Craven was of the Privy Council, and held a military command
under the king. For authorities, see _Sketch of the Hist. of S. C._, p.
64.
[706] _N. Carolina, Abstracts of Records_, etc., p. 2. In the letter
of the Proprietors, 8th September, it is said the patent was “granted
in the 5th year of King Charles I.” A subsequent copy, under the Great
Seal, bears date August 4, 1631.
[707] Letter of the Lords Proprietors to Sir William Berkeley,
September 8, 1663.
[708] He was commissioned by the Proprietors in 1664.
[709] For the prosperous state of Barbadoes, see Martin’s _Brit.
Colonies_, ii. pp. 324-328.
[710] _Abstracts, etc., North Carolina_, p. 4.
[711] January 7, 1664-5. “Minute: although the county of Clarendon,
etc., be, for the present, under the government of Sir J. Yeamans, yet
it is purposed that a part of it, south and west of Cape Romania, shall
be a distinct government and be called Craven County.” _Abstracts,
Coll. S. C. Hist. Soc._, i. p. 97.
Chalmers (“Annals,” in Carroll’s _Hist. Coll._, ii. p. 289) says
Yeamans and his colonists arrived at Cape Fear “during the autumn of
1665.” Dr. Hawks gives May, 1664, on p. 83 (vol. ii.), and 1665 on
pp. 181 and 453. From the _Charleston Year Book_, 1883, p. 359, it
appears Yeamans had ample powers in 1665 to explore the coast south and
west of Cape Roman. He did sail from Barbadoes for that purpose, in
October, and did go at that time to Cape Fear, of which he was governor
by appointment nine months before. He may have been at Barbadoes
merely for the purpose of making ready for that exploration. We have
no reason to doubt the settling at Cape Fear in May, 1664, whether
Yeamans was or was not, at that time, the leader of the colonists. In
Sandford’s _Relation_ (1666) the expression “the great and growing
necessityes of the English colony in Charles river,” when Yeamans
arrived (November, 1665), seems to refer to colonists already there.
It was for the interests of the Proprietors to secure—as they did in
1665—the services of such a man not only for Clarendon, but as their
“lieutenant-general” for further services southward in their policy
above indicated. The difficulty appears to be that Sir John had a
policy of his own,—to grow rich; and that his real home was all the
while in Barbadoes. He did not sacrifice himself for the emolument of
their lordships either at Cape Fear or at Ashley River, as will be
apparent in our subsequent narrative.
[712] Sandford’s _Relation_, and information from papers in London now
being received by the authorities in North Carolina.
[713] See _Abstracts, etc., relating to Colonial Hist. of N. C._,
p. 3; also for this letter, Hawks, ii. p. 23; and for a copy of the
declaration, etc., of 25th August, Rivers’ _Sketch of the Hist. of So.
Carolina_, p. 335.
[714] See Chalmers’ “Annals” in Carroll’s _Collections_, ii. p. 288,
with respect to charges against Clarendon.
[715] Under their charter they could grant titles of honor, provided
they were not like those of England. A provincial nobility was
accordingly created under the titles of Landgraves and Cassiques. The
province was divided into counties; each county into eight signories,
eight baronies, and four precincts, and each precinct into six
colonies for the common people. Each of the other divisions (that is,
excluding the precincts) was to contain 12,000 acres; the signories
for the Proprietors, the baronies for the provincial nobility, to
be perpetually annexed to the hereditary title. These nobles were,
in the first instance, to be appointed by their lordships. In their
subsequent endeavors to establish this scheme of government quite a
large number of provincial nobles were created: the philosopher Locke,
James Carteret, Sir John Yeamans to begin with, and many others, from
time to time, till the title of Landgrave—and there were Cassiques
also—must have appeared to the recipient as ridiculous as it was to
Albemarle to be first Palatine, Craven first High Constable, Berkeley
first Chancellor, Ashley Chief Justice, Carteret Admiral, and Colleton
High Steward, of Carolina.
[716] This, it is true, was not contrary to the charter, but there
is no doubt that the majority of the early settlers were dissenters,
and the establishment of this Church, to be supported by taxation,
occasioned much dissatisfaction and active opposition.
[717] _A Brief Description_, etc.; also Hawks, ii. p. 149.
[718] Instructions for Gov. Sayle, July 27, 1669.
[719] They said, “Sir John intended to make this a Cape Feare
Settlement.” _Charleston Year Book_, p. 376.
[720] Letter of the people in South Carolina to Sothel, 1691; _Sketch
of Hist. of S. C._, p. 429. See also memorial from members of the
assembly in Clarendon County, probably in 1666, asking for better terms
of land than in the agreement with Yeamans; otherwise the county may be
abandoned. See _Abstracts, etc._, p. 6 (N. Carolina).
[721] Towards 1700, “about half of the Albemarle settlement was
composed of Quakers.” (Hawks, ii. p. 89.) They had been, at an earlier
day, driven from Massachusetts and Virginia. (Ib. p. 362.) They did
not, however, at any time amount to 2,000, and constituted a small
minority of the whole population in the colony (p. 369).
[722] It is said by historians that a sort of constitution had been
given the colony at Albemarle, in 1667, when Stephens became governor.
It is explained by Chalmers (“Political Annals,” p. 524, as cited by
Dr. Hawks, ii. p. 147), and said not to be now extant, and that the
provisions were simple and satisfactory to the colony. The Hon. W.
L. Saunders, the present Secretary of State of North Carolina, has
discussed this subject, and shows from the Shaftesbury Papers, which
were unknown to Chalmers, that what has been considered a constitution
was merely the “Concessions of January 7th, 1665,” a transcript of
which had been sent to Governor Stephens. See pamphlet, 1885, p. 31,
_et seq._
[723] The revenue, collected by Miller in six months after he arrived,
was about 5,000 dollars and 33 hogsheads of tobacco. Hawks’ _North
Carolina_, ii. p. 471
[724] Bancroft, ii. pp. 161, 162, ed. 1856, views the Culpepper
rebellion as an outgrowth of the spirit of freedom, not mere
lawlessness. See documents in Hawks’ _North Carolina_, ii. pp. 374-377;
also the “Answer of the Lords Proprietors,” p. 38 of _North Carolina
under the Proprietary Government_, pamphlet, 1884. Compare this
self-excusatory answer with the manly “remonstrance of the inhabitants
of Pasquotank,” who wanted, first of all, “a free Parliament.” This
manifesto has been ridiculed by Chalmers and Hawks; Wheeler appears to
have the right conception of it.
[725] The histories of North Carolina—through lack of records—are
deficient in explaining the political aims of the people. The lack of
records of the popular assembly will be noticed hereafter.
[726] His commission as deputy governor was to come from the Executive
in South Carolina. The governor there—Tynte—was dead, and Hyde’s
formal commission delayed. In December, 1710, it was proposed among
the Proprietors to appoint a separate governor for North Carolina.
Hyde received the appointment, and was sworn in—the first “Governor
of North Carolina”—in 1712. _Abstracts, etc., N. C._, p. 23. The
population of the colony was at this time about 7,000, white and black.
[727] We can, to some extent, understand the aim, at this time, of the
popular party, from letters of Gov. Spotswood (July 28th and 30th). The
people demanded _the repeal of certain laws_. One of these was probably
that which excluded Quakers from all offices for which oaths were a
prerequisite, as no reservation was made for conscientious scruples;
and another, that which imposed a fine of £5 on any one promoting his
own election or not qualifying as prescribed. Perhaps the disaffection
was more deeply seated. In 1717 the Rev. John Urmstone said the people
_acknowledged no power not derived from themselves_. This opinion, at
any rate, appears to be consistent with the tenor of events. See Hawks,
ii. pp. 423, 426, 509, and 512; and _N. Carolina under the Proprietary
Government_, p. 36 (pamphlet), 1884.
[728] _Coll. of S. C. Hist. Soc._, i. p. 176. This letter may be
sarcastic, if the “great dislike” of rebellion applies to the people,
but we are sure it is untrue in saying that the almost unanimous action
of South Carolina was the action of “several of the inhabitants.” It
is likely, also, to be untrue in intimating that the assembly joined
in such an address. Hawks, ii. p. 561. See Yonge’s account of the way
in which the affairs of the Proprietors were often transacted by their
secretary. Some Proprietors lived away from London; others were minors
and represented by proxy.
[729] Legislative document no. 21, 1883, informs us that among the
historical material especially needed are “the Journals of the Lower
House of the legislature prior to 1754.”
[730] About 1743, John Lord Carteret (Earl of Granville) was allotted
his eighth part of the land, all other rights being conveyed to the
Crown. This strip of land was just below the Virginia line, and
extended from the Atlantic to the Pacific. From notices in Hewat’s
“South Carolina” in Carroll’s _Collections_, p. 360, and _S. C. Hist.
Soc. Coll._, ii. p. 284.
[731] Martin’s _North Carolina_, ii. p. 10.
[732] Wheeler’s _Sketches, North Carolina_, i. pp. 42, 43.
[733] Hildreth, ii. p. 340. Wheeler, i. p. 43.
[734] It is probable there were in North and South Carolina many
“private tutors” for families or neighborhoods, though few “public
schools” supported by taxation.
[735] Martin, ii. p. 48.
[736] At the close of the proprietary government the population
numbered 10,000; it numbered in 1750 about 50,000. Its exports were
61,528 barrels of tar, 12,055 barrels of pitch, 10,429 barrels of
turpentine, 762,000 staves, 61,580 bushels of corn, 100,000 hogsheads
of tobacco, 10,000 bushels of peas, 3,300 barrels of pork and beef,
30,000 pounds of deer-skins, besides wheat, rice, bread, potatoes,
bees-wax, tallow, bacon, lard, lumber, indigo, and tanned leather.
Cf. Martin and Wheeler. The former says 100 hogsheads of tobacco; but
he had given 800 hogsheads as the crop about 1677, when the whole
population amounted to only 1,400; the latter is authority for changing
this item to 100,000 hogsheads.
[737] _North Carolina; its Settlement and Growth_, by Hon. W. L.
Saunders (1884). See also Foote’s _Sketches of North Carolina_.
From these settlers came the celebrated Mecklenburg Declaration of
Independence.
[738] Wheeler, i. p. 46. There is a good mezzotint portrait of Dobbs,
of which an excellent reproduction is given in Smith’s _British
Mezzotint Portraits_.
[739] The following estimates of population in North Carolina are
from the Secretary of State, 1885: 1663, 300 families, Oldmixon.
1675, 4,000 population, Chalmers. 1677, 1,400 tithables, Chalmers.
1688, 4,000 population, Hildreth. 1694, 787 tithables, General Court
Records (Albemarle). 1700, not 5,000 population, Martin. 1711, not
7,000 population, Hawks; not 2,000 “Fensibles,” Williamson. 1714, 7,500
population, Hawks. 1715, 11,200 population, Chalmers. 1716, not 2,000
taxables, Martin. 1717, 2,000 taxables, Pollock. 1720, 1,600 taxables,
Memorial of S. C. Assembly. 1729, 10,000 population, Martin, Wiley;
13,000 population, Martin. 1735, about 50,000 population, McCulloch.
1752, over 45,000 population, Martin. 1760, about 105,000 population,
Gov. Dobbs. 1764, about 135,000 population, Gov. Dobbs. 1776, 150,000
population, Martin; not less than 210,000 population, Gov. Swain. 1790,
393,751 population, U. S. Census.
[740] The city council of Charleston (S. C.) have obtained copies of
some of the Shaftesbury Papers recently given by the family to the
State Paper Office in London. Among them is a MS. of 36 pp., being
“_A Relation of a Voyage on the Coast of the Province of Carolina,
formerly called Florida, in the Continent of Northern America, from
Charles River, neare Cape Feare, in the County of Clarendon, and the
lat. of 34 deg: to Port Royall in North Lat. of 32 deg: begun 14th
June, 1666—performed by Robert Sandford, Esq., Secretary & Chief
Register for the Right Hon’ble the Lords Proprietors of their County of
Clarendon, in the Province aforesaid_.” For a copy of this narrative we
are indebted to the Hon. W. A. Courtenay, mayor of Charleston. From the
new facts brought to light in these Shaftesbury Papers we must alter,
in some particulars, the extant history of the first English settlement
in South Carolina.
[741] In the _Sketch of the History of South Carolina_ published
in 1856 is a copy of Sayle’s commission, obtained from London, and
it bears date 26th July, 1669. At the same time West’s commission,
dated 27th July, confers such power upon him as “Governor and
Commander-in-Chief,” _till the arrival of the fleet at Barbadoes_,
that we cannot suppose Sayle was on board at that time. The difficulty
is removed in the Shaftesbury MSS., and by the filling up of the
commission with the name of Sayle at Bermuda.
[742] See Winthrop’s _Hist. of New England_, ii. p. 335.
[743] I make the date of their arrival 17th March. See _Sketch of the
Hist. of So. Carolina_, p. 94.
[744] Of the first site of Charlestown on the west side of the Ashley
River there is said to be no trace left, or was not fifty years ago,
except a depression, which may have been a ditch, then traceable across
the plantation of Jonathan Lucas, as Carroll says (i. p. 49).
[745] The duke was dead when the colony was founded, and the new
duke, Christopher, was represented by proxy at the meeting of the
Proprietors, January 20, 1670. Lord Berkeley was then Palatine by
seniority.
[746] From the Shaftesbury Papers. We should not fail to notice here
that the aged governor had written, on 25th June, to Earl Shaftesbury
for the procurement of Rev. S. Bond, of Bermuda (who had been ordained
by Joseph Hall, Bishop of Exeter), to settle in the colony; and that
their lordships authorized an offer to Mr. Bond of five hundred acres
of land and £40 per annum. It is not known that he came.
[747] [See Vol. II. ch. 4.—ED.] The writer of this narrative has
examined Albemarle Point, the spot selected by the English for their
settlement: a high bluff, facing the east and the entrance of the bay,
and running out between a creek and an impassable marsh, and easily
defended by cutting a deep trench across the tongue of land. Precisely
the same defensible advantages, with the additional one of a far better
harbor, lay opposite at a tongue of land called Oyster Point, between
the Ashley and Cooper rivers.
[748] The earliest notice we have of the population is from the
Shaftesbury Papers, under date 20 January, 1672 [N. S.]: “By our
records it appears that 337 men and women, 62 children or persons under
16 years of age, is the full number of persons who have arrived in
this country in and since the first fleet out of England to this day.”
Deducting for deaths and absences at the above date, there remained of
the men 263 able to bear arms. Though the colony increased in wealth
and importance, there was for many years but a slow increase in the
number of white inhabitants.
[749] How pompous is article 7: “Any Landgrave or Cassique, when it is
his right to choose, shall take any of the Barronies appropriated to
the Nobility, which is not already planted on by some other Nobleman.”
These provincial nobles, made so, in the first instance, by appointment
of the Proprietors, were to be legislators by right. Yet in this same
year (1672), their lordships issued an offer to settlers from Ireland
and promised that whoever carried or caused to go to Carolina 600
men should be a Landgrave with four baronies; and if 900 he should
be Landgrave and also nominate a Cassique; and if 1,200, should also
nominate two Cassiques. This was scattering at random the hereditary
right of legislating over the freemen of the colony.
[750] See letter of the Proprietors, May 8, 1674, in _Sketch_, etc., p.
332.
[751] In the _Reports of the Historical Committee of the Charleston
Library Society_, prepared by Benj. Elliott, Esq., and published
1835, this MS. is spoken of as a present from Robert Gilmor, Esq.,
of Baltimore, but is not accurately described in the report of the
committee. My copy of it is dated 21st July, and is not divided into
numbered sections.
[752] A third set was sent out (dated January 12, 1682), and to
please the Scots who were willing to emigrate, further alterations
were made, and a fourth set (dated August 17, 1682, and containing
126 articles) was despatched to Governor Morton. Last of all, a fifth
set (dated April 11, 1698, and containing only 41 articles), was sent
out by the hands of Major Daniel, and with it, as an inducement for a
favorable reception, six blank patents for landgraves and eight for
cassiques. When the third set was sent, the sentiments of the people
with regard to the whole subject may be fairly represented as in the
letter to Sothel in 1691,—that, inasmuch as their lordships, under
their hands and seals, had ordered that no person should be a member
of the council nor of parliament, nor choose lands due to him, unless
he subscribed his submission to this last set of the Constitutions;
“the people remembering their oaths to the first, and deeming these
not to be agreeable to the royal charters, which direct the assent and
approbation of the people to all laws and constitutions, did deny to
receive the said Fundamental Constitutions.” Governor Morton, in 1685,
actually turned out of parliament the majority of the representatives
for refusing to sign the third set, though they had sworn to the first
set. In consequence, the laws that year enacted were enacted by only
seven representatives and by eight of the deputies of the Proprietors.
[753] A fac-simile of Smith’s commission is given in _Harper’s
Monthly_, Dec., 1875.
[754] MS. Journal of the Commons, May 15, 1694.
[755] As inferred from the _Statutes_ (ii. p. 101, sec. 16).
[756] Archdale in Carroll’s _Hist. Collections_, ii. p. 109.
[757] At this time, one passed, in riding up the road, the plantations
of Matthews, Green, Starkey, Gray, Grimball, Dickeson, and Izard, on
the Cooper River; and further up, those of Sir John Yeamans, Landgrave
Bellinger, Colonel Gibbes, Mr. Schenking, Colonel Moore, Colonel
Quarry, and Sir Nathaniel Johnson. On the left, Landgrave West,
Colonel Godfrey, Dr. Trevillian, and Mr. Colleton, had plantations.
Westward from Charlestown lived Col. Paul Grimball, Landgrave Morton,
Blake (a Proprietor), and Landgrave Axtel; while many residences in
the town, as those of Landgrave Smith and Colonel Rhett, were said
to be “very handsome buildings,” with fifteen or more “which deserve
to be taken notice of.” From these residences could be seen entering
the harbor vessels from Jamaica, Barbadoes, and the Leeward Isles,
from Virginia and other colonies, and the always welcome ships from
England. An active and lucrative commerce employed many ships to
various ports in North America, and also twenty-two ships between
Charles Town and England; about twelve were owned by the colonists;
half of these had been built by themselves. The inhabitants (1708)
numbered nearly 10,000; the whites and negroes being about equal, with
1,400 Indian slaves. (Letter of Governor and Council, Sept. 17, 1708,
in _S. C. Hist. Soc. Coll._, ii. p. 217.) For a few years the whites
had decreased in number on account of epidemics and disaffection with
regard to the tenure of lands (the nature of this disaffection may be
noticed in what is recorded in the preceding narrative sketch of North
Carolina); while negroes were regularly imported by the English traders
and by Northern ships, as the plantation work extended, particularly
the culture of rice, which had become the most valuable export. A
little later (1710) the whites were computed at .12 of the whole
inhabitants, negro slaves .22, and Indian subjects .66. Of the whites,
the planters were .70, merchants about .13, and artisans .17. With
respect to religion, the Episcopalians were then computed to be .42,
the Presbyterians, with the French Huguenots, .45, Anabaptists .10, and
the Quakers .03. (Inserted in Governor Glen’s _Description of South
Carolina_.)
[758] _MS. Journals of the House._
[759] Rev. Mr. Marston says, “Many of the members of the Commons House
that passed this disqualifying law are constant absentees from the
Church, and eleven of them were never known to receive the Sacrament
of the Lord’s Supper,” though for five years past he had administered
it in his church at least six times a year. (“Case of Dissenters;”
and Archdale.) The same assembly had passed an act against blasphemy
and profaneness, “which they always made a great noise about,” wrote
Landgrave Smith, “although they are some of the most profanest in the
country themselves.” See _Sketch of the Hist. of S. C._, p. 220.
[760] Yonge’s _Narrative_.
[761] The folly, or grasping cupidity, of the Proprietors plainly
appears in their action respecting these lands (_S. C. Hist. Soc.
Coll._, i. p. 192), 21 Nov., 1718: “Lots drawn this day for the 119,000
acres of land in South Carolina; that 48,000 acres should be taken up
in South Carolina by each Proprietor for the use of himself and heirs,
24,000 of which may be of the Yemassee land if thought fit, ... at a
pepper corn rent, etc.”
[762] We should add along with this avowal of loyalty, which was no
doubt sincere, the prophetic language of Colonel Rhett, in December,
1719, as mentioned in Chalmers, ii. p. 93: If this “revolt is not cropt
in the bud, they will set up for themselves against his majesty.” And
in the same strain we understand the extract of a letter (Nov. 14,
1719, in _S. C. Hist. Soc. Coll._, ii. p. 237), concluding, “I must
tell you, sir, if the much greater part of the most substantial people
had their choice, they would not choose King George’s government.”
[763] In _S. C. Hist. Soc. Coll._, ii. p. 119, is an abstract (from
state papers, London) of a “draft” for new instructions, that the
governor should approve or disapprove of the speaker and clerk, and
refuse assent to any law appointing civil officers; and that money
bills should be framed by a committee of the council joined with a
committee of the “Lower House of Assembly,” as they should in future be
called. We are not aware that such instructions were ever sent. Johnson
allowed them to appoint their clerk (1731), they pleading _custom_, and
giving instances of the same in other colonies.
[764] Details are given by Hewatt in Carroll’s _Hist. Coll._, ii. pp.
331 _et seq._
[765] Samuel Horsey was made governor in July, 1738, but died before
he left England. Glen was appointed in his place in October, 1738.
We may state here that the elder William Rhett died 1723, the second
James Moore 1724, President Middleton 1737, Nicholas Trott 1740,
Alexander Skene 1741. Lieutenant-Governor Bull was father of the later
lieutenant-governor of the same name (Ramsay, preface).
[766] We quote from the abstract of his communication in the record
office in London. _S. C. Hist. Soc. Coll._, ii. p. 303.
[767] ESTIMATES OF POPULATION IN SOUTH CAROLINA. 1672. Joseph Dalton,
secretary to Lord Ashley. Whites, 391: men 263, women 69, children
under 16 years 59. 1680. T. A. in _Carroll’s Coll._, 2d, p. 82, about
1,200. 1682. Same, about 2,500. 1699. E. Randolph to Lords of Trade
(_Sketch of Hist. S. C._, p. 443) gives white militia not above 1,500
and four negroes to one white; and 1,100 families, English and French.
1700. Hewatt, _Carroll’s Coll._, 1st, p. 132, computes whites from
5,000 to 6,000. 1701. Humphreys’ _Hist. Account_, etc., p. 25, computes
whites above 7,000. 1703. By estimate for five years, allowable from
statements of the governor and council (_Sketch, Hist. S. C._, p.
232), we may put the population in 1703 at 8,160. 1708. Governor
Johnson and council compute 9,580: freemen 1,360, freewomen 900, white
servant men 60, white servant women 60, white free children 1,700, in
all 4,080; negro men slaves 1,800, negro women slaves, 1,100, negro
children slaves 1,200, in all 4,100; Indian men slaves 500, Indian
women slaves 600, Indian children slaves 300, in all 1,400. 1708.
Oldmixon, _Carroll’s Coll._, ii. p. 460, computes total 12,000. 1720.
Governor Johnson, whites 6,400; at same date the Revolutionary governor
and council report whites 9,000; militiamen not over 2,000. From a
sworn statement the taxpayers of the eleven parishes were 1,305, and
their slaves 11,828 (see _A Chapter in Hist.S. C._, p. 56). Chalmers
multiplies 1,305 by four, and makes total white and black 17,048; but
9,000 whites and 11,828 blacks give 20,828. 1724. Hewatt, p. 266,
computes whites 14,000. In Glen’s _Description_, etc., in _Carroll’s
Coll._, ii. p. 261, the same number is given; also slaves, mostly
negroes, 32,000; total 46,000. 1743. Chalmers’ papers in possession
of Mr. George Bancroft, letter of McCulloch, comptroller, computes
negroes at 40,000. 1751. Same authority; letter from Glen; also
_Carroll’s Coll._, ii. p. 218; whites 25,000, negro taxables 39,000;
say total 64,000. 1756. Same authority; Governor Lyttleton says the
militia amounted to 5,500 men. Computing negro increase at 1,000 per
annum, we estimate a total of 72,500. 1763. In a _Short Description_,
etc., _Carroll’s Coll._, ii. p. 478. Whites between 30,000 and 40,000,
negroes about 70,000; say total 105,000. 1765. Hewatt, p. 503. Militia
between 7,000 and 8,000, from which he computes the whites near 40,000,
negroes “not less than” 80,000 or 90,000; say total 123,000. 1770.
Chalmers’ MSS.; Lieutenant-Governor Bull gives negroes returned in last
tax 75,178; militiamen 10,000; say 125,178. 1770. Wells’ _Register_
says negroes 81,728, and free blacks 159. 1773. Wells’ _Register and
Almanac_ for 1774. Whites 65,000, negroes 110,000 (militiamen 13,000);
total 175,000. Chalmers’ MSS.; Dr. George Milligan gives for 1775,
whites 70,000, negroes 104,000, militiamen 14,000, which makes 174,000.
1790. U. S. Census. Whites 140,178, free blacks 1,801, slaves 107,094;
total 249,073.
[768] There is an account of Coxe, by G. D. Scull, in the _Penna. Mag.
of Hist._, vii. 317.
[769] Cf. E. D. Neill’s “Virginia Carolorum” in _Penna. Mag. of Hist._,
Oct., 1885, p. 316.
[770] W. Noel Sainsbury (_Antiquary_, London, March, 1881, p. 100)
refers to documents in the colonial series of State Papers in the
Public Record office, showing that a company of French Protestants had
been inveigled into a voyage to undertake a settlement under the Heath
patent, and reached Virginia; but as transportation was not provided
they never went further.
[771] Vol. III. p. 125. The map of Florida in the 1618 edition of
Lescarbot, in which the Rivière de May is made to flow from a “Grand
Lac” in the interior, is said to have afforded in part the groundwork
of De Laet’s map. Cf. also the map of Virginia and Florida (1635) in
_Mercator’s Atlas_; the map “Partie meridionale de la Virginie et de la
Floride,” published by Vander Aa. Johannis van Keulen’s _Paskart van de
Kust van Carolina_, in his Atlas, is very rude.
[772] Sabin, iii. no. 10,969. The seal of the Proprietors is shown
in Lawson’s map, and is reproduced in Dr. Eggleston’s papers in the
_Century Magazine_, vol. xxviii. p. 848, and in _The Charleston Year
Book_, 1883.
[773] Sabin, iii. no. 10,980; Carter-Brown, ii. no. 1,526, iii. no. 75;
Murphy, no. 481; Harvard College library, nos. 6374.26 and 12352.2.
Carroll, in printing the second charter granted by Charles II. (_Hist.
Coll._, ii. 37), speaks of the original as being in the possession of
Harvard University; but he must refer to the early printed copy, not
the parchment. Both charters may be found in the _Revised Statutes
of North Carolina_, 1837, and in the _Statutes at Large of South
Carolina_, 1836. Hawks (vol. ii. p. 107) gives a synopsis of the two in
parallel columns; and they are given in French and English in _Mémoires
des Commissaires du Roi_, etc., vol. iv. (Paris, 1757) p. 554; and on
p. 586, the second charter of June 13 (24), 1665. The second is also
given in Dr. Wynne’s edition of the _Byrd MSS._, i. p. 197.
[774] Sabin, iii. no. 10,970; Carter-Brown, ii. no. 1,016.
[775] The original Fundamental Constitutions (81 articles) were signed
July 21, 1669; a second form (120 articles), Mar. 1, 1669-70; a third
(120 articles), Jan. 12, 1681-2; a fourth (121 articles), Aug. 17,
1682; a fifth and last (41 articles), Apr. 11, 1698.
[776] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 271; Sabin, x. no. 41,726. There was
a second edition in 1739. The Fundamental Constitutions will also
be found in Carroll’s _Hist. Coll._, ii. 361; in Martin’s _North
Carolina_, App. i.; in Hewatt’s _South Carolina and Georgia_, i. 321,
etc.
The most familiar portrait of Locke is Kneller’s, which has been often
engraved. It was painted in 1697, and the several engravings by Vertue
(1713, etc.) appeared in the _Works_ of Locke, published in folio in
London, in 1722 and 1727, and elsewhere, sometimes with different
framework, and of reduced size, in the _Familiar Letters_ of 1742
(fourth edition). The same likeness is the one given in editions of
_Lodge’s Portraits_. There is also a folio mezzotint by John Smith (J.
C. Smith, _Brit. Mezzotint Portraits_, iii. 1190). A different head is
that engraved by James Basire in the London editions of the _Works_,
1801 and 1812.
[777] Mr. Henry F. Waters sent the photograph from London, but the map
had already been noticed inquiringly by Dr. De Costa in the _Mag. of
Amer. Hist._, Jan., 1877 (vol. i. p. 55).
[778] _Brinley Catalogue_, ii. no. 3,869; Harvard College library, no.
12355.7. It is reprinted in _Force’s Tracts_, vol. iv., and in the
_Charleston Year Book_ for 1884.
[779] _North Carolina_, ii. p. 78.
[780] Carter-Brown, ii. no. 972; Griswold, no. 982; Barlow’s _Rough
List_, no. 593; Brinley, ii. no. 3,842; Sabin, iii. no. 10,961; Rich
(1832), no. 338, £1 16_s._; Menzies, no. 334. Quaritch priced it in
1885 (no. 29,505) at £12 12_s._, and it has since been placed at £18
18_s._ The map referred to is reproduced by Dr. Hawks in his _North
Carolina_ (i. p. 37) with a reprint of the tract itself; but a better
reproduction is in Gay’s _Popular Hist. of the United States_ (ii.
285). Carroll also reprints the text in his _Historical Collections_
(ii. p. 9), but he omits the map as “very incorrect,” not appreciating
the fact that the incorrectness of early maps is an index of
contemporary ideas, with which the historian finds it indispensable to
deal.
[781] Lederer’s tract is very rare. There is a copy in Harvard College
library. It was priced $200 in Bouton’s catalogue in 1876, and brought
$305 at the Griswold sale the same year. The Sparks copy (at Cornell)
lacks the map; but the Murphy (no. 1,456) copy had it. Cf. Rich (1832),
no. 358; Brinley, ii. no. 3,875; Barlow’s _Rough List_, no. 625. A copy
was sold in London in Dec., 1884.
[782] See fac-simile of this map in Vol. III. p. 465.
[783] Carter-Brown, ii. no. 1,633; Barlow’s _Rough List_, nos. 668-70;
Brinley, ii. no. 3,840; _Harvard Coll. Library Catalogue_, nos. 12352.4
and 6; Menzies, no. 83. It is reprinted in Carroll’s _Hist. Coll._, ii.
59.
[784] Carter-Brown, ii. no. 1,261; Barlow’s _Rough List_, no. 675-76;
_Harvard Col. Lib. Catalogue_, no. 12352.4. It is reprinted in
Carroll’s _Hist. Coll._, ii. 19. The book should be accompanied by
a map called “A new description of Carolina by order of the Lords
Proprietors,” which shows the coast from the Chesapeake to St.
Augustine. The book throws no light on the sources of the map; but
Kohl, who has a sketch of the map in his Washington collection (no.
211), thinks White’s map served for the North Carolina coast, and
Wm. Sayle’s surveys for the more southerly parts. Kohl says that the
boundary line here given between Virginia and Carolina is laid down for
the first time on a map. The river May flows from a large “Ashley lake.”
A printed map, very nearly resembling this of Wilson, is signed, “Made
by William Hack at the signe of Great Britaine and Ireland, near New
Stairs in Wapping. Anno Domini, 1684.” There is a sketch of it in
Kohl’s Washington collection (no. 213).
[785] Sabin, v. no. 17,334.
[786] Sabin, iii. no. 10,963.
[787] Carter-Brown, ii. no. 1,333; and for editions of 1678 and 1697,
nos. 1,177 and 1,508.
[788] Extracts touching Carolina are given in Carroll’s _Collections_,
ii. 537, etc. The details are scant in the sketch of the history of the
colonial church, which B. F. De Costa added to the edition of Bishop
White’s _Memoirs of the Protestant Episcopal Church_, New York, 1880;
but more considerable in “The State of the Church in America, at the
beginning of the eighteenth century and the foundation of the Society
for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts,”—being ch. xi. of
Perry’s _Amer. Episcopal Church_.
[789] Sabin, no. 18,298. “Dalcho is very useful for the early history
of South Carolina, and is more scrupulous than Ramsay.” (Bancroft,
orig. ed., ii. 167.) The movement in South Carolina is necessarily
treated more scantily in Hawkins’ _Missions of the Church of England;_
Wilberforce’s _Hist. of the Prot. Episc. Church in America_; Bishop
White’s _Memoirs of the Prot. Episc. Church in the United States_;
and Dr. W. B. Sprague’s _American Pulpit_, vol. v. The publications
directly bearing at the time on this controversy are:—
_An act for the more effectual preservation of the government of the
Province of Carolina, by requiring all persons that shall be hereafter
chosen members of the Commons House of Assembly to take oaths ... and
to conform to the Religious Worship according to the Church of England.
Ratified 6th of May, 1704._ (Sabin, iii. no. 10,956.)
_Another act for the establishment of religious worship in the Province
of Carolina according to the Church of England. Ratified Nov. 4, 1704._
(Sabin, iii. no. 10,958.)
_The case of the Church of England in Carolina ... with resolves of the
House of Lords._ (Sabin, iii. no. 10,967.)
_The copy of an act pass’d in Carolina and sent over to be confirmed by
the Lord Granville, Palatine, etc._ (Sabin, iii. no. 10,968.)
_The representation and address of several members of this present
assemble, returned for Colleton County ... to the Right honourable John
Grenville, Esq., etc. 26 June, 1705._ (Sabin, iii. no. 10,978.)
_The humble address of ... Parliament presented to her majesty, 13
March, 1705, relating to Carolina, and the petition therein mentioned,
with her majesty’s most gracious answer thereunto._ London, 1705.
(Sabin, iii. no. 10,972.)
_Party-Tyranny, or an occasional bill in miniature as now practised in
Carolina. Humbly offered to the consideration of Parliament._ London,
1705 (30 pp.). (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 64; Sabin, v. no. 19,288;
_Harvard College Lib. Catalogue_, no. 12352.17; Brinley, ii. no. 3,882.
It is ascribed to Daniel De Foe, and the exclusive act of 1704 is
severely denounced in it. Stevens, _Bibl. Amer._, 1885, no. 72, prices
it at £6 6_s._, and gives a second title-edition of the same year, no.
74, £5 5_s._)
_The case of the protestant dissenters in Carolina, shewing how a
law to prevent occasional conformity there, has ended in the total
subversion of the Constitution in Church and State._ London, 1706.
(Carter-Brown, iii. no. 76; Sabin, iii. no. 10,966. The copy of this
tract in Harvard College Library has an appendix of documents paged
separately. It is also sometimes attributed to De Foe.)
Rivers (_Sketches_, etc., p. 220) thinks it is an error to represent
the body of the Dissenters as favoring the Fundamental Constitutions.
Dalcho’s _Protestant Episcopal Church in South Carolina_ (p. 58, etc.)
examines the legislation on this movement to an enforced religion.
[790] In the spring before this attack a New England man, Rev. Joseph
Lord, then ministering not far from Charlestown, was congratulating
himself by letter to Samuel Sewall, of Boston (writing from Dorchester,
in South Carolina, March 25, 1706), on “freedom from annoyance by y^e
Spaniards, especially considering all, so soon after the proclamation
of war, began with them.” He then goes on to inform his correspondent
that he believed some of the neighboring tribes to be wandering
remnants of the Narragansetts and Pequods. _N. E. Hist. and Geneal.
Reg._, xiii. p. 299.
[791] It was reprinted at Charleston in 1822, and is included in
Carroll’s _Hist. Collections_ (ii. 85). Cf. Brinley, ii. no. 3,839;
_Harvard Coll. Lib’y Cat._, no. 13352.6; Barlow’s _Rough List_, no.
779; Stevens, _Bib. Am._, 1885, no. 18, £5 5_s._ Doyle (_The English
in America_, p. 437) fitly calls it “confused and rambling.” The same
judgment was earlier expressed by Rivers; but Grahame (ii. p. 140),
touching it more generously on its human side, calls it replete with
good sense, benevolence, and piety.
[792] Pages 207, 231.
[793] A German version of the first edition was printed at Hamburg in
1715 as _Das Gros-Britannische Scepter in der Neuen Welt_; and Theodor
Arnold published in 1744 a translation of the second edition, called
_Das Britische Reich in America_, reproducing Moll’s map, but giving
the names in German. Carroll’s _Hist. Collections_ (ii. 391) gives the
essential extracts from Oldmixon.
[794] It was reprinted at Raleigh in 1860. A work called _The Natural
History of North Carolina by John Brickell, M. D._, Dublin, 1737,
is Lawson’s book, with some transpositions, changes, and omissions.
(Carter-Brown, iii. no. 560; Brinley, ii. no. 3,843.) This last book
is sufficiently changed not to be considered a mere careless reprint
of Lawson, as J. A. Allen points out in his _Bibliog. of Cetacea and
Sirenia_, no. 208. Brickell was a physician settled in North Carolina.
A German translation of Lawson by M. Vischer, _Allerneuste Beschreibung
der Provinz Carolina in West Indien_, was printed at Hamburg in 1712;
and again in 1722. (Sabin, iii. no. 10,957; v. no. 39,451, etc.;
Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 119, 125, 158, 169, 233; Cooke, no. 1,409;
Murphy, nos. 1,448-49; Barlow’s _Rough List_, no. 787; O’Callaghan,
no. 1,349; J. A. Allen’s _Bibliography of Cetacea_, etc., nos. 165,
167, 170, 174; Field, _Indian Bibliog._, nos. 896-899; Brinley, ii. no.
3,873.) Quaritch (1885) priced the original 1709 edition at £5, and I
find it also quoted at £6 6_s._ The German version repeats Lawson’s
map, and also has one called “Louisiana am Fluss Mississippi.”
[795] _Indian Bibliog._, p. 228.
[796] _Hist. of Amer. Literature_, ii. p. 282.
[797] Lawson’s book was accompanied by a map, and a part of it, giving
the North Carolina coast, is reproduced by Dr. Hawks (ii. 103). Mr.
Deane’s copy has the map. Prof. F. M. Hubbard, writing in 1860 in the
_North American Review_, said, “We know after much inquiry of the
existence of only four copies in this country. About 1820, a copy then
thought to be unique was offered for sale at auction in North Carolina
and brought nearly sixty dollars.” The book now is less rare than this
writer supposed.
[798] _Auszfuhrlich und umstandlicher Bericht von der berühmten
Landschaft Carolina, in dem Engelländischen America gelegen. An Tag
gegeben von Kocherthalern. Dritter Druck, mit einem Anhang, ... nebst
einer Land-Charte._ Frankfort a. M. 1709. (Sabin, iii. no. 10,959;
Stevens, Bib. Amer., 1885, no. 75, £5 5_s._) _Das verlangte, nicht
erlangte Canaan, oder ausführliche Beschreibung der unglücklichen Reise
derer jüngsthin aus Teutschland nach Carolina und Pensylvania wallenden
Pilgrim, absonderlich dem Kochenthalerischen Bericht entgegen gesetzt._
Frankfort, 1711. This is a rare tract about the emigration from the
Pfälz. (Sabin, iii. no. 10,960; Harrassowitz, _Americana_ (81), no.
114 at 50 marks; _Harvard Coll. Lib’y Catalogue_, no. 12352.10;
Stevens, _Bib. Amer._, 1885, no. 77, £4 14_s._ 6_d._) _A Letter from
South Carolina giving an account of the soil, etc.... Written by a
Swiss gentleman to his friend at Bern._ London, 1710. There were
other editions in 1718, 1732. (Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 143, 239, 493;
_Harvard College Lib’y Catalogue_, nos. 12354.4 and 5.)
Bernheim’s _German Settlements_, later to be mentioned, is the best
modern summary of these Swiss and German immigrations.
[799] The map on the next page is sketched from a draft in the Kohl
collection (219) of a map preserved in the British State Paper Office,
bearing no date, but having the following legends in explanation of the
lines of march:—
“1. — — — — The way Coll. Barnwell marched from Charlestown, 1711,
with the forces sent from S. Carol. to the relief of N. Carolina.
“2. —·—· The way Coll. J. Moore marched in the 1712 with the forces
sent for the relief of North Carolina.
“3. —··—·· The way Corol. Maurice Moore marched in the year 1713 with
recruits from South Carolina.
“4. ···· The way Corol. Maurice Moore went in the year 1715, with the
forces sent from North Carolina to the assistance of S. Carolina. His
march was further continued from Fort Moore up Savano river, near a
N. W. course, 150 miles to the Charokee indians, who live among the
mountains.”
[800] Cf. vol. i. 44-46, 100, 102, 105-7, 115, 118, 121, 160. See
_post_ ch. viii. and _ante_ ch. iv. of the present volume.
[801] Cf. _An abridgment of the laws in force and use in her majesty’s
plantations_, London, 1702. (Harvard College lib’y, 6374.20.) Chief
Justice Trott—“a great man in his day,” says De Bow,—published a
folio edition of South Carolina laws in 1736; and the _Laws of South
Carolina_, published by Cooper (Columbia, S. C.), give by title only
those enacted before 1685. Trott also published in London (1721) _Laws
of the British Plantations in America relating to the Church and the
Clergy_. (Harvard College lib’y, 6371.1.)
[802] H. C. Murphy, _Catalogue_, no. 2,344; Brinley, ii. no. 3,893.
It is attributed to F. Yonge, whose _View of the Trade of South
Carolina_, addressed to Lord Carteret, was printed about 1722 and 1723.
Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 321, 337.
[803] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 371.
[804] _An Act for establishing an Agreement with seven of the lords
proprietors of Carolina for the surrender of their title and interest
in that province to his Majesty._ London, 1729. Brinley, no. 3,831.
[805] _Grant and Release of one eighth part of Carolina from his
Majesty to Lord Cartaret_ [1744] with a map. Sabin, iii. no. 10,971.
[806] Brinley, ii. no. 3,883.
[807] This description is usually accompanied by what is called
_Proposals of Mr. Peter Purry of Neufchatel for the encouragement of
Swiss Protestants settling in Carolina_, 1731, and this document is
also included in Carroll’s _Hist. Collections_ (ii. 121), and will
be found in Bernheim’s _German Settlements_, p. 90, in Col. Jones’
publication, already mentioned, and in other places. Bernheim gives a
summarized history of the colony.
[808] Among the publications instigating or recording this immigration,
the following are known: _Der nunmehro in dem neuen Welt vergnügt und
ohne Heimwehe Schweitzer, oder Beschreibung des gegenwärtigen Zustands
der Königlichen Englischen Provinz Carolina_. Bern, 1734. (Sabin, iii.
no. 10,975; Stevens, _Bib. Am._, 1885, no. 76, £4 14_s._ 6_d._) _Neue
Nachricht alter und neuer Merkwürdigkeiten, enthaltend ein vertrautes
Gespräch und sichere Briefe von dem Landschafft Carolina und übrigen
Englishchen Pflantz-Städten in Amerika._ Zurich, 1734. (Sabin, iii. no.
10,974.) The _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ (iii. no. 566) mentions a tract,
evidently intended to influence immigration to Pennsylvania and the
colonies farther south, which was printed in 1737 as _Neu-gefundenes
Eden_.
[809] Martin, in his _North Carolina_, vol. i., has an appendix on the
Moravians.
[810] Cf. Chapter on Presbyterianism in South Carolina in C. A. Briggs’
_Amer. Presbyterianism_, p. 127.