Warner, Seth, journal, 602.
Warren, Commodore Peter, correspondence with Pepperrell, 436;
admiral, 176;
at Louisbourg, 439;
autog., 439;
accounts of, 439;
owns lands on the Mohawk, 502.
Warren (Pa.), 570.
Washburn, Emory, _Judicial History of Massachusetts_, 162.
Washington, George, on the Ohio (1753-54), 12;
given command of a district (1751) in Virginia, 268;
his interest in Western lands, 271;
at Le Bœuf, 492, 572;
attacks Jumonville, 493;
at Fort Necessity, 493;
sent to build fort at the forks of the Ohio, 493;
charged with assassinating Jumonville, 494;
accompanies Braddock, 496;
on Forbes’ expedition (1758), 529;
his plan for a line of battle in a forest, 529;
_Monuments of Washington’s Patriotism_, 529;
Gist’s journal, 572;
his French war letters revised by him, 572;
his _Journal to the Commandant of the French on the Ohio_, 572;
the London edition has a map, 572;
reprints, 572;
original MS., 573;
diary (1789-91), 573;
his journal of events (1752-54), captured by the French, 573;
known only in a French version, 573;
included in _Mémoire Contenant le Précis des Faits_, 573;
translated as _The Conduct of the Late Ministry_, 573;
two editions in New York, 573;
appeared in London as _The Mystery Revealed_, 573;
given in re-Englished form in Livingston’s _Review of Military
Operations_, 573;
route in 1754, 575;
mentioned in Davies’s sermon, 578;
letter on Braddock’s campaign, 578;
commands borderers at Winchester, 581;
map of this region, 581;
on the Virginia border (1757), 595;
his letters to Bouquet on the Duquesne expedition (1758), 599;
his opinion of the Forbes and Braddock routes, 599.
Waterford (Pennsylvania), 492.
Waterhouse, Samuel, _Monster of Monsters_, 177.
Waters, H. F., 337.
Watkins, Lyman, 528, 599.
Watson, James, 531.
Watson, John, 273.
Watson, John F., _Annals of Philadelphia_, 247, 249;
_Annals of New York_, 252.
Watson on Wesley, 403.
Watson, _County of Essex, New York_, 522.
Watts, Geo., 400.
Watts, Isaac, 137;
his hymns, 126;
and Cotton Mather, 157;
on Neal’s _New England_, 158.
Watts, Samuel, 450.
Wawayanda, 223.
Webb, Colonel, succeeds Shirley, 508;
at German Flats, 510;
at Fort Edward, 515;
fails to relieve Fort William Henry, 517;
his correspondence, 594;
his reports, 594.
Webster, Richard, _Presbyterian Church_, 132, 282.
Wedgwood, Julia, _John Wesley_, 403.
Wedgwood, W. B., edits Horsmanden’s Journal, etc., 242.
_Weekly Rehearsal_, 137.
Weise, A. J., _History of Albany_, 249.
Weiser, Conrad, 244;
on the Indians, 563;
journals, 563, 567, 574;
on Indian characteristics, 566;
letters, 566, 568, 569;
sent to the Six Nations, 567.
Weiss, Charles, on the Huguenots, 349.
Weld, _Travels_, 284.
Wells, Edw., _New Sett of Maps_, 79.
Wells (Me.), Indian conference at, 420.
Welsh, W. L., _Cutting through Hatteras Inlet_, 338.
Welsh in Pennsylvania, 217, 246;
authorities, 247.
Wendell, Jacob, 128.
Wentworth, Benning, 139, 436;
autog., 139;
governor of New Hampshire, 140;
his house, 140;
correspondence, 166, 436.
Wentworth, John, governor of New Hampshire, 123;
his genealogy, 123.
Werner, E. A., _Civil List of New York_, 248.
Wesley, Charles, in Georgia, 377.
Wesley, John, in Georgia, 402;
_Extract of his Journal_, 402;
lives of, 403;
his literary executors, 403;
his journals, 403;
_Narrative of a Remarkable Transaction_, 404;
troubles with Oglethorpe, 404;
portraits, 404.
West, Joseph, governor of Carolina, 308.
West, Samuel, 307.
West Indies, expedition to, 165.
West Point, 237.
Westbrook, Colonel Thomas, 124, 430;
raids on the Penobscots, 430;
autog., 430;
journal of his scout, 432.
Westcott, Thompson, _Historic Buildings of Philadelphia_, 258;
on Philadelphia history, 249.
Western, Fort (Me.), 181.
Western Reserve, 180.
_Western Review_, 580.
Westminster, treaty at (1655), 476.
Weston, David, 159.
Weston, Nathan, _Fort Western_, 181.
Weston, P. C. T., _Documents_, 350.
Westover papers, 275;
mansion, 275;
library, 276.
Whale-fishery, 118.
Wharton, Samuel, 564.
Whately, Richard, on the Fairfaxes of Virginia, 268.
Wheeler, J. H., _North Carolina_, 354;
_Reminiscences and Memoirs_, 355.
Wheeler, Sir Francis, 94.
Wheildon, W. W., _Curiosities of History_, 434.
White, Jos., 587.
White, Christopher, his brick house in New Jersey, 258.
White, Geo., _Statistics of Georgia_, 405;
_Historical Collections_, 405.
White, R. G., on old New York, 252.
White, Bishop, _Memoir of the Protestant Episcopal Church_, 341.
White men barbarized, 4.
Whitefield, George, 133;
his _Journals_, 135, 168, 244, 404;
literature respecting, 135;
in Virginia, 268;
in Georgia, 380, 404;
favors slavery in Georgia, 387;
his portrait, 288;
lives of, 404;
opposed by Alex. Garden, 404;
_Orphan House in Georgia_, 404;
plan of the building, 404;
_Letter to Governor Wright_, 404.
Whitehead, W. A., on New Jersey boundaries, 238;
_Eastern Boundary of New Jersey_, 238.
Whitehead, on Wesley, 403.
Whiting, Colonel, 408.
Whiting, Nathan, at Lake George, 504, 594.
Whitmore, W. H., 586;
_Peter Pelham_, 141;
_Massachusetts Civil List_, 162;
assistant editor of Sewall papers, 167;
on the Virginia Cavaliers, 268.
Whittemore’s _Universalism_, 135.
Whittier, J. G., on _Border War_ (1708), 184;
edits Woolman’s _Journal_, 244.
Whittlesey, Colonel Chas., _Early History of Cleveland_, 559;
on the customs of the Indians, 563.
Wier, Robt., 549.
Wilberforce, _Protestant Episcopal Church in America_, 342.
_Wilbraham Centennial_, 602.
Wilhelm, L. W., _Local Institutions of Maryland_, 261, 271;
_Sir George Calvert_, 271.
Wilkes papers, 600.
Wilkinson, Peter, _French and Indian Cruelty Exemplified_, 592.
Wilks, Francis, 131.
Willard, Jos., on the Huguenots, 98.
Willard, Rev. Joseph, 430.
Willard, Josiah, 165.
Willard, Samuel, on Stoughton, 103.
William, King, his death, 103;
sermons on, 103;
his influence in America, 103.
William and Mary, accession of, 87.
William and Mary College founded, 264, 265;
a bequest to it from Spotswood, 267;
authorities on, 278;
_Present State of the College_ (1727), 278;
_History of the College_ (1874), 278;
oration by E. Randolph, 278;
view of the college, 279;
its successive buildings, 279.
William Henry, Fort (Me.), 181.
William Henry, Fort (N. Y.), 186.
Williams, Alfred, 581.
Williams, Catharine R., _Neutral French_, 459;
account of, 459.
Williams, Eleazer, 185;
“the Lost Dauphin”, 185.
Williams, Colonel Eph., 187;
at Lake George, 503, 504;
killed, 504;
grave and monument, 587.
Williams, Israel, 188;
his papers. 188;
his correspondence with Hutchinson, 188;
efforts to found a college in Hampshire, 188;
papers, 585;
on Abercrombie’s campaign, 597.
Williams, I., engraver, 528.
Williams, John, 110;
_Redeemed Captive_, various editions, 185;
his house, 185;
at Quebec, 604.
Williams, Joseph, on Fort Halifax, 182.
Williams, J. S., _The American Pioneer_, 526.
Williams, Stephen W., 185.
Williams, Surgeon Thomas, his letters (1755-56), 586.
Williams, Colonel Wm., 145, 187;
his papers, 188;
on Abercrombie’s defeat, 597.
Williams, Wm. Thorne, 405.
Williams College, 188.
Williamsburg, Va., account of, 264.
Williamson, Hugh, _North Carolina_, 354.
Williamson, Joseph, 183.
Williamson, Peter, _Occasional Reflections_, 596;
_Some Considerations_, 596;
_Brief Account of the War_, 615.
Williamson, W. D., _Orono_, 154;
_Maine_, 163.
Wills Creek (Cumberland), 493, 495.
Wilmington, Lord, 301.
Wilmington (N. C.), 303.
Wilson, D., on Wolfe, 603.
Wilson, Jas. Grant, edits Mrs. Grant’s _American Lady_, 247;
on Samuel Vetch, 423.
Wilson, John, _Genuine Narrative_, 450.
Wilson, Samuel, _Carolina_, 340;
its map, 340.
Wilson, commissary, orderly-book, 602.
Wimer, Jas., _Events in Indian History_, 580.
Winchell, _Final Report of Geological Survey of Minnesota_, 78, 622.
Wind-mills, 223.
Winnebagoes, 564.
Winnepeesaukee, Lake (Wenipisiocho), 134.
Winslow, Edward, governor of Plymouth, portrait carried to Plymouth,
456.
Winslow, John, on the Kennebec, 151;
plans Fort Halifax, 181;
sent to Nova Scotia, 415;
his speech to the Acadians, 417;
journal of siege of Beauséjour, 419;
sent against Beauséjour, 452, his journal, 452;
autog., 455;
portrait, 455;
his sword, 456;
his journal in Acadia, 458;
printed, 419, 458;
other papers, 458;
to lead the expedition on Lake Champlain (1756), 506;
his journal of the expedition against Crown Point, 591;
his letter, 591;
in England, 601.
Winslow, Josiah (killed, 1724), 127.
Winslow, Josiah (Governor), portrait carried to Plymouth, 456.
Winsor, Justin, maps of Louisiana and the Mississippi, 79;
“New England”, 87;
writes _Report on Massachusetts Archives_, 165;
sketch of block-house, 185;
“Cartography and Bounds of the Middle Colonies”, 233;
notes on the middle colonies, 240;
on “Maryland and Virginia”, 259;
“Sources of Carolina History”, 335;
“Authorities on the French and Indian Wars of New England and
Acadia”, 420;
on maps and bounds of Acadia, 472;
“Struggle for the Great Valleys of North America”, 483;
“Intercolonial Congress and Plans of Union”, 611;
“Cartography of the St. Lawrence and the Lakes”, 614;
“General Contemporary Sources of the War, 1754-1760”, 615;
“General Historians of the French and English Colonies”, 619;
“Bibliography of the Northwest”, 621.
Winthrop, Adam, 139.
Winthrop, Fitz-John, 111;
his advance on Montreal, 90;
in England, 94.
Winthrop, Prof. John, on earthquakes, 152.
Winthrop, Wait, 103;
autog., 425.
Wisconsin, settled, 568.
Wise, John, 422;
_Church’s Quarrel Espoused_, 108;
address on, by Dexter, 108;
_Word of Comfort_, 171.
Wishart, George, 135.
Wistar, 223.
Wiswall, Ichabod, 89.
Witchcraft in Massachusetts, 94.
Wittmeyer, A. V., on the Huguenots, 350.
Wococon, 338.
Wolcott, Governor, on the siege of Louisbourg, 438.
Wolfe, General James, portrait, 541;
other likenesses, 541;
leaves Louisbourg for Quebec, 540;
at Island of Orleans, 543;
at Point Levi, 544;
entrenches at Montmorenci, 544;
his proclamations and devastations, 544;
goes above the town, 544, 545;
attacks at Montmorenci, 545;
ill, 545;
his phrase, “Choice of difficulties”, 545;
evacuates Montmorenci, 545;
lands at Wolfe’s Cove, 546, 547;
on the Plains of Abraham, 547;
his good-luck, 547;
attacks and is killed, 549;
accounts of his death, 549;
his body sent to England, 550;
monuments to his memory, 551;
lives of, 602;
letters, 602, 603;
correspondence with Amherst, 603;
his secret instructions, 603;
despatches, 603;
his _Instructions to Young Officers_, 603;
his orders before Quebec, 603;
imaginary conversation in Hades with Montcalm, 604.
_See_ Quebec and Montcalm.
Wolfe’s Cove, 546;
views of, 546, 549.
Wood, J. P., _Parish of Cramond_, 76;
his _Life of Law_, 76.
Wood Creek, 486, 526, 585;
map of, 595.
Woodbridge, John, _Severals_, etc., 170.
Woodbridge, Tim., 597.
Woodhull, Colonel Nath., his _Journal_, 609.
Woodstock, Conn., 180.
Woodward, Dr. Henry, 306.
Woodward and Safery’s line, 180.
Woolen manufactures forbidden, 226.
Woolman, John, _Journal_, 244.
Woolsey, Theo., on Yale College, 102.
Woolsey, Colonel, 597.
Woolson, C. F., 315.
_Worcester Magazine_, 432.
Worley, the pirate, 323.
Wormley, Miss, _Cousin Veronica_, 284.
Wormsloe quartos, 401.
Wraxall, Peter, secretary for Indian affairs, 233, 590.
Wright, Sir Jas., governor of Georgia, report and letters (1773-1782),
391, 401.
Wright, J., _Complete History of the Late War_, 616.
Wright, Robert, _Memoir of Oglethorpe_, 394;
_Life of Wolfe_, 602.
Wright, Thomas, 448.
Writs of assistance, 155.
Wyandots on the Ohio, 563.
Wymberley-Jones, Geo., prints De Brahm, 401.
Wynne, M., _British Empire in America_, 618.
Wynne, Thos. H., edits Byrd’s _Dividing Line_, 275.
Yale, Elihu, portrait, 102.
Yale College founded, 102;
authorities on, 102;
and Episcopacy, 120;
and Dean Berkeley, 141.
Yamacraw Bluff, 361, 367.
Yamacraws, 369;
pacified, 370, 371.
Yardley, Francis, 336.
Yazoo (Yasoue), 70.
Yazoos, 46.
Yeamans, Sir John, 289;
in Carolina, 289, 293;
governor, 308;
goes to Barbadoes, 311;
explores South Carolina coast, 305.
Yeates, Judge, visits Braddock’s field, 500.
Yemassee Indians, 318;
make war, 321.
Yoakum, _History of Texas_, 69.
Yonge, Francis, 324;
_Proceedings of the People of South Carolina_ (1719), 347;
_Trade of South Carolina_, 347.
Yonge, Henry, 391.
Yonkers, Philipse, manor house, 252.
Zeisberger, David, 245;
life by Schweinitz, 245.
Zenger libel suit, 198, 199;
reports of, 242;
collection of material by Zenger, 242.
Zinzendorf, _Diary of his Journeys_, 246.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] [See Vol. IV. p. 351.—ED.]
[2] [There were two stations established to draw off by missionary
efforts individual Iroquois from within the influences of the English.
One of them was at Caughnawaga, near Montreal, and the other was later
established by Picquet at La Présentation, about half-way thence to
Lake Ontario, on the southern bank of the St. Lawrence river. Cf.
Parkman, _Montcalm and Wolfe_, i. 65.—ED.]
[3] [“Hundreds of white men have been barbarized on this continent for
each single red man that has been civilized.” Ellis, _Red Man and White
Man in North America_, p. 364.—ED.]
[4] [See Vol. IV. p. 195.—ED.]
[5] [See _post_, chap. ii.—ED.]
[6] [See chapters vii. and viii.—ED.]
[7] [See _post_, chap. viii.—ED.]
[8] [The treaty of Utrecht, made in 1713, had declared the Five Nations
to be “subject to the dominion of Great Britain,” and under this clause
Niagara was held to be within the Province of New York; and Clinton
protested against the French occupation of that vantage-ground.—ED.]
[9] While waiting until the Court should name a successor to M. de
Vaudreuil, M. de Longueuil, then governor of Montreal, assumed the
reins of government.
[10] [See Vol. IV. p. 307.—ED.]
[11] [See the map in Vol. IV. p. 200.—ED.]
[12] [See Vol. II. p. 468.—ED.]
[13] [Parkman (_Montcalm and Wolfe_, vol. i. chap. ii.) tells the story
of this expedition under Céloron de Bienville, sent by La Galissonière
in 1749 into the Ohio Valley to propitiate the Indians and expel the
English traders, and of its ill success. He refers, as chief sources,
to the Journal of Céloron, preserved in the Archives de la Marine,
and to the Journal of Bonnecamp, his chaplain, found in the Dépôt de
la Marine at Paris, and to the contemporary documents printed in the
_Colonial Documents of New York_, in the _Colonial Records_, and in the
_Archives_ (second series, vol. vi.) of Pennsylvania.—ED.]
[14] [There is some confusion in the spelling of this name. A hundred
years ago and more, the usual spelling was _Allegany_. The mountains
are now called _Alleghany_; the city of the same name in Pennsylvania
is spelled _Allegheny_. Cf. note in _Dinwiddie Papers_, i. 255.—ED.]
[15] [_Mémoire sur les colonies de la France dans l’Amérique
septentrionale._—ED.]
[16] [Céloron’s expedition was followed, in 1750, by the visit of
Christopher Gist, who was sent, under the direction of this newly
formed Ohio Company, to prepare the way for planting English colonists
in the disputed territory. The instructions to Gist are in the appendix
of Pownall’s _Topographical Description of North America_. He fell
in with George Croghan, one of the Pennsylvania Scotch-Irish, then
exploring the country for the Governor of Pennsylvania; and Croghan was
accompanied by Andrew Montour, a half-breed interpreter. The original
authorities for their journey are in the _New York Colonial Documents_,
vol. vii., and in the _Colonial Records of Pennsylvania_, vol. v.;
while the Journals of Gist and Croghan may be found respectively in
Pownall (_ut supra_) and in the periodical _Olden Time_, vol. i. Cf.
also _Dinwiddie Papers_, index. In the _Pennsylvania Archives_, second
series, vol. vi., are various French and English documents touching the
French occupation of this region.—ED.]
[17] Prior to this time there had been such an occupation of some of
these posts as to find recognition in the maps of the day. See map
entitled “_Amérique septentrionale_, etc., par le S^r. D’Anville,
1746,” which gives a post at or near Erie, and one on the “Rivière aux
Beuf” (French Creek).
[18] [See, _post_, the section on the “Maps and Bounds of Acadia,” for
the literature of this controversy.—ED.]
[19] [See _post_, chap. viii.—ED.]
[20] Minister of Marine to M. Ducasse (Margry, iv. 294); Same to same
(Margry, iv. 297). See also despatches to Iberville July 29 (Margry,
iv. 324) and August 5 (Margry, iv. 327).
[21] [See the section on La Salle in Vol. IV. p. 201.—ED.]
[22] Margry, iv. 3.
[23] In 1697 the Sieur de Louvigny wrote, asking to complete La Salle’s
discoveries and invade Mexico from Texas (Lettre de M. de Louvigny, 14
Oct. 1697). In an unpublished memoir of the year 1700, the seizure of
the Mexican mines is given as one of the motives of the colonization of
Louisiana. Parkman’s _La Salle and the Discovery of the Great West_, p.
327, _note_. The memorial of Louvigny is given in Margry, iv. 9; that
of Argoud in Margry, iv. 19.
[24] Daniel’s _Nos gloires_, p. 39; he was baptized at Montreal, July
20, 1661. (Tanguay’s _Dictionnaire généalogique_.)
[25] [See Vol. IV. pp. 161, 226, 239, 243, 316.—ED.]
[26] The Minister in a letter alludes to the reports of Argoud from
London, August 21, about a delay in starting (Margry, iv. 82).
[27] Charlevoix says the expedition was composed of the “François”
and “Renommée,” and sailed October 17. According to Penicaut the
vessels were the “Marin” and “Renommée.” The _Journal historique_
states that they sailed from Rochefort September 24. This work is
generally accurate. Perhaps there was some authority for that date.
The vessels had come down from Rochefort to the anchorage at Rochelle
some time before this, and the date may represent the time of sailing
from Rochelle. Margry (iv. 213) in a syllabus of the contents of the
Journal of Marin, which he evidently regarded as a part of the original
document, gives the date of that event as September 5. In the same
volume (p. 84) there is a despatch from the Minister to Du Guay, dated
October (?) 16, in which he says that “he awaits with impatience the
news of Iberville’s sailing, and fears that he may be detained at
Rochelle by the equinoctial storms.”
[28] The French accounts all say that Pensacola had been occupied by
the Spaniards but a few months, and simply to anticipate Iberville.
Barcia in his _Ensayo cronológico_ (p. 316) says it was founded in 1696.
[29] Report in Margry, iv. 118, and Journal in Ibid., iv. 157. A third
account of the Journal of the “Marin” says there were twenty-two in one
_biscayenne_, twenty-three in the other; fifty-one men in all (Journal
in Margry, iv. 242). The six men in excess in the total are probably
to be accounted for as the force in the canoes. These discrepancies
illustrate the confusion in the accounts.
[30] Despatch of the Minister, July 23, 1698, in Margry, iv. 72;
Iberville’s Report, in Margry, iv. 120
[31] [See Hennepin’s maps in Vol IV. pp. 251, 253.—ED.]
[32] Margry, iv. 190.
[33] The date of this letter is given in the Journal “1686” (Margry,
iv. 274). This is probably correct. [See Vol. IV. p. 238.—ED.].
[34] Ten guns, says the Journal, in Margry, iv. 395. One of
twenty-four, one of twelve guns; the latter alone entered the river,
says Iberville to the Minister, February 26, 1700, in Margry, vol. iv.
p. 361. See also Coxe’s _Carolana_, preface.
[35] [See _post_, chap. v.—ED.]
[36] Journal, in Margry, iv. 397.
[37] Instructions, in Margry, iv. 350.
[38] Minister to Iberville, June 15, 1699, in Margry, iv. 305; Same to
same, July 29, 1699, in Ibid., iv. 324; Same to same, Aug. 5, 1699, in
Ibid., iv. 327.
[39] [See Vol. IV. p. 239.—ED.]
[40] _Journal historique_, etc., pp. 30, 34.
[41] The language used in the text is fully justified by the accounts
referred to. Students of Indian habits dispute the despotism of the
Suns, and allege that the hereditary aristocracy does not differ
materially from what may be found in other tribes. See Lucien
Carr’s paper on “The Mounds of the Mississippi Valley historically
considered,” extracted from _Memoirs of the Kentucky Geological
Survey_, ii. 36, _note_. See also his “The Social and Political
Position of Woman among the Huron Iroquois Tribes,” in the _Report of
Peabody Museum_, iii. 207, _et seq_.
[42] Pontchartrain to Callières and Champigny, June 4, 1701, in Margry,
v. 351. Charlevoix speaks of Saint-Denys, who made the trip to Mexico,
as Juchereau de Saint-Denys. Dr. Shea, in the _note_, p. 12, vol. vi.
of his _Charlevoix_, identifies Saint-Denys as Louis Juchereau de
Saint-Denys. The founder of the settlement on the “Ouabache” signed
the same name to the Memorial in Margry, v. 350. The author of _Nos
gloires nationales_ asserts (vol. i. p. 207 of his work) that it was
Barbe Juchereau who was sent to Mexico. Spanish accounts speak of the
one in Mexico as Louis. Charlevoix says he was the uncle of Iberville’s
wife. Iberville married Marie-Thérèse Pollet, granddaughter of Nicolas
Juchereau, Seigneur of Beauport and St. Denis (see Tanguay). This
Nicolas Juchereau had a son Louis, who was born Sept. 18, 1676. Martin
says the two Juchereaus were relatives.
[43] The establishment was apparently made on the Ouabache (Ohio),
_Journal historique_, etc., pp. 75-89. Iberville, writing at Rochelle,
Feb. 15, 1703, says “he will go to the ‘Ouabache,’” in letter of
Iberville to Minister (Margry, iv. 631). Penicaut speaks of it as on
the Ouabache (Margry, v. 426-438).
[44] _Journal historique_, etc., p. 106. Charlevoix (vol. ii. liv.
xxi. p. 415) says: “It could not be said that there was a colony in
Louisiana—or at any rate it did not begin to shape itself—until
after the arrival of M. Diron d’Artaguette with an appointment as
_commissaire-ordonnateur_.”
[45] _Journal historique_, etc., p. 129, and Le Page du Pratz, i.
15, 16. Saint-Denys was evidently duped by the Spaniards. Crozat was
anxious for trade. Saint-Denys arranged matters with the authorities at
Mexico, and joined in the expedition which established Spanish missions
in the “province of Lastekas.” In these missions he saw only hopes of
trade; but the title to the province was saved to Spain by them, and no
trade was ever permitted.
[46] The following itinerary of this expedition is copied, through
the favor of Mr. Theodore F. Dwight, from a rough memorandum in the
handwriting of Thomas Jefferson,—which memorandum is now in the
Department of State at Washington.
“Oct. 25. Graveline and the other arrived at Rio Bravos at Ayeches,
composed of 10 cabbins, they found a Span. Mission of 2 Peres
Recollets, 3 souldiers and a woman; at Nacodoches they found 4
Recollets, with a Frere, 2 souldiers and a Span. woman; at Assinays or
Cenis 2 Peres Recollets, 1 souldier, 1 Span. woman. The presidio which
had been 17 leagues further off now came and established itself at 7
leagues from the Assinayes; it was composed of a Capt^n, ensign and
25 souldiers. They reached the presidio 2 leagues W. of the Rio Bravo
where there was a Capt. Lieut. and 30 souldiers Span. and 2 missions
of St. Jean Baptiste and St. Bernard. All the goods of St. Denys were
seized and in the end lost. On the return of Graveline and the others
they found a Span. Mission at Adayes, founded Jan. 29, 1717.”
[47] The livre is substantially the same as the franc, and by some
writers the words are used interchangeably.
[48] There were outstanding, when the bank collapsed, notes of the
nominal value of 1,169,072,540 livres. Statements of the amounts in
hand, of those which had been burned, etc., showed that there had been
emitted more than 3,000,000,000 livres (Forbonnais, ii. 633).
[49] This is exclusive of an issue of 24,000 shares by the Regent. The
par value of the 600,000 shares was 300,000,000 livres; but the value
represented by them on the basis of the premiums at which they were
respectively issued, amounted to 1,677,500,000 livres.
[50] Forbonnais, _Recherches et considérations sur les finances de
France_, ii. 604, says shares rose as high as eighteen to twenty
thousand francs.
[51] The commanders of the post in the early days of the colony have
been generally spoken of as governors. Gayarré (i. 162) says, “The
government of Louisiana was for the second time definitely awarded to
Bienville.” He was, as we have seen, _lieutenant du roy_. As such he
was at the head of the colony for many years, and he still held this
title when he was by letter ordered to assume command after La Mothe
left and until L’Epinay should arrive (Margry, v. 591). In 1716 he was
“commandant of the Mississippi River and its tributaries” (_Journal
historique_, etc., pp. 123, 141). His power as _commandant-général_ was
apparently for a time shared with his brother Sérigny. In a despatch
dated Oct. 20, 1719, quoted by Gayarré, he says, “Mon frère Sérigny,
chargé comme moi du commandement de cette colonie.” M. de Vallette
Laudun, in the _Journal d’un voyage_ (Paris, 1768), on the 1st of July,
1720, says, M. de Bienville “commands in chief all the country since
the departure of his brother, Monsieur de Sérigny.” In 1722 Bienville
applied for the “general government” (Margry, v. 634).
[52] Margry, v. 589; Shea’s _Charlevoix_, vi. 37.
[53] Vergennes, p. 161. “The inhabitants trembled at the sight of this
licentious soldiery.”
[54] The Penicaut narrative apparently assigns the year 1717 as the
date of the original foundation of New Orleans. Margry (v. 549)
calls attention in a note to the fact that the _Journal historique_,
which he attributes to Beaurain, gives 1718 as the date. Gravier, in
his Introduction to the _Relation du voyage des dames religieuses
Ursulines_, says that New Orleans was founded in 1717. He cites in a
note certain letters of Bienville which are in the Archives at Paris;
but as he does not quote from them, we cannot tell to what point of the
narrative they are cited as authority.
[55] [From Le Page du Pratz, _Histoire de la Louisiane_, ii. 262.—ED.]
[56] [Cf. Vol. II. _index_.—ED.]
[57] [There is a “Plan de la Baye de Pansacola,” by N. B., in
Charlevoix, iii. 480. Jefferys’s “Plan of the Harbor and Settlement
of Pensacola,” and the view of Pensacola as drawn by Dom Serres, are
contained in Roberts’s _Account of the First Discovery and Natural
History of Florida_ (London, 1763), and in the _General Topography of
North America and the West Indies_ (London, 1768), no. 67. The map
shows Pensacola as destroyed in 1719, and the new town on Santa Rosa
Island.—ED.]
[58] For the points involved in the discussion of the Louisiana
boundary question, see Waite’s _American State Papers_ (Boston, 1819),
vol. xii.
[59] Vergennes, p. 153; Champigny, p. 16.
[60] Thomassy, p. 31.
[61] Champigny, p. 127, _note_ 5. “They were obliged to change boats
from smaller to smaller three times, in order to bring merchandise to
Biloxi, where they ran carts a hundred feet into the ocean and loaded
them, because the smallest boats could not land.”
[62] “Clérac” is thus translated by authority of Margry, v. 573,
_note_. He says it means a workman engaged in the manufacture
of tobacco, and is derived from the territory of Clérac
(Charcute-Inférieure). With this interpretation we can understand why
one of the grants was “Celle des Cléracs aux Natchez” (Dumont, ii. 45).
[63] [See Vol. IV. p. 161.—ED.]
[64] Natchez is never mentioned by the French writers except with
expressions of admiration for its soil, climate, and situation. Dumont
(vol. ii. p. 63) says “the land at Natchez is the best in the province.
This establishment had begun to prosper.” The number of killed at
the massacre is stated at “more than two hundred” by Father Le Petit
(_Lettres édifiantes_, xx. 151). Writers like Dumont and Le Page du
Pratz state the number at more than seven hundred. Even the smaller
number is probably an exaggeration. The value of the tobacco produced
at Natchez is alluded to in Champigny; but the place does not seem to
have rallied from this blow. Bossu, in 1751, speaks of the fertility of
its soil, “if it were cultivated.”
[65] The Capuchin in charge of the post at Natchez was away. The Jesuit
Du Poisson, from the Akensas, happened to be there, and was killed.
[66] Clairborne in his _Mississippi as a Province, Territory, and
State_, places the fort of the Natchez in Arkansas, at a place known as
“Sicily Island,” forty miles northwest from Natchez.
[67] “I am the only one of the French who has escaped sickness since we
have been in this country.” Du Poussin from the Akensas, in Kip, p. 263.
[68] Poussin (_De la puissance Américaine_, Paris, 1843, i. 262)
says: “Nevertheless, about this time (1751) the inhabitants began
to understand the necessity of seriously occupying themselves with
agricultural pursuits.”
[69] _The Present State of the Country and Inhabitants, European and
Indians, of Louisiana_ (London, 1744).
[70] [Cf. Breese, _Early History of Illinois_, and Vol. IV., p.
198.—ED.]
[71] “The minute of the surrender of Fort Chartres to M.
Sterling, appointed by M. de Gage, governor of New York, commander
of His Britannic Majesty’s troops in North America, is preserved in
the French Archives at Paris. The fort is carefully described in it
as having an arched gateway fifteen feet high; a cut stone platform
above the gate, and a stair of nineteen stone steps, with a stone
balustrade, leading to it; its walls of stone eighteen feet in height,
and its four bastions, each with forty-eight loop-holes, eight
embrasures, and a sentry-box; the whole in cut stone. And within was
the great storehouse, ninety feet long by thirty wide, two stories
high, and gable-roofed; the guard-house, having two rooms above for the
chapel and missionary quarters; the government house, eighty-four by
thirty-two feet, with iron gates and a stone porch, a coach-house and
pigeon-house adjoining, and a large stone well inside; the intendant’s
house, of stone and iron, with a portico; the two rows of barracks,
each one hundred and twenty-eight feet long; the magazine thirty-five
feet wide and thirty-eight feet long, and thirteen feet high above the
ground, with a door-way of cut stone, and two doors, one of wood and
one of iron; the bake-house, with two ovens and a stone well in front;
the prison, with four cells of cut stone, and iron doors; and one large
relief gate to the north; the whole enclosing an area of more than four
acres.”—_Illinois in the Eighteenth Century_, by Edward G. Mason,
being No. 12 of the _Fergus Historical Series_, p. 39.
[72] [See map, Vol. IV. p. 200.—ED.]
[73] _Lettres édifiantes et curieuses_ (Paris, 1758), xxviii. 59. Father
Vivier says that five French villages situated in a long prairie,
bounded at the east by a chain of mountains and by the River Tamaroa,
and west by the Mississippi, comprised together one hundred and forty
families. These villages were (Bossu, seconde édition, Paris, 1768,
i. 145, _note_) Kaskaskia, Fort Chartres, St. Philippe, Kaokia, and
Prairie du Rocher. There were other posts on the lines of travel, but
the bulk of the agricultural population was here. The picture of their
life given by Breese is interesting.
Vincennes is said by some authorities to have been founded as early as
1702. See Bancroft (New York, 1883), ii. 186; also _A Geographical
Description of the United States_ by John Melish. C. F. Volney, the
author of _Tableau du climat et du sol des États-Unis d’Amérique_ (Paris,
1803), was himself at Poste Vincennes in 1796. He says (p. 401): “I
wished to know the date of the foundation and early history of Poste
Vincennes; but spite of the authority and credit that some attribute to
tradition, I could scarcely get any exact notes about the war of 1757,
notwithstanding there were old men who dated back prior to that time.
It is only by estimate that I place its origin about 1735.” In _Annals
of the West_, compiled by James R. Albach, the authorities for the
various dates are given. The post figures in some of the maps about the
middle of the century.
[74] “We receive from the Illinois,” he says, “flour, corn,
bacon, hams both of bear and hog, corned pork and wild beef, myrtle and
bees-wax, cotton, tallow, leather, tobacco, lead, copper, buffalo-wool,
venison, poultry, bear’s grease, oil, skins, fowls, and hides”
(Martin’s _History of Louisiana_, i. 316).
[75] Pownall in his _Administration of the Colonies_ (2d
ed., London, 1765, appendix, section 1, p. 24) gives a sketch of
the condition of the colonies, derived mainly from Vaudreuil’s
correspondence. He says that Vaudreuil (May 15, 1751) thought that
Kaskaskia was the principal post, but that Macarty, who was on the
spot (Jan. 20, 1752), thought the environs of Chartres a far better
situation to place this post in, provided there were more inhabitants.
“He visited Fort Chartres, found it very good,—only wanting a few
repairs,—and thinks it ought to be kept up.”
[76] Fort Chartres is stated by Mr. Edward G. Mason, in
_Illinois in the Eighteenth Century_ (Fergus Historical Series, no.
12, p. 25), to be sixteen miles _above_ Kaskaskia. In the _Journal
historique_, etc. (Paris and New Orleans, 1831), p. 221, the original
establishment of Boisbriant is stated to have been “eight leagues
below Kaskaskia,” and (p. 243) it is stated that it was transferred
“nine leagues _below_” the village. French, in his _Louisiana
Historical Collections_, published a translation of a manuscript copy
of the _Journal historique_ which is deposited in Philadelphia. His
translation reads that the transfer was made to a point “nine leagues
_above_ Kaskaskia.” Martin, who worked from still another copy of the
_Journal historique_, states that the establishment was transferred
to a point twenty-five miles _above_ Kaskaskia. The “au dessous” (p.
243 of _Journal historique_, or, as ordinarily cited, “La Harpe”) was
probably a typographical error.
[77] This ground was partly prospected by Dutisné, who,
Nov. 22, 1719, wrote to Bienville an account of an expedition to the
Missouris by river and to the Osages and Paniouassas by land. Bournion,
whose appointment was made, according to Dumont, in 1720, went up the
river to the Canzes, and thence to the Padoucahs in 1724. Le Page du
Pratz gives an account of the expedition. The name of this officer is
variously given as Bournion in the _Journal historique_, Bourgmont by
Le Page du Pratz, Bourmont by Bossu, and Boismont by Martin.
[78] Neyon de Villiers.
[79] [See _post_, chap. viii.—ED.]
[80] [“The English colonies ... at the middle of the century numbered
in all, from Georgia to Maine, about 1,160,000 white inhabitants. By
the census of 1754 Canada had but 55,000. Add those of Louisiana and
Acadia, and the whole white population under the French flag might
be something more than 80,000.” Parkman, _Montcalm and Wolfe_, i.
20.—ED.]
[81] [See _post_, chap. vii.—ED.]
[82] [“In the dual government of Canada the governor represented
the king, and commanded the troops; while the intendant was charged
with trade, finance, justice, and all other departments of civil
administration. In former times the two functionaries usually
quarrelled; but between Vaudreuil and Bigot there was perfect harmony”
(Parkman, _Montcalm and Wolfe_, ii. 18). Foremost among the creatures
of Bigot, serving his purposes of plunder, were Joseph Cadet, a
butcher’s son whom Bigot had made commissary-general, and Marin, the
Intendant’s deputy at Montreal, who repaid his principal by aspiring
for his place. It was not till February, 1759, when Montcalm was
given a hand in civil affairs, that the beginning of the end of this
abandoned coterie appeared (see Ibid., ii. 37, for sources). Upon the
interior history of Canada, from 1749 to 1760, there is a remarkable
source in the _Mémoires sur le Canada_, which was printed and reprinted
(1873) by the Literary and Historical Society of Quebec. It reached
the committee from a kinsman of General Burton, of the army of General
Amherst, who presumably received it from its anonymous author, and
took it to England for printing. Smith, in his _History of Canada_
(1815), had used a manuscript closely resembling it. Parkman refers to
a manuscript in the hands of the Abbé Verreau of Montreal, the original
of which he thinks may have been the first draught of these _Mémoires_.
This manuscript was in the Bastille at the time of its destruction, and
being thrown into the street, fell into the hands of a Russian and was
carried to St. Petersburg. Lord Dufferin, while ambassador to Russia,
procured the Verreau copy, which differs, says Parkman, little in
substance from the printed _Mémoires_, though changed in language and
arrangement in some parts (Parkman, _Montcalm and Wolfe_, ii. 37). The
second volume of the first series of the _Mémoires_ of the Literary and
Historical Society of Quebec also contains a paper, evidently written
in 1736, and seemingly a report of the Intendant Hocquart to Cardinal
Fleury, the minister of Louis XV. In the same collection is a report,
_Considérations sur l’état présent du Canada_, dated October, 1758,
which could hardly have been written by the Intendant Bigot, but is
thought to have been the writing of a Querdisien-Trémais, who had been
sent as commissioner to investigate the finances, and who deals out
equal rebuke upon all the functionaries then in office.—ED.]
[83] [_Histoire et description générale de la Nouvelle France, avec le
journal historique d’un voyage fait par ordre du roi dans l’Amérique
septentrionale_ (Paris, 1744). It is in three volumes, the third
containing the _Journal_ (cf. Vol. IV. p. 358), of which there are two
distinct English translations,—one, _Journal of a Voyage to North
America_, in two volumes (London, 1761; reprinted in Dublin, 1766);
the other, _Letters to the Duchess of Lesdiguierres_ (London, 1763),
in one volume. A portion of the _Journal_ is also given in French’s
_Historical Collections of Louisiana_ part iii. (Cf. Sabin, no.
12,140, etc.; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. nos. 1,285, 1,347, 1,497.) The
Dublin edition of the _Journal_ has plates not in the other editions
(_Brinley Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 80). There is a paper on “Charlevoix
at New Orleans in 1721” in the _Magazine of American History_, August,
1883.—ED.]
[84] [_History and General Description of New France_,
translated, with Notes, by John Gilmary Shea (New York, 1866), etc.,
6 vols. (See Vol. IV. of the present work, p. 358.) Charlevoix’s
_Relation de la Louisiane_ is also contained in Bernard’s _Recueil de
voyages au nord_ (Amsterdam, 1731-1738).—ED.]
[85] Upon these expeditions the United States partly based their claims,
in the discussions with Spain in 1805 and 1818, on the Louisiana
boundary question.
[86] Jean de Beaurain, a geographical engineer, was born in
1696, and died in 1772. He was appointed geographer to the King in
1721. His son was a conspicuous cartographer (_Nouvelle biographie
générale_).
[87] The libraries of the American Philosophical Society
(Philadelphia) and of the Department of State (Washington) each have a
copy of this manuscript. A copy belonging to the Louisiana Historical
Society is deposited in the State Library at New Orleans. [From the
Philadelphia copy the English translation in French’s _Historical
Collections of Louisiana_, part iii., was made. A. R. Smith, in his
London _Catalogue_, 1874, no. 1,391, held a manuscript copy, dated
1766, at £7 17_s._ 6_d._, and another is priced by Leclerc (_Bibl.
Amer._, no. 2,811) at 500 francs. This manuscript has five plans and
a map, while the printed edition of 1831 has but a single map. The
manuscripts are usually marked as “Dédié et présenté au roi par le
Chevalier Beaurain,” who is considered by Leclerc as the author of the
drawings only.—ED.]
[88] Ferland, ii. 343; Garneau, ii. 94. For characterizations of these
and other authorities on Canada, see Vol. IV. of this History, pp. 157,
360.
[89] [It consists of two series of lectures, the first entitled _The
Poetry, or the Romance of the History of Louisiana_, and the second,
_Louisiana, its History as a French Colony_. He says in a preface to a
third series, printed separately in 1852 at New York,—_Louisiana, its
History as a French Colony, Third Series of Lectures_ (Sabin, vol. vii.
nos. 26,793, 26,796),—that the first series was given to “freaks of
the imagination,” the second was “more serious and useful” in getting
upon a basis more historic; while there was a still further “change
of tone and manner” in the third, which brings the story down to
1769. This was published at New York in 1851. Mr. Gayarré had already
published, in 1830, an _Essai historique sur Louisiane_ in two volumes
(Sabin vol. vii. nos. 26,791, 26,795), and _Romance of the History of
Louisiana, a Series of Lectures_, New York, 1848 (Sabin, vol. vii. nos.
26,795, 26,797, 26,799).—ED.]
[90] This was published at New Orleans in 1846-1847 in two volumes
(Sabin, vol. vii. no. 26,792).
[91] Published as _History of Louisiana: the Spanish Domination, the
French Domination, and the American Domination_,—the three parts
respectively in 1854, 1855, and 1866.
[92] [There are many papers on Louisiana history in _De Bow’s Review_,
and for these, including several reviews of Gayarré, see Poole’s _Index
to Periodical Literature_, p. 772, where other references will be found
to the _Southern Literary Messenger_, etc.—ED.]
[93] [The original edition was published at Paris in 1758. An English
version, _The History of Louisiana, or the Western Parts of Virginia
and Carolina; containing a Description of the Countries that lie on
both sides of the River Mississippi_, appeared in London in 1763
(two vols.) and 1774 (one vol.), in an abridged and distorted form
(Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 1,352; Sabin, x. 223; Field, _Indian
Bibliography_, nos. 910-912). H. H. Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, i.
598) mentions a different translation published in 1764; but I have
not seen it. Field says of the original: “It is difficult to procure
the work complete in all the plates and maps, which should number
forty-two.”—ED.]
[94] The authorities upon which are based the statements of most
writers upon the history of Louisiana have been exhumed from the
archives in Paris, but there are French sources for narratives of the
adventures of Saint-Denys which are still missing. Le Page du Pratz
(i. 178) says: “What I shall leave out will be found some day, when
memoirs like these of M. de Saint-Denis and some others concerning the
discovery of Louisiana, which I have used, shall be published.”
[95] [It was issued in two volumes at Paris in 1753 (Carter-Brown,
vol. iii. no. 996; Leclerc, no. 2,750, thirty francs; Field, _Indian
Bibliography_, no. 463).—ED.]
[96] _Journal historique_, etc., p. 310.
[97] _Nouvelle biographie générale, sub_ “Butel Dumont.”
[98] _Considérations géographiques, etc., par Philippe Buache_ (Paris,
1753), p. 36. See Vol. II. p. 461.
[99] He tells of a rattlesnake twenty-two feet long, in vol. i. p. 109;
and of frogs weighing thirty-two pounds, in vol. ii. p. 268.
[100] [It was published at Paris in 1768, and an English translation,
_Travels through that part of North America formerly called Louisiana_
(by J. R. Forster), was printed in London, in 2 vols., in 1771, and a
Dutch version at Amsterdam in 1769. The original French was reprinted
at Amsterdam in 1769 and 1777.—ED.]
[101] Vergennes, p. 157. “In considering the savages who were drawn
into an alliance with us by our presents, and who received us into
their houses, would it have been difficult to attach them to us if
we had acted toward them with the candor and rectitude to which they
were entitled? We gave them the example of perfidy, and we are doubly
culpable for the crimes they committed and the virtues they did not
acquire.”
[102] [See Vol. IV. pp. 199, 316. The book forms no. 8 of Munsell’s
_Historical Series_. See accounts of Le Sueur and other explorers of
the Upper Mississippi in Neill’s _Explorers and Pioneers of Minnesota_.
There are extracts from Le Sueur’s Journal in La Harpe’s _Journal
historique_ and in French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana_,
part iii.; and in the new series (p. 35 of vol. vi.) of the same
_Collections_ is a translation of Penicaut’s _Annals of Louisiana
from 1698 to 1722_. The translation was made from a manuscript in the
National Library at Paris. Kaskaskia in Illinois is looked upon as the
earliest European settlement in the Mississippi Valley; it was founded
by Jacques Gravier in 1700. Cf. _Magazine of American History_, March,
1881. There had been an Indian town on the spot previously, and Father
Marquette made it his farthest point in 1675.—ED.]
[103] [On these books see Vol. IV. pp. 294, 316, where Dr. Shea gives
reasons for supposing the earliest publication of the _Lettres_ to
have been in 1702. Cf. Sabin’s _American Bibliopolist_ (1871), p. 3;
H. H. Bancroft’s _Mexico_, ii. 191; and the _Nouvelles des missions,
extraites des lettres édifiantes et curieuses: Missions de l’Amérique,
1702-1743_ (Paris, 1827).—ED.]
[104] [It was first printed in London in 1775, and afterward
appeared in 1782 at Breslau, in a German translation. Cf. Field,
_Indian Bibliography_, no. 11. The _Mémoire de M. de Richebourg sur
la première guerre des Natchez_ is given in French’s _Collections_,
vol. iii. A paper on the massacre of St. André is in the _Magazine of
American History_ (April, 1884), p. 355. Dr. Shea printed in 1859, from
a manuscript in the possession of Mr. J. Carson Brevoort (as no. 9 of
his series, one hundred copies), a _Journal de la guerre du Micissippi
contre les Chicachas, en 1739 et finie en 1740, le 1er d’avril_.
_Par un officier de l’armée de M. de Nouaille._ Cf. Field, _Indian
Bibliography_, no. 807.—ED.]
[105] [The original was published at Paris in 1829; in 1830 it was
printed in English at Philadelphia as _The History of Louisiana,
particularly of the Cession of that Colony to the United States of
America_. It is said to be translated by the publicist, William Beach
Lawrence.—ED.]
[106] [It was reprinted in 1726, again in 1727, and with a lengthened
title in 1741 (Carter-Brown, vol. iii. nos. 315, 372, 376, 679; Sabin,
vol. v. nos. 17, 276, etc.). The edition of 1741 made part of _A
Collection of Voyages and Travels_, edited by Coxe, which contained:
“1. The dangerous voyage of Capt. Thomas James in his intended
discovery of a northwest passage into the South sea (in 1631-1632). 2.
An authentick and particular account of the taking of Carthagena by
the French in 1697 by Sieur Pointis. 3. A description of the English
province of Carolana; by the Spaniards call’d Florida, and by the
French La Louisiane. By Daniel Coxe.” Coxe’s narrative of explorations
is also included in French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana_,
vol. ii. Coxe’s map, which is repeated in the various editions, is
called: “Map of Carolana and the River Meschacebe.” A section of it is
given on the next page.—ED.]
[107] Coxe’s _Carolana_, p. 118. The writer of an article in the _North
American Review_, January, 1839, entitled “Early French Travellers,”
says: “An examination of contemporary writers and the town records has
failed to lend a single fact in support of the Doctor’s tale.” Cf. H.
H. Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, i. 122, 123. [The French as traders
and missionaries easily gained a familiarity with the Valley of the
Mississippi, before agricultural settlers like the English had passed
the Alleghanies. There had, however, been some individual enterprises
on the part of the English. Coxe claims that under the grant to Sir
Robert Heath, in 1630, of the region across the continent between 31°
and 36°, Colonel Wood and a Mr. Needham explored the Mississippi Valley
between 1654 and 1664, and that during the later years of that century
other explorers had thridded the country.—ED.].
[108] [See Vol. II. p. 462.—ED.]
[109] His account of Fort Chartres is quoted in the appendix of Mills’s
_Boundaries of Ontario_, p. 198. His plan of Mobile Bay (p. 55), may
be compared with one in Roberts’s _Account of the First Discovery and
Natural History of Florida_ (London, 1763), p. 95.
[110] [_The Early History of Illinois, from its Discovery by the
French, in 1673, until its Cession to Great Britain in 1763, including
the Narrative of Marquette’s Discovery of the Mississippi. With a
Biographical Memoir by Melville W. Fuller._ Edited by Thomas Hoyne
(Chicago, 1884). It has three folded maps.—ED.]
[111] [Cf., for these and other titles, Vol. IV. pp. 198, 199. The
routes of Marquette by Green Bay, and of La Salle by the St. Joseph
River, had been the established method of communication of the French
in Canada with Louisiana in the seventeenth century; but as they felt
securer in the Ohio Valley, in 1716, they opened a route by the Miami
and Wabash, and later from Presqu’ Isle on Lake Erie to French Creek,
thence by the Alleghany and Ohio.—ED.]
[112] Bossu, ii. 151.
[113] French (part iii. p. 12, _note_) says: “The two brothers
met in deep mourning, and after mutual embraces the brave D’Iberville
sought the tomb of his brother Sauvolle, where he knelt for hours in
silent grief.” All this is purely imaginary; and in French’s second
series (vol. ii. p. 111, _note_) he concludes that Sauvolle would
appear from the text not to have been Iberville’s brother. This doubt
whether Sauvolle was a brother of Iberville penetrates even such a work
as _Nos gloires nationales_. The author not finding such a seigniory,
says of François Le Moyne, “We do not know if he followed his brother
to Louisiana, and is the same to whom the name Sieur de Sauvole was
given,”—all this in face of the record in the previous paragraph
of his burial in 1687 (_Nos gloires_, i. 53). To the account of the
massacre at Natchez, in his translation of Dumont, French appends a
note (vol. v. p. 76), in which he identifies a ship-carpenter, whose
life was spared by the Indians, as “Perricault, who, after his escape,
wrote a journal of all that passed in Louisiana from 1700 to 1729.”
Penicaut, the spelling of whose name puzzled writers and printers, left
the colony in 1721. There was no foundation whatever for the note.
[114] The reader might easily be misled by the title given
to the translation of a portion of the second volume of Dumont into
the belief that the whole work was before him. There is no mention in
French of the preface, or of the appendix to Coxe’s Carolana. Both
preface and appendix are full of interesting material.
[115] In this translation French (iii. 83) says: “But
notwithstanding these reports, they now create him [Bienville]
brigadier-general of the troops, and knight of the military order of
St. Louis,” etc. Compare this with the faithful rendering of Martin
(i. 229),—“The Regent ... so far from keeping the promise he had made
of promoting him to the rank of brigadier-general, and sending him the
broad ribbon of the order of St. Louis, would have proceeded against
him with severity if he had not been informed that the Company’s agents
in the colony had thwarted his views.”
[116] It has all the substantial portions of the copy given in Margry,
but there are occasional abridgments and occasional additions. The
story of the Margry relation is continuous and uninterrupted; but in
the copy given by French items of colonial news are interspersed, and
sometimes repeated with variations. It would seem as if the copyist
had been unable properly to separate the manuscript from that of
some other Relation of colonial affairs, and in the exercise of his
discretion had made these mistakes. A comparison of the two accounts
will readily disclose their differences. A single example will
explain what is meant by repetitions which may have been occasioned
by confusion of manuscripts. On p. 145 of vol. vi., or second series
vol. i. of French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana_ occurs the
following: On the 17th of March, 1719, “the ship of war ‘Le Comte de
Toulouse’ arrived at Dauphin Island.” On p. 146 we find, “On the 19th
of April the ships ‘Maréchal de Villars,’ ‘Count de Toulouse,’ and the
‘Phillip,’ under the command of M. de Sérigny, the brother of M. de
Bienville, arrived at Dauphin Island.” These two paragraphs, with their
contradictory statements about the “Comte de Toulouse,” do not occur
in Margry. They are evidently interpolated from some outside source.
Thomassy (1860) quotes _Annales véritables des 22 premières années
de la colonisation de la Louisiane par Pénicaut_, as from the “MSS.
Boismare, dans la Bibliothèque de l’État à Bâton-Rouge.”
The camp-fire yarn of Jalot, with its marvellous details about
Saint-Denys’ romantic love-affair, the gorgeous establishment of the
Mexican viceroy, and the foolhardy trip of Saint-Denys to see his wife,
are omitted in French’s translation. They are worthless as history,
but they reveal the simplicity of Penicaut, who yielded faith to his
fellow-voyagers, in the belief that it was his good fortune to be
chosen to tell the story to the world.
[117] [_Historical Collections of Louisiana, ... compiled with
Historical and Biographical Notes and an Introduction by B. F. French.
Part I. Historical Documents from 1678 to 1691_ (New York, 1846). This
volume contains a discourse before the Historical Society of Louisiana
by Henry A. Bullard, its president (originally issued at New Orleans,
1836; cf. Sabin, vol. iii. no. 9,116), and sundry papers relating to La
Salle, Tonty, and Hennepin, specially referred to in Vol. IV. of the
present History.
_Same. Part II._ (Philadelphia, 1850). This volume contains a
fac-simile of Delisle’s “Carte de la Louisiane et du Cours du
Mississipi;” an account of the Louisiana Historical Society, by
James Dunwoody Brownson De Bow; a discourse on the character of
François-Xavier Martin; an analytical index of the documents in the
Paris Archives relating to Louisiana; papers relating to De Soto
(which are referred to in Vol. II. chap. iv. of the present History);
a reprint of Coxe’s _Carolana_ (omitting, however, the preface and
appendix); and Marquette and Joliet’s account of their journey in 1673
(referred to in Vol. IV. of the present History).
_Same. Part III._ (New York, 1851). This volume includes a memoir of H.
A. Bullard; translations of La Harpe, of Bienville’s correspondence,
of Charlevoix’s Historical Journal; accounts of the aborigines,
including Le Petit’s narratives regarding them; De Sauvolle’s _Journal
historique, 1699-1701_; with other documents relating to the period
treated of in the present volume of this History, as well as papers
relating to the Huguenots and Ribault (referred to in Vol. II. of this
History).
_Same. Part IV._ (New York, 1852). This volume has a second
title-page,—_Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi Valley, with
the Original Narratives of Marquette, Allouez, Membré, Hennepin, and
Anastase Douay_, by John Gilmary Shea, with a fac-simile of the newly
discovered map of Marquette (New York, 1852). The contents of this
volume are referred to in Vol. IV. of the present History.
_Same. Part V._ The title in this part is changed to _Historical
Memoirs of Louisiana, from the First Settlement of the Colony to
the Departure of Governor O’Reilly in 1770, with Historical and
Biographical Notes_ (New York, 1853). It includes translations of
Dumont’s memoir, another of Champigny, with an appendix of historical
documents and elucidations; and all parts of the volume mainly cover
the period of the present chapter. It also contains the usual portrait
of Bienville, purporting to be engraved from a copy belonging to J.
D. B. DeBow, of an original painting in the family of Baron Grant, of
Longueil in Canada.
A second series of Mr. French’s publications has the title, _Historical
Collections of Louisiana and Florida, including Translations of
Original Manuscripts relating to their Discovery and Settlement, with
Numerous Historical and Biographical Notes_. New Series, vol. i. (New
York, 1869). This volume contains translations of De Remonville’s
memoir (Dec. 10, 1697), of D’Iberville’s narrative of his voyage
(1698), of Penicaut’s Annals of Louisiana (1698 to 1722),—all of
which pertain to the period of the present volume. It contains also
translations of Laudonnière’s _Histoire notable de Floride_, being that
made by Hakluyt (referred to in Vol. II. of the present History).
_Same_, vol. ii. (New York, 1875). This volume contains, in regard
to Louisiana, translations relating to La Salle, Joliet, Frontenac,
and New France, which are referred to in Vol. IV. of the present
History, as well as the Journal of D’Iberville’s voyage (1698, etc.),
and the letter of Jacques Gravier, who descended the Mississippi to
meet D’Iberville,—all referred to in the present chapter. In regard
to Florida, there are documents of Columbus, Narvaez, Las Casas,
Ribault, Grajales, Solis de las Meras, Fontenade, Villafane, Gourgues,
etc.,—(all of which are referred to in Vol. II. of the present
History).
It is to be regretted that French sometimes abridges the documents
which he copies, without indicating such method,—as in the case of
Charlevoix and Dumont.—ED.]
[118] Vol. IV. has the specific title: _Découverte par mer des bouches
du Mississipi et établissements de Lemoyne d’Iberville sur le golfe
du Mexique, 1694-1703_, Paris, 1880. Vol. V. is called: _Première
formation d’une chaîne de postes entre le fleuve Saint-Laurent et le
golfe du Mexique, 1683-1724_, Paris, 1883.
[119] [Particularly in Vol. IV. pp. 213-289, the _Journal du voyage
fait à l’embouchure de la rivière du Mississipi_ (etc.). Cf. the
_Journal du voyage fait par deux frégattes du roi, La Badine, commandée
par M. d’Iberville, et Le Marin, par M. E. Chevalier de Surgères, qui
partirent de Brest le 24 octobre, 1698, où elles avaient relâché,
étant parties de Larochelle, le 5 septembre précédent_, in _Historical
Documents_, third series, of the Literary and Historical Society of
Quebec (48 pp.), published at Quebec in 1871. See also the _Catalogue
of the Library of Parliament (1858)_, p. 1613.—ED.]
[120] [See Vol. IV. p. 242.—ED.]
[121] [For example, _The Present State of the Country ... of Louisiana.
By an Officer at New Orleans to his Friend at Paris. To which are added
Letters from the Governor_ [Vaudreuil] _on the Trade of the French and
English with the Natives_, London, 1744 (Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no.
773; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 955; Sabin, no. 42,283).—ED.
[122] Gayarré, in his preface, says: “Mr. Magne (one of the editors
of the _New Orleans Bee_) inspected with minute care, and with a
discretion which did him honor, the portfolios of the Minister of the
Marine in France, and extracted from them all the documents relating
to Louisiana, of which he made a judicious choice and an exact copy.
Governor Mouton, having learned of this collection, hastened, in his
position as a clear-headed magistrate whose duty it was to gather
together what might cast light upon the history of the country, to
acquire it for account of the State.” It is understood that this Magne
Collection was purchased for a thousand dollars at the instance of Mr.
Gayarré. It was then deposited in the State Library; but is no longer
to be found. A similar disappearance has happened in the case of some
other copies which were made for Mr. Edmund Forstall, and were likewise
in the State Library; and the same fate has befallen two bound volumes
of copies which were made for the Hon. John Perkins while in Europe,
and which were by him likewise given to the State Library. Many of
these documents were included by Gayarré in his _Histoire_.
It was also by the influence of Gayarré that the Louisiana Legislature
appropriated $2,000 to secure copies of papers from the Spanish
Archives. It was committed to the Hon. Romulus Saunders of North
Carolina, then the American minister in Madrid, to propitiate the
Spanish Government in an application for permission to make copies.
He failed, though zealous to accomplish it. Through the medium of
Prescott recourse was then had to Don Pascual de Gayangos, who, after
difficulties had been overcome, succeeded in getting copies of a mass
of papers, which greatly aided Gayarré in his _Spanish Domination_.
These papers, like the rest, found their way to the State Library at
Baton Rouge, but disappeared in turn during the Civil War. A small
part of them was discovered by Mr. Lyman Draper, of Wisconsin, in the
keeping of the widow of a Federal officer, and through Mr. Draper’s
instrumentality was restored to the Library. The correspondence
of Messrs. Saunders, Gayangos, and Gayarré makes one of the State
documents of Louisiana.
A few years since, another movement was made by Mr. Gayarré to get
other papers from Spain, impelled to it by information of large
diaries (said to be four hundred and fifty-two large bundles) still
unexamined in the Spanish Archives, pertaining to Louisiana. The State
of Louisiana was not in a condition to incur any outlay; and by motion
of General Gibson a Bill was introduced into the National House of
Representatives, appropriating $5,000 to procure from England, France,
and Spain copies of documents relating to Florida and Louisiana.
Nothing seems to have come of the effort beyond the printing of a
letter of Mr. Gayarré, with his correspondence with Saunders and
Gayangos, which was done by order of a committee to whom the subject
was referred. The facts of this note are derived from a statement
kindly furnished by Mr. Gayarré.
[There is among the Sparks manuscripts in Harvard College Library
a volume marked _Papers relating to the Early Settlement of
Louisiana, copied from the Originals in the Public Offices of Paris_
(1697-1753).—ED.]
[123] Xavier Eyma adopts another form in “La légende du Meschacébé,”—a
paper in the _Revue Contemporaine_ (vol. xxxi. pp. 277, 486, 746), in
which he traces the history of the explorations from Marquette to the
death of Bienville.
[124] Norman McF. Walker on the “Geographical Nomenclature of
Louisiana,” in the _Mag. of Amer. History_, Sept., 1883, p. 211.
[125] See Vol. IV. p. 375.
[126] There is an account of him in the _Allg. Geog. Ephemeriden_, vol.
x. p. 385. See Vol. IV. p. 375.
[127] There are issues of later dates, 1722, etc.
[128] There are portraits and notices of the two in the _Allg. Geog.
Ephemeriden_, published at Weimar, 1802 (vol. x.).
[129] An _Atlas Nouveau_ of forty-eight maps was issued at Amsterdam,
with the name of Guillaume Delisle, in 1720, and with later dates. The
maps measure 25 × 21 inches.
[130] There are modern reproductions of it in French’s _Hist. Coll.
of Louisiana_, vol. ii., as dated 1707; in Cassell’s _United States,_
i. 475; and for the upper portion in Winchell’s _Geol. Survey of
Minnesota, Final Report,_ vol. i. p. 20. The lower part of it is given
in the present work, Vol. II. p. 294.
[131] _Géol. practique de la Louisiane_, p. 209.
[132] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, v. 577.
[133] Cf. _Bulletin de la Soc. de Géog. d’Anvers_, vii. 462. De Fer
was born in 1646; died in 1720. His likeness is in _Allg. Geog.
Ephemeriden_, Sept., 1803, p. 265.
[134] This map is worth about $10.00. Moll also published in 1715 a
_Map of North America_, with vignettes by Geo. Vertue,—size 38 × 23
inches. Moll’s maps at this time were made up into collections of
various dates and titles.
[135] This map of North America is reproduced in Lindsey’s _Unsettled
Boundaries of Ontario_, Toronto, 1873. It shows a view of the Indian
fort on the “Sasquesahanoch.” Moll’s _Minor Atlas, a new and curious
set of sixty-two maps_, eighteen of which relate to America, was issued
in London, without date, ten or fifteen years later. Cf. also “A new
map of Louisiana and the river Mississipi,” in _Some Considerations on
the consequences of the French settling Colonies on the Mississippi,
from a gentleman of America to his friend in London_. London, 1720.
[136] Thomassy, p. 212.
[137] Senex issued a revision of a map of North America this same year,
size 22 X 19 inches. Between 1710 and 1725 Senex’s maps were often
gathered into atlases, containing usually about 36 maps.
[138] Thomassy, p. 214.
[139] Sabin, ix. 37,600. Ker was a secret agent of the British
government, and Curl, the publisher, was pilloried for issuing the book.
[140] _Géologie practique de la Louisiane_, p. 2.
[141] Homann, b. 1663; d. at Nuremberg, 1724. There is an account of
him in the _Allg. Geog. Ephemeriden_, Nov., 1801. There are extracts
from the despatches of the Governors of Canada, 1716-1726, respecting
the controversy over the bounds between the French and English in _N.
Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 960.
[142] Sabin, xv. 64,140.
[143] His _Œuvres Géographiques_ were published collectively at Paris
in five volumes in 1744-45. The atlases which pass under his name bear
dates usually from 1743 to 1767, the separate maps being distinctively
dated, as those of North America in 1746; those of South America in
1748; those of Canada and Louisiana, 1732, 1755, etc.
[144] The upper part of it is reproduced in Andreas’s _Chicago_, i. 59.
[145] These maps are reproduced in Dr. Shea’s translation of
Charlevoix. The map showing the respective possessions of the
French, English, and Spanish is reproduced in Bonnechose’s _Montcalm
et le Canada français_, 5th ed., Paris, 1882. By this the English
are confined from the Gulf of St. Lawrence to Florida between the
Appalachian range and the sea.
[146] Thomassy, p. 219. It is said that the maps first published by
Bellin were not thought by the French government sufficiently favorable
to their territorial claims, and accordingly he published a new set,
better favoring the French. When Shirley, speaking with Bellin,
referred to this, Bellin is said to have answered, “We in France must
obey the King’s command.”
[147] Page 218.
[148] Cf. his _Remarques sur la Carte de l’Amérique_, Paris, 1755.
[149] Sabin, xv. 34,027; and xv. p. 448.
[150] Referring to the maps (1756), Smith, the New York historian
(_Hist. N. York_, Albany, 1814, p. 218), says: “Dr. Mitchell’s is the
only authentic one extant. None of the rest concerning America have
passed under the examination or received the sanction of any public
board, and they generally copy the French.” Cf. C. C. Baldwin’s _Early
Maps of Ohio_, p. 15.
[151] It is also contained in the _Atlas Amériquain_, 1778, no. 335,
where it is described as “traduit de l’Anglais par le Rouge,” and is
dated 1777, “Corigée en 1776 par M. Hawkins.” A section of this map is
also included in the blue book, _North American Boundary, Part I._,
1840.
Parkman (_Montcalm and Wolfe_, i. 126) says: “Mitchell pushed the
English claim to its utmost extreme, and denied that the French were
rightful owners of anything in North America, except the town of Quebec
and the trading post of Tadoussac.” This claim was made in his _Contest
in America between Great Britain and France, with its consequences and
importance_, London, 1757.
[152] Thomson’s _Bibliog. of Ohio_, no. 384; Sabin, vi. p. 272;
Baldwin’s _Early Maps of Ohio_, 15; Haven in Thomas’ _Printing_, ii.
p. 525. The main words of the title are: _A General Map of the Middle
British Colonies in America ... of Aquanishuonîgy, the country of the
Confederate indians, Comprehending Aquanishuonîgy proper, their place
of residence; Ohio and Tïiughsoxrúntie, their deer-hunting countries;
Coughsaghráge and Skaniadaráde, their beaver-hunting Countries ...
wherein is also shewn the antient and present seats of the Indian
Nations_. _By Lewis Evans_, 1755.
The map extends from the falls of the Ohio to Narragansett Bay, and
includes Virginia in the south, with Montreal and the southern end of
Lake Huron in the north. It is dedicated to Pownall, and has a side
map of “The remaining part of Ohio R., etc.,” which shows the Illinois
country. In the lower right-hand corner it is announced as “Published
by Lewis Evans, June 23, 1755, and sold by Dodsley, in London, and the
author in Philadelphia.” The map measures 20-1/2 X 27-1/2 inches.
[153] Harv. Coll. Atlases, no. 354, pp. 3-6.
[154] _Hist. New York_ (1814), p. 222. Evans says: “The French being
in possession of Fort Frontenac at the peace of Ryswick, which
they attained during their war with the Confederates, gives them
an undoubted title to the acquisition of the northwest side of St.
Lawrence river, from thence to their settlement at Montreal.” (p. 14.)
[155] Harv. Col. lib’y, 6371.8; Boston Pub. lib’y [K. 11.7], and
Carter-Brown, iii. 1059, 1113.
[156] The occasion of Mills’ _Report on the boundaries of Ontario_
(1873) was an order requiring him to act as a special commissioner
to inquire into the location of the western and northern bounds of
Ontario,—the Imperial Parliament having set up (1871), as it was
claimed, the new Province of Manitoba within the legal limits of
Ontario, which held by transmission the claims westward of the Province
of Quebec and later those of Upper Canada.
[157] They might well have gone on under this confirmation till the
king supplanted them, but they suffered themselves to be continued in
office by the popular vote in three successive annual elections.
[158] This Order of King William, with fac-simile of the signature, is
in the _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxxviii. 711, the original being in the
cabinet of that society.
[159] John Marshall’s diary notes under July 20, 1700, the death of
Ichabod Wiswall at Duxbury, “a man of eminent accomplishment for the
service of the Sanctuary.” _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, April, 1884, p.
154. Cf. Winsor’s _Duxbury_, p. 180.
[160] Mr. Chas. W. Tuttle’s paper, “New Hampshire without provincial
government, 1689-90,” in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, October, 1879,
was also printed (50 copies) separately.
[161] Palfrey, iv. 375.
[162] _Diary_, i. 329.
[163] Vol. IV. p. 364.
[164] Hudson’s _Amer. Journalism_, p. 45; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii.
387; Haven’s _Pre-Revolutionary Bibliog._, 333 (in _Amer. Antiq. Soc.
Collections_). This innocent attempt to correct the floating rumors
gave offence to the magistrates, as a license that should be resisted,
or much worse might happen. Sewall refers to it as giving “much
distaste, because not licensed, and because of passage referring to the
French king and Maquas.” On the 1st of October the governor and council
“disallowed” it. Mather attacked its impudence in a sharp letter the
next day; and the little over-ambitious chronicle never came to a
second issue. (Sewall’s _Diary_, i. 332.)
[165] See Vol. IV. p. 357; and for sources, p. 361. Sewall, under
date of December 29, 1690 (_Letter book_, p. 115), writes, “I have
discoursed with all sorts, and find that neither activity nor courage
were wanting in him [Phips], and the form of the attack was agreed
on by the Council of War.” A significant utterance of Frontenac is
instanced in the same letter: “When the French injuries were objected
to Count Frontenack by ours at Canada, his answer was that we were all
one people; so if Albany or Hartford provoke them, they hold it just
to fall on Massachusetts, Plimouth, Rode Island, or any other English
plantation. In time of distress the Massachusetts are chiefly depended
on for help;” and Sewall urges Mather to procure the sending of three
frigates,—one to be stationed in the Vineyard Sound, another at
Nantasket, and a third at Portsmouth.
[166] The charges against Andros were by this time practically
abandoned, and he was commissioned governor of Virginia (see _post_,
ch. iv.), while Joseph Dudley was made a councillor of New York.
[167] The charter was at once printed in Boston by Benj. Harris, 1692.
It was reprinted by Neal in his _New England_, 2d ed. ii. App., and
is included in various editions of the _Charter and Laws_, published
since. The original parchment is at the State House, and a heliotype
of its appearance, as it hangs in a glass case on the walls of the
Secretary’s office, is given in the _Memorial Hist. of Boston_, vol.
ii. The explanatory charter of a later year is similarly cared for. The
boxes in which they originally came over are also preserved.
[168] _Diary_, i. 360. Printed copies of a proclamation by the General
Court have come down to us, expressing joy at their arrival. F. S.
Drake sale, no. 1126, bought by C. H. Kalbfleisch, of New York.
[169] May 31, 1693. _The Great Blessing of primitive Counsellors_; an
appendix “To the inhabitants of the Province, &c.,” containing the
vindication. It is reprinted in the _Andros Tracts_, ii. 301. Cf.
Sibley, _Harvard Graduates_, i. p. 452.
[170] Sibley’s _Grad. of H. Univ._, i.
[171] This story is doubted. Cf. _Conn. Col. Rec. 1689-1706_. Their
majesties’ letter touching the command of the militia (1694) is in the
_Trumbull Papers_, p. 176.
[172] _Sewall Papers_, i. p. 386.
[173] His will is given in the _N. E. H. & G. Reg._, 1884, p. 205.
Cotton Mather published in 1697 his life of Phips, as _Pietas in
Patriam_; it was subsequently included in his _Magnalia_, after it
had passed a second edition separately in 1699. Sibley’s _Harvard
Graduates_, iii. p. 64.
[174] _Diary_, i. 404.
[175] The occasion was his tract _Truth held forth_, published in New
York in 1695, for which he was tried at Salem in 1696. His success did
not soften him, and he again assailed them in _New England Persecutors
mauled with their own Weapons_ (1697). Cf. A. C. Goodell in _Essex
Institute Collections_, iii.; _Sewall Papers_, i. 414-16; Dexter’s
_Bibliog._, nos. 2458, 2472; _Maule Genealogy_, Philad. 1868.
[176] Bancroft, final revision, ii. 238.
[177] _Report Rec. Com._, vii. pp. 224, 228, 230.
[178] The fort had been built there in 1690. After this attack the
farms were again occupied, but finally abandoned in 1704. C. W. Baird’s
_Huguenot Emigration to America_, ii. 264, 278.
[179] April 2, 1697; he had died March 27.
[180] Pemberton Square, then elevated considerably higher than now.
[181] John Marshall’s diary, printed in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._,
April, 1884, p. 153, describes the parade on Bellomont’s reception,
May, 1699.
[182] Haliburton (_Rule and Misrule of the English in America_,
232) praises him, and calls him “a true specimen of a great liberal
governor.”
Cf. Frederic de Peyster’s _Life and Administration of Richard, Earl of
Bellomont, governor of the provinces of N. Y., Mass., and N. H., from
1697 to 1701_. N. Y.: 1879,—an address delivered before the N. Y.
Hist. Society.
Bellomont, in his speech to the General Court, advised them to succor
the Huguenot clergyman of Boston, his congregation being reduced in
numbers. It was five years before that (1695) the Huguenot Oxford
settlement had been broken up by the Indian depredations, and nine
years earlier (1686) they had first come to Massachusetts with their
minister. We have lately had an adequate account of their story in
Charles W. Baird’s _Huguenot Emigration to America_ (N. Y., 1885, two
vols.), and the “Huguenot Society of America” was established in 1884,
when the first part of their _Proceedings_ was published. The earliest
treatment of the subject is Dr. Abiel Holmes’s _Memoir of the French
Protestants_, published in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Collections_ (vol.
xxii. p. 1). This was largely about the Oxford settlement, which has
since been further illustrated by Geo. T. Daniels in his _Huguenots in
the Nipmuck Country_. Next after Holmes came Hannah F. Lee’s _Huguenots
in France and America_ (Cambridge, 1843), but it is scant in matter.
Somewhat later (1858, etc.), Mr. Joseph Willard considered them in
his paper, “Naturalization in the American Colonies,” printed in the
_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._ (iv. 337), showing they were not naturalized
till 1731; and Lucius Manlius Sargent recalled many associations with
their names in his _Dealings with the Dead_ (vol. ii. pp. 495-549).
Cf. further, Ira M. Barton, in _Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, Ap., 1862,
Ap., 1864; _Mem. Hist. of Boston_ (chap. by C. C. Smith), ii. p. 249;
Blaikie’s _Presbyterianism in New England_ (Boston, 1881), where
their church is considered the forerunner of the Presbyterian method
of government; Palfrey’s _New England_, iv. p. 185. The Huguenot
society recognizes by their vice-presidents two other settlements of
the Huguenots before 1787, in New England, beside those of Oxford and
Boston, namely, one in Maine and another in Rhode Island,—the latter
being commemorated by Elisha R. Potter’s _French Settlements in Rhode
Island_, being no. 5 of the _Rhode Island Historical Tracts_, published
by S. S. Rider in Providence, R. I.
[183] _Trip to New England, with a character of the country and people,
both English and Indian_, Anonymous, London, 1699; second edition in
_Writings of the Author of the London Spy_, London, 1704; third edition
in _The London Spy_, London, 1706. (The present _History_, Vol. III. p.
373; Carter-Brown, ii. no. 2,580; Brinley, i. no. 371; Stevens, _Bibl.
Hist._, 1870, no. 2,278; Shurtleff’s _Desc. of Boston_, p. 53.)
[184] As a corrective of periwigs he advised the good people to read
Calvin’s _Institutions_, book iii. ch. 10.
[185] Cf. Sabin, _Dictionary_, xv. 65,689.
[186] _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 211, and references.
[187] As to the part Massachusetts discontents, like Sewall and
Addington, took in the founding of Yale College, compare the views
of Quincy, _Harvard University_, i. 198, etc.; and of Prest. Woolsey
in his _Hist. Discourse_ of Aug. 14, 1850; and Prof. Kingsley in the
_Biblical Repository_, July and Oct., 1841.
The principal sources of the history of Yale College are the following:
Thomas Clap’s _Annals or History of Yale College_, New Haven, 1766. F.
B. Dexter on “The founding of Yale College,” in the _New Haven Hist.
Soc. Papers_, vol. ii., and his _Biographical sketches of the graduates
of Yale College, with annals of the college history. October, 1701-May,
1745_. N. Y. 1885. E. E. Beardsley on “Yale College and the Church,” in
Perry’s _Amer. Episc. Church_, vol. i., monograph 6. The most extensive
work is: _Yale College; a sketch of its history, with notices of its
several departments, instructors, and benefactors; together with some
account of student life and amusements. By various authors_. 2 vols.
New York. 1879. Edited by W. L. Kingsley. In this will be found a
photograph of the original portrait of Gov. Elihu Yale (i. p. 37); the
house of Saltonstall in 1708 (p. 48), a likeness of Timothy Cutler (p.
49) and his house (p. 49), with a plan of New Haven in 1749, and the
college buildings (p. 76). A less extended account is in _The College
Book_, edited by C. F. Richardson and H. A. Clark.
[188] John Marshall, in his diary, July 15, 1701, records the funeral
of William Stoughton at Dorchester, “with great honor and solemnity,
and with him much of New England’s glory.” _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._,
April, 1884, p. 155. On July 17, Samuel Willard preached a sermon on
his death, which was published. (Haven in Thomas, ii. 349.)
[189] For a portrait of Phipps, see _Brit. Mez. Portraits_, iii. 1109.
[190] Dudley’s commission is in Harvard Coll. library (Sibley’s
_Graduates_, ii. 176). His instructions (1702) are in the Mass. Hist.
Soc., and printed in their _Collections_, xxix. 101. Haliburton (_Rule
and Misrule_, etc., 235), while he praises Dudley, questions the wisdom
of the ministry which selected him to govern such a province. Cf.
Sibley, _Harvard Graduates_, ii. 166.
[191] On the 4th of June, Benj. Wadsworth preached a sermon, _King
William lamented in America_ (Harv. Col. lib., 10396.74). There is
a portrait in the Mass. Hist. Soc. gallery (_Proceedings_, vi. 33).
Cf. _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, May, 1884, for a paper on his influence in
America.
[192] Keith journeyed from New England to Carolina in 1702-4, indulging
in theological controversies which produced a crop of tracts, and in
1706 he published at London _Journal of travels from New Hampshire to
Caratuck_.
[193] This was printed in 1702, together with the House’s answer, and
the address of the ministers to Dudley. (Haven in Thomas, ii. p. 349.)
[194] Col. Quarry, who was reporting on the colonies to the home
government, said of New England: “A governor depending on the people’s
humors cannot serve the Crown.” _Mass. Hist. Coll._, iii. p. 229.
[195] Falmouth (Portland) was the most easterly seaboard port of the
English at this time.
[196] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, ix. 502.
[197] These letters are in the _Mass. Hist. Coll._, iii. 126, etc.
Cotton Mather took his accustomed satisfaction in calling the governor
“the venom of Roxbury.” _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxxviii. 418.
[198] See _post_, ch. vii.
[199] Referring to one source of information, common enough in New
England, Palfrey (iv. 342), says: “Funeral sermons are a grievous snare
to the historian.”
[200] _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 389; Palfrey, iv. 304.
[201] 1709, May. “About the tenth of this month a general impress for
soldiers ran through the Colony. Some say every tenth man was taken to
serve in this expedition.” John Marshall’s diary in _Mass. Hist. Soc.
Proc._, April, 1884, p. 160.
[202] Phototypes of contemporary prints of the Four Maquas are annexed.
They are reduced from originals (engraved by J. Simon after J. Veulst)
in the Amer. Antiq. Society’s Gallery. Cf. _Catal. Cab. Ms. Hist.
Soc._, p. 59; Smith’s _Brit. Mezzotint Portraits_, iii. 1,095, 1692;
Gay, _Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. 44, etc. Cf. also Carter-Brown, iii. 136;
Brinley, no. 5,395; Field, _Indian Bibliog._, no. 553; _Mag. of Amer.
Hist._, ii. 151, 313, 372; Sabin’s _Dictionary_, vi. p. 543; Colden’s
letters in _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1868; Addison’s _Spectator_, April
27, 1711. There was published in London at the time _The Four Indian
Kings’ Speech to her Majesty on the 20th April, translated into verse,
with their effigies, taken from the life_. In _Mass. Archives_, xxxi.,
are various papers concerning these Indians,—an order for £30 for
their use, the charges of a dinner given to them August 6, 1709, and
other accounts (nos. 62, 76, 80-83, 87).
[203] November 16, 1710. “A day of Thanksgiving on account of success
at Port Royall.” John Marshall’s diary, _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._,
April, 1884, p. 161.
[204] First ed. 1710; second, in 1715. Cf. Stevens’ _Bibl. Geog._, no.
3,039; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. p. 216; H. M. Dexter’s address on Wise
in the _Two hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the Church in Essex_,
Salem, 1884, p. 113; and Sibley’s _Harvard Graduates_, ii. 429.
[205] Various petitions to the queen during 1710-11 are in the _Mass.
Archives_, xx. pp. 133, 145, 152, 164, 170.
[206] Dudley on the 9th issued a proclamation for an embargo on
outward-bound vessels. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xi. 206.
[207] Annexed are engravings of a contemporary print, “Exact draft of
Boston harbor,” and of a ground plan of Castle William from originals
in the British Museum. See notes on the construction and history of
this fortress in _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 101, 127. The _Catal. of the
King’s Maps in the Brit. Mus._ (i. p. 216) shows a drawn plan of the
Castle, by Colonel Romer, 1705, four sheets, with a profile. Pownall’s
view of Boston (1757) shows the Castle in the foreground. (_Mem. Hist.
Boston_, ii. 127; _Columbian Mag._, Dec., 1787; Drake’s _Boston_, folio
ed.). The plan of the island as given in Pelham’s map is sketched in
_Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 127.
[208] The fleet had not been provisioned in England, in order to
conceal its destination. Walker’s _Journal_ shows that in Boston
Jonathan Belcher was the principal contractor for provisions, and Peter
Faneuil for military stores.
[209] Published in London, 1712. (Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. no. 166.)
Dummer, referring to Walker’s charges, says, “They can’t do us much,
if any, harm.” _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxi. 144. Cf. also Dummer’s
_Letter to a friend in the country on the late expedition to Canada,
with an account of former enterprises, a defence of that design and
the share the late M——rs had in it_. Lond. 1712. (Sabin, v. 21,199;
Carter-Brown, iii. no. 167.)
[210] A journal of this negotiation is printed in the _New Eng. Hist. &
Gen. Reg._, January, 1854, p. 26.
[211] See Vol. III., chapter on New England.
[212] Cf. papers on the Usher difficulty in _N. E. H. & G. Reg._, 1877,
p. 162.
[213] This recusant act occasioned a report from the attorney-general
to the queen, cited in _Shelburne Papers_, vol. 61. Cf. _Reports Hist.
MSS. Commission_, v. 228.
[214] Cf. Memoir of the Mohegans in _Mass. Hist. Coll._, viii. 73, etc.
[215] But this was not the end. It was finally settled in favor of the
colony in 1771. Cf. Trumbull’s Connecticut, i. 410, 421; De Forest’s
_Indians of Conn._, 309; _The Governor and Company of Connecticut
and Mohegan Indians by their guardians: Certified Copy of Book of
Proceedings before the Commissioners of Review_, 1743 (usually called
_The Mohegan Case_, published in 1769,—copies in Harvard College
library; Brinley, no. 2,085; Menzies, no. 1,338; Murphy, no. 660). Cf.
Palfrey, iv. 336, 364; _Trumbull Papers_ (_Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol.
xlix., index), and E. E. Beardsley on the “Mohegan land controversy,”
in _New Haven Hist. Soc. Papers_, iii. 205, and his _Life and Times of
Wm. Samuel Johnson_.
[216] Palfrey, _New Eng._, iv. 489, 495; Sibley’s _Harvard Graduates_,
iii. 277.
[217] Jeremiah Dummer, however, writes, January, 1714, of Col. Byfield,
then in England, that he is “so excessively hot against Col. Dudley
that he cannot use anybody civilly who is for him.” _Mass. Hist.
Coll._, v. 198.
[218] This tribune of the people, however, did not long survive his
victory, but died October 31, 1715, aged seventy-eight.
[219] Dr. Palfrey amply illustrates the reciprocal influence of the
old and new politics. Cf. Dr. Ellis in _Sewall Papers_, iii. 46. There
is no more pointed evidence, however, of the scant interest taken by
the wits of London in the current politics and customs of the American
colonies than the fact that among the multitudinous pictorial satires
of the period, preserved in the British Museum and noted in its _Catal.
of prints, Satires_ (ii., iii., and iv., 1689-1763), there is scarce
a single purely American subject. One or two about the confronting of
the English and French in the Ohio valley, and incidentally touching
English successes in American waters, are the only ones noted in a
somewhat careful examination. _Catal. of prints in the Brit. Mus.
Satires_, iii. pp. 927, 972, 1100.
[220] Mather was very complacent over this event, and called Shute of a
“very easy, candid, gentlemanly temper.” _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxxviii.
420.
[221] Discussions of the king’s rights to the woods of Maine and New
England are in the documents (1718-1726, etc.) collected in Chalmers’s
_Opinions of Eminent Lawyers_, i. 110, 115, 118, 136, 138.
[222] Cf. Barry, _Mass._, ii. 109.
[223] But compare a paper by Geo. H. Moore in _Boston Daily
Advertiser_, May 12, 1882.
[224] Cotton Mather would have it that the governor was not at fault,
when he called him “a person born to make every one easy and happy,
that his benign rays can reach unto,” as he said in a letter of Nov.
4, 1758, printed in the _Flying Post_ of May 14-16, 1719. (Harv. Coll.
lib., 10396.92.)
[225] See _post_, ch. vii., Shute’s letter to “Ralleé,” Feb. 21, 1718,
in which he says that if war occurs it will be because of the urging of
the popish missionaries. (_Mass. Hist. Col._, v.)
[226] Cf. Edw. Eggleston on “Commerce in the Colonies” in _The
Century_, xxviii. 236; also Macy’s _Nantucket_. The practice of taking
whales in boats from the shore is said to have been introduced into
Nantucket by Ichabod Paddock from Cape Cod. “Nantucket men are the only
New England whalers at present,” says Douglass (_Summary_, etc., 1747,
vol. i. p. 59; also p. 296).
[227] J. L. Bishop’s _Hist. of Amer. Manuf._ (1861), i. p. 491.
[228] Cf. on parliamentary restrictions of their trade, Edw. Eggleston
in _The Century_, vol. xxviii. p. 252, etc. See on industries of the
province, Palfrey, iv. 429; Lodge’s _Eng. Colonies_, 410, 411; also
the tracts: _Brief account of the state of the Province of Mass. Bay,
civil and ecclesiastical_, _by a lover of his country_ (1717), and
_Melancholy circumstances of the Province_ (1719). Cf. Haven in Thomas,
ii. p. 382. Sir Josiah Child in 1677 had expounded for the first time
the restrictive system in his _New Discourse of Trade_, which was
not, however, published in London till 1694, but was various times
reprinted later. He called New England “the most prejudicial plantation
to the kingdom of England,” inhabited as it was “by a sort of people
called puritans.” Cf. John Adams’ _Works_, x. 328, 330, 332; Scott,
_Development of Constitutional Liberty_, 208. Otis in his speech on the
Writs of Assistance cites Child, as well as Joshua Gee’s _Trade and
Navigation of Great Britain Considered_ (London, 1729), which was the
first to make evident the policy of making the colonies subserve the
public revenue, as they already under the navigation acts bettered the
private trade of the mother country. This book was reprinted at London
in 1730, 1738, and at Glasgow in 1735, 1760, and in “a new edition,
with many interesting notes and additions by a merchant,” in 1767. Cf.
John Adams’ _Works_, x. 335, 350; Scott, _Development of Constitutional
Liberty_ (1882), 216.
[229] They settled on the left bank of the Merrimac, and gave the name
of Londonderry (whence in Ireland they came) to the new town. Cf.
Parker’s _Hist. of Londonderry, N. H._; and _Maine Hist. Soc. Coll._,
vi. p. 1.
[230] Cf. Bishop’s _Hist. of Amer. Manufactures_, i. 331.
[231] _Record Com. Rept._, viii. 157.
[232] The Boston ministers, Mather, Wadsworth, and Colman, issued a
flying sheet in 1719, _A Testimony against Evil Customs_, in which they
regretted that ordinations, weddings, trainings, and huskings were
made the occasion of unseemly merriment, and that lectures were not
more generally attended. (Harv. Coll. lib., 10396.92.) Lodge (_Short
Hist. Eng. Colonies_, 463) indicates the change which converted the
simple burial of the early colonists to an ostentatious display in the
provincial period.
[233] When young men like Franklin were pondering on Collins and
Shaftesbury, liberalism was alarming.
[234] April 2, 1720.
[235] Josiah Quincy’s _History of Harvard University_, i. ch. xi.
[236] Cf. Perry’s _Amer. Episc. Church_, i. ch. xiv.; and monograph vi.
by E. E. Beardsley in the same. Sprague’s _Amer. Annals_, v. 50.
[237] Douglass claims that it was he who drew the attention of that
“credulous vain creature, Mather, jr.,” to the account of inoculations
in the _Philosophical Transactions_, xxxii. 169.
[238] _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxxviii. 448, 449.
[239] The inoculation controversy produced a crowd of tracts. Cf.
Haven’s bibliog. in Thomas, ii. pp. 388-393, 395, 420-422, 444, 456,
515,—extending over thirty years; _Brinley Catal._, no. 1,645, etc.;
Hutchinson, ii. 248; Barry, ii. 115; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iv. 535.
Franklin wrote _Some account of the success of inoculation for the
small-pox in England and America_, which was printed in London in 1758
(8 pp.), and is reprinted in the _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xvii. 7.
[240] The most distinguished of the Boston printers was Bartholomew
Green, who died in 1733. Cf. Thomas’ _Hist. of Printing_, and ch. vii.
and viii. of Bishop’s _Hist. of Amer. Manufactures_ (1861).
[241] Franklin’s paper, however, did much to arouse the ministers to
the conception of the fact that there was a force in the public press
to direct the public sense, superior to the power of the pulpit, which
must perforce be content with a diminishing power.
[242] This was published in London and Boston, 1721 (again Boston,
1721, 1768, and London, 1765). Sabin, v. no. 21,197; Carter-Brown, iii.
300. Tyler (_Am. Lit._, ii. 119) is in error in placing its publication
in 1728. The tract has been greatly praised. James Otis referred to
it with commendation in his great Writs-of-Assistance speech. John
Adams (_Works_, x. 343) calls it “one of our most classical American
productions.” Tudor (_Life of Otis_, ch. vi.) thinks that in point
of style it vies with any writing before the Revolution. Grahame
(iii. 72) says it has a great deal of interesting information and
ingenious argument. Bancroft (revised ed., ii. 247) gives it credit for
influence, and makes a synopsis.
[243] Sabin, xv. 65,582.
[244] See _post_, ch. vii.
[245] See _post_, ch. vii.
[246] Of John Wentworth (b. 1672), lieut.-gov. of N. H. from 1717
to his death, in 1730, there is a portrait in the gallery of the
Mass. Hist. Soc. Cf. _Catal. Cabinet, Mass. Hist. Soc._, no. 16;
_Proceedings_, i. 124. Blackburn’s portrait of him is engraved in
the _Wentworth Genealogy_, which gives a full account of the family,
embracing the genealogical material earlier published in the _N. E. H.
& G. Reg._, 1850, p. 321; 1863, p. 65; 1868, p. 120; also, 1878, p. 434.
[247] Cf. Caleb Heathcote’s charges (1719) on this point in _R. I. Col.
Rec._, iv. 258; _R. I. Hist. Mag._, April, 1885, p. 270^a.
[248] See Vol. III. p. 379.
[249] Papers relating to the governor’s memorial are noted in _Brit.
Mus. MSS._, no. 15,486. _The Report of the Lords of the Committee
upon Governor Shute’s Memorial with his Majesty’s Order in Council
thereupon_, was printed in Boston in 1725. (Harv. Col. lib., 10352.4;
Haven in Thomas, ii. p. 402.)
[250] It is spread on the Boston Records. Cf. _Rec. Com. Rept._, viii.
178.
[251] See _Mass. Hist. Coll._, i. 32.
[252] This document is in the _Mass. State Archives_. It was printed
in Boston in 1725 (pp. 8), and has been since included in the several
collections of Charters and Laws. The original parchment hangs in
the office of the secretary of the commonwealth. Cf. _Report to the
Legislature of Massachusetts upon the Condition of the Records, Files,
Papers and Documents in the Secretary’s Department, January, 1885_, pp.
15, 16.
[253] Fort Dummer was repaired in 1740. On determining the bounds
between Massachusetts and New Hampshire, it was brought within the
latter province. (B. H. Hall, _Eastern Vermont_, i. 15, 27; Temple and
Sheldon, _Northfield_, 199; Shirley, letter, Nov. 30, 1748, in _Mass.
Hist. Coll._, iii. 106; _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vol. v.)
[254] It seems to have been a satisfaction to Cotton Mather, that “the
hairy scalp of Father Rallee paid for what hand he had in the rebellion
into which he infuriated his proselytes.” Cf. Cotton Mather’s _Waters
of Marah Sweetened_ (Boston, 1725), an essay on the death of Capt.
Josiah Winslow in a fight with the Indians at Green Island, May 1, 1724.
[255] See post, ch. vii.
[256] It was not till 1773 that a compromise fixed the western line of
Massachusetts, and not till 1787 was it finally run.
[257] Cf. Dr. Douglass, _Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, xxxii. 172.
[258] “The great misery of Cotton Mather was his vanity; and this
gangrene, first applying to his literary, then to his social, may
ultimately have tainted his moral, reputation, in the judgment of his
fellow citizens.” Jas. Savage in _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxxii. 129.
[259] Corner of Kilby and State streets, according to present names.
[260] A Poem, _presented to his excellency William Burnet [t], Esq.; on
his arrival at Boston_ [Boston, 1728?] 5 pp., is not to be confounded
with this poem by Mather Byles.
[261] _Rec. Com. Report_, viii. 226. (Sept. 30, 1728.)
[262] _A Collection of the Proceedings of the Great and General Court
or Assembly of His Majesty’s Province of the Massachusetts Bay in
New England, containing several instructions from the Crown, to the
Council and Assembly of that province, for fixing a salary on the
governour, and their determinations thereon, as also the methods taken
by the Court for supporting the several Governours, since the arrival
of the present charter._ Boston, 1729. (Harv. Col. lib., 10352.6;
Carter-Brown, iii. no. 434). Cf. Jeremiah Dummer’s _Letter dated Aug.
10, 1729, on the Assembly fixing the governor’s salary_. (Sabin, v.
21,200; Haven in Thomas, ii. p. 418.) Year after year the effusive
arguments on the House’s side are spread upon the town records, in the
instructions given to the members from Boston.
[263] Haven in Thomas, ii. 418.
[264] Thomas Foxcroft, however, delivered (Aug. 23, 1730) a century
sermon, to commemorate the founding of Boston, which is printed.
(Haven’s list in Thomas, ii. p. 421.)
[265] Alexander Blaikie’s _Hist. of Presbyterianism in New England_,
Boston, 1881,—a book unskilful in literary form and unwise in spirit.
A far better book is Chas. A. Briggs’s _Amer. Presbyterianism,
its Origin and Early History_, New York, 1885,—a book showing
more research than any of its predecessors. Cf. also Chas. Hodge’s
_Constitutional Hist. of the Presbyterian Church in the U. S._ (Phil.
1851); Richard Webster’s _Hist. of the Presbyterian Church in America
to 1760_ (Phil. 1857); E. H. Gillett, _Hist. of the Presbyterian Church
in the U. S._ revised ed. (Phil. 1864), etc.
[266] “Belcher was not a paper money governor,” says Douglass
(_Summary_, etc., i. 377); “he was well acquainted in the commercial
world.”
[267] Cf. his _Faithful narrative of the surprising work of God in the
conversion of many hundred souls, etc. Written on November 6, 1736,
with a preface by Dr. Watts_, etc., London, 1737 (two editions); and
“with a shorter preface added by some of the ministers of Boston,”
third ed., Boston, 1738. (Cf. _Prince Catal._, p. 22; and Carter-Brown,
iii. nos. 563, 577, 578.) After the coming of Whitefield, he published
_Some thoughts concerning the present revival of Religion_ (Boston,
1742; Edinburgh, 1743; Worcester, 1808),—perhaps the strongest
presentation of the revivalists’ side. Cf. Dexter’s _Bibliography_,
no. 3092; Quincy’s _Harvard University_, ii.; _Poole’s Index_, p. 393.
A Catholic view of the successive New England modifications of faith
since Jonathan Edwards is in the _Amer. Cath. Quart. Rev._, x. 95
(1885).
[268] Cf. annexed extract from Popple’s _British Empire in America_.
The maps of Herman Moll are the chief ones, immediately antecedent to
Popple’s. One of Moll’s, called “New England, New York, New Jersey,
and Pennsylvania,” is in Oldmixon’s _Brit. Empire in America_, 1708.
In 1729 he included what he called a “Map of New England, New York,
New Jersey, and Pennsylvania” in his _New Survey of the Globe_. It
singularly enough omits the Kennebec and Penobscot rivers. A somewhat
amusing transformation of names is found in a map published by Homann,
at Nuremberg, _Nova Anglia Anglorum Coloniis florentissima_. David
Humphrey’s _Hist. Acc. of the Society for the propagation of the Gospel
in Foreign Parts_ has also a “Map of New England, New York, New Jersey,
and Pennsylvania, by H. Moll, geographer,” in which the towns are
marked to which missionaries had been sent. It is dated 1730.
Douglass in 1729, referring to maps of New England, wrote, “There is
not one extant but what is intolerably and grossly erroneous.” In the
same letter Douglass gives some notion of the uncertain cartography of
that day. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, xxxii. 186.
[269] Chauncy is claimed by the modern Universalists as prefiguring
their faith. Cf. Whittemore’s _Modern Hist. of Universalism_; and _Mem.
Hist. Boston_, iii. 488. See the characterization of Chauncy in Tyler’s
_Amer. Literature_, ii. 200; and his portrait in _Mem. Hist. Boston_,
ii. 226.
[270] _Summary_, etc., i. p. 250.
[271] The expostulatory and polemical literature of the “Great
Awakening in New England” is abundantly set forth in Haven’s list
appended to the Antiq. Soc. ed. of Thomas’s _History of Printing_, vol.
ii., and in the _Collections towards a bibliog. of Congregationalism_,
appended by Dr. H. M. Dexter to his _Congregationalism as seen in its
Literature_, to be found in chronological order in both places between
1736 and 1750; and in the _Prince Catalogue_, p. 65. Thomas Prince
supported, and his son published, during the excitement, a periodical
called _The Christian History, containing accounts of the revival
and propagation of religion in Great Britain, America, etc._ (March
5, 1743, to February 23, 1744-5, in 104 numbers). Cf. Thomas, _Hist.
Printing_, Am. Antiq. Soc. ed., ii. 66. A letter of Chas. Chauncy to
Mr. George Wishart, concerning the state of religion in New England
(1742), is printed in the _Clarendon Hist. Soc. Reprints_, no. 7
(1883). Chauncy’s _Seasonable Thoughts on the State of Religion in
New England_, Boston, 1743, is the main expression of his position
in the controversy, followed up by a _Letter to the Rev. Mr. George
Whitefield_, (Boston, 1743), in vindication of passages in the
_Seasonable Thoughts_ which Whitefield had controverted. (Carter-Brown,
iii. no. 813, for this and other tracts of that year.) Whitefield’s
journals were frequently issued (Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 631-34,
669-70), and the most comprehensive of the modern Lives of Whitefield
is that by Tyerman (London, 1876). _Poole’s Index_ (p. 1406) gives the
clues to the mass of periodical literature on Whitefield. Cf. Tracy’s
_Great Awakening_ (1842). In Connecticut the controversy between the
New Lights (revivalists) and the Old Lights took on a more virulent
form than in Massachusetts. (Cf. Trumbull, Hollister, etc.) About the
best of the condensed narratives of the “Great Awakening” is that of
Dr. Palfrey in his _Compendious Hist. of New England_, iv. ch. 7 and 8,
the latter chapter outlining the course of the commotion in Connecticut.
[272] Cf. Ellis Ames’ paper on the part taken by Massachusetts in this
expedition, with extracts from the Council Records. _Mass. Hist. Soc.
Proc._, 1881, vol. xviii. p. 364.
“1740, Apr. 17. Orders arrived [in Boston] to declare the warr in
form against Spain, and accordingly it was proclaimed with the usual
solemnity at Boston the twenty-first.” “Oct. 1740. Five companies, the
quota of Massachusetts for the West Indian expedition, sailed.” Paul
Dudley’s diary in _N. E. H. & G. Reg._, 1881, pp. 29, 30.
[273] Sabin, xv. 65,585, with a long list of Prince’s other
publications.
[274] See. _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. p. 202; _Amer. Mag._ (1834), i. p.
81.
[275] Cf. sketch of the history of the Navigation Laws in Viscount
Bury’s _Exodus of the Western Nations_, ii. ch. 2.
[276] Cf. ch. viii. of W. E. Foster’s _Stephen Hopkins_ (_Rhode Island
Tracts_, no. 19), tracing these restrictions of trade as a proximate
cause of the Amer. Revolution, and his references. A petition of the
town of Boston in 1735, to the General Court, asking for relief from
taxation, sets forth the condition of trade at this time, and gives the
following schedule of the cost of maintaining the town’s affairs: For
the poor, £2,069; the watch, £1,200; ministry, £8,000; other purposes,
£4,630; county tax, £1,682; imposts, £1,400. _Boston Town Records_
(1729-1742), p. 120.
[277] The correspondence between Belcher and Waldron is in the keeping
of the N. H. Hist. Soc., and some of it is printed in the _N. H. Prov.
Papers_, iv. 866, etc.
[278] There is a view of the Wentworth house at Newcastle in Gay’s
_Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. 199; and in John Albee’s _Newcastle historic
and picturesque, Boston_, 1884, p. 70. For the old “Province House,”
see Ibid. p. 36.
[279] _A proposal for the better supplying of churches in our foreign
plantations, and for converting the savage Americans to Christianity,
by a college to be erected in the Summer islands, otherwise called
the isles of Bermuda._ London. 1725. Berkeley published this tract
anonymously.
[280] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xvii. 94.
[281] Cf. D. C. Gilman on Berkeley’s gifts to Yale College in _New
Haven Col. Hist. Soc. Papers_, vol. i. See the house in Mason’s
_Newport_, p. 73, and in Kingsley’s _Yale College_, i. p. 60. Cf. also
Perry’s _Hist. of the American Episcopal Church_, i. pp. 532, 545
[282] Cf. Moses Coit Tyler’s “Dean Berkeley’s sojourn in America”
in Perry’s _Hist. of the Amer. Episcopal Church_, i. p. 519; A. C.
Fraser’s _Works of Berkeley_, with _Life and Letters of Berkeley_,
Oxford, 1871, and his subsequent _Berkeley_, 1881. Some letters of
Berkeley from Newport, among the Egmont MSS., are printed in _Hist.
MSS. Com. Report_, vii. 242. Cf. also D. C. Gilman in _Hours at
Home_, i. 115; Tuckerman’s _America and her Commentators_, p. 162; E.
E. Beardsley in _Amer. Church Rev._, Oct. 1881; Bancroft’s _United
States_, final revision, ii. 266; Noah Porter’s _Two Hundredth Birthday
of Bishop Berkeley_ (New York, 1885); Sprague’s _Amer. Pulpit_, v.
63, and references in _Poole’s Index_, p. 114. Douglass poked fun at
Berkeley in his own scattering way. _Summary_, i. p. 149.
[283] Cf. Sheffield’s address on _The Privateersmen. of Newport_.
[284] Cf. _Hist. Sketch of the fortification Defences of Narragansett
Bay_, by Gen. Geo. W. Cullum (Washington, 1884).
[285] The ministers of Boston in a memorial, Dec. 5, 1737, did what
they could to counteract the machinations of Belcher’s enemies. _Mass.
Hist. Coll._, xxii. 272.
[286] John Adams, with something of the warring politician’s onset,
says of Shirley that he was a “crafty, busy, ambitious, intriguing,
enterprising man; and having mounted to the chair of this province,
he saw in a young, growing country vast prospects of ambition opening
before his eyes, and conceived great designs of aggrandizing himself,
his family, and his friends.” _Novanglus_, in _Works_, iv. 18, 19.
[287] Cf. Elias Nason’s _Life of Sir Henry Frankland_; Dr. O. W.
Holmes’ Poem of “Agnes;” _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. p. 526; and the
Appendix to the _Boston Evacuation Memorial_.
[288] His portrait in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Gallery is engraved in the
_Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 260. There is a steel engraving in the _Mag.
of Am. Hist._, Aug., 1882. Cf. _Catal. Cab. Mass. Hist. Soc._, no. 77.
[289] New England had under 400,000 population at this time, of whom
200,000 were in Mass., 100,000 in Conn., and Rhode Island and New
Hampshire had about 30,000 each.
[290] Lotteries were becoming in Massachusetts a favorite method of
raising money in the latter half of the eighteenth century. Cf. H. B.
Staples on the _Province Laws_ (1884), p. 9; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iv.
503.
[291] A Boston fisherman, who had seen the burning fort at Canseau,
gave the colonies notice of the outbreak of the war. Shirley at once
sent a message to Gov. Mascarene at Annapolis to hold out till he could
be reinforced. The messenger being captured, the French vessels had
time to escape before Capt. Edward Tyng, who left Boston July 2d with a
force, could arrive. He reached Annapolis July 4, to find Le Loutre and
his Indians besieging the town. The enemy withdrew; Tyng threw men into
the fort, and by the 13th was back in Boston. Capt. John Rouse, the
Boston privateersman, had also been sent off during the summer, and had
made havoc among the French fishing stations on the Newfoundland shore.
[292] See _post_, ch. vii.
[293] _R. I. Col. Record_, v. 100, 102.
[294] Shirley despatched expresses the next day. His letter to Wanton,
of Rhode Island, urged him to store up powder. A few weeks later,
Phips, the lieutenant-governor, writes to the governor of Rhode
Island, Aug. 14, 1745: “This province is exhausted of men, provisions,
clothing, ammunition, and other things necessary for the support of the
garrison at Louisbourg. If his Majesty’s other provinces and colonies
will not do something more than they have done for the maintaining of
this conquest, we apprehend great danger that the place will fall into
the enemy’s hands again.” _R. I. Col. Records_, v. p. 142.
[295] Cf. _A brief state of the services and expences of the Province
of Massachusetts Bay in the common cause._ London, 1765. (Carter-Brown,
iii. 1467.)
[296] Christopher Kilby, the agent of the province, had, July 1, 1746,
memorialized the home government to send succor to the colonies, in
case a French fleet was sent against them. _Pepperrell Papers_, ed.
by A. H. Hoyt (Boston, 1874), p. 5. Cf. _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 119.
Kilby was the province’s agent from Feb. 20, 1744, to Nov. 1748. Cf.
_Mass. Archives_, xx. 356, 409, 469. The relations of the province with
its agents are set forth in vols. xx.-xxii. of the _Archives_. Cf. the
chapter on the Royal Governors, by Geo. E. Ellis, in the _Mem. Hist.
Boston_, ii. The apprehension was strong in England that D’Anville
would succeed in recovering Acadia and establish himself at Chebuctou,
“which it is evident they design by their preparations.” _Bedford
Corresp._, i. 156.
[297] The Duke of Bedford, who was the chief English patron of the
expedition of 1746, recognized how great the exhaustion of the colonies
had been in doing their part to bring the movement about. _Bedford
Corresp._, i. 182.
[298] War was burdensome; but it had some relief. A Boston ship
belonging to Josiah Quincy had, by exposing hats and coats on
handspikes above her rail, allured a heavier Spanish ship into a
surrender; and when the lucky deceiver brought her prize into Boston,
the boxes of gold and silver which were carted through the streets
required an armed guard for their protection. Other profits were less
creditable. Governor Cornwallis writes from Halifax (November 27,
1750) to the Lords of Trade: “Some gentlemen of Boston who have long
served the government, [and] because they have not the supplying of
everything, have done all the mischief they could. Their substance,
which they have got from the public, enables them to distress and
domineer. Without them they say we can’t do, and so must comply with
what terms they think proper to impose. These are Messrs. Apthorp and
Hancock, the two richest merchants in Boston,—made so by the public
money, and now wanton in their insolent demands.” Akins’ _Pub. Doc.
of Nova Scotia_, 630. Thomas Hancock’s letter book (April, 1745-June,
1750), embracing many letters to Kilby, in London, is now in the Mass.
Hist. Society’s Cabinet. It is a sufficient exposure of the mercenary
spirit affecting the operations of these contractors of supplies.
[299] _Mass. Hist. Coll._, ix. 264; Bishop, _Amer. Manuf._, i. 486-7.
[300] Douglass (_Summary_, i. 552-3) enumerates the frontier forts and
cantonments maintained against the French and the Indians, to the west
and to the east.
[301] _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1870.
[302] Shirley was commissioned in 1754, as was Pepperrell also, to
raise a regiment in America for the regular service. His instructions
are in the _Penna. Archives_, ii. 178. Cf. Sir Thomas Robinson’s letter
about enlistments in Shirley’s regiment, in _New Jersey Archives_,
viii. Part 2d, p. 17.
[303] Cf. various pamphlets on the state of Conn. at this time, noted
by Haven (in Thomas), ii. p. 524-5.
[304] What seem to be the best figures to be reached regarding the
population of the English colonies at the opening of the war would
place the total at something over a million. This sum is reached
thus: In 1749 Maryland had 100,000. In 1752, Georgia had 3,000, and
South Carolina 25,000. In 1754, Nova Scotia had 4,000. In 1755, North
Carolina had 50,000; Virginia, 125,000; New Jersey, 75,000; New
Hampshire, 75,000. Estimates must be made for the others: Pennsylvania,
220,000 (including 100,000 German and other foreign immigrants);
Connecticut, 100,000; Rhode Island, 30,000; New York, 55,000, and
Massachusetts, 200,000. This foots up 1,062,000.
[305] Quite in keeping with the fervor of the hour was a pamphlet which
the last London ship had brought, _A scheme to drive the French out
of all the Continent of America_ [by T. C.], which Fowle, the Boston
printer, immediately reissued. (Harv. Coll. lib., 4376.31.)
[306] For his military conduct during the following campaign, the
reader must turn to chapters vii. and viii.
[307] While they were watching at Boston every tidings of the war from
the east and from the west, the gossips were weaving about the trial of
Phillis and Mark for the poisoning of their master all the suspicions
which unsettle the sense of social security; and when in September the
common law of England asserted its dominance, the man was hanged, while
the woman was burned, the last instance in our criminal history of this
dread penalty for petit treason was recorded. Cf. A. C. Goodell, Jr.,
in _Proceedings Mass. Hist. Soc._ (March, 1883), and in a separate
enlarged issue of the same paper. It is well not to forget that while
in old England at this time there were 160 capital offences, there were
less than one tenth as many in Massachusetts. These are enumerated by
H. B. Staples in his paper on the _Province Laws_ (1884), p. 10.
[308] _A lecture on earthquakes; read in Cambridge, November 26th,
1755, on occasion of the earthquake which shook New-England the
week before._ Boston, 1755. 38 pp. 8^o. Haven’s Ante-Revolutionary
bibliography in Thomas’s _Hist. of Printing_ (Amer. Antiq. Soc. ed.),
ii. pp. 524-532, 549, shows numerous publications occasioned by this
earthquake. Cf. Drake’s _Boston_, p. 640.
[309] It is not unlikely that enlistments were impeded by a breach of
faith with the New England troops, for they had been detained at the
eastward beyond their term of enlistment. Shirley remonstrated about
it to Gov. Lawrence, of Nova Scotia. Cf. Akins’ _Pub. Doc. of Nov.
Scotia_, 421, 428. Gov. Livingston in 1756 wrote: “The New England
colonies take the lead in all military matters.... In these governments
lies the main strength of the British interests upon this continent.”
[310] For a portrait of Pownall see _Mem. Hist. of Boston_, ii. 63.
Cf. _Catal. Cabinet Mass. Hist. Soc._, no. 6. Pownall’s private letter
book, covering his correspondence during the war, was in a sale at
Bangs’s in New York, February, 1854 (no. 1342).
[311] He took the oath June 16. His commission is printed in the _N. E.
Hist. and Gen. Reg._, July, 1867, p. 208.
[312] Parsons’ _Sir William Pepperrell_, p. 307.
[313] H. C. Lodge, _Short Hist. of the Eng. Colonies_, p. 429; _Mem.
Hist. Boston_, ii. p. 467; J. G. Shea in _Am. Cath. Quart. Rev._, viii.
144.
[314] “I am here,” writes Pownall, September 6, 1757, “at the head of
what is called a rich, flourishing, powerful, enterprising colony,—’t
is all puff, ’t is all false; they are ruined and undone in their
circumstances.” (_Pownall’s Letter Book._) _A brief State of the
Services and Expences of the Province of the Massachusett’s Bay in the
Common Cause_, London, 1765, sets forth the charges upon the province
during the wars since 1690. Cf. Parkman, _Montcalm and Wolfe_, ii.
84; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xx. 53; _Collections_, vi. 44, 47.
Walsh in his _Appeal_ (p. 131) says that it was asserted in the House
of Commons in 1778 that 10,000 of the seamen in the British navy in
1756 were of American birth. “From the year 1754 to 1762, there were
raised by Massachusetts, 35,000 men; and for three years successively
7,000 men each year.... An army of seven thousand, compared with the
population of Massachusetts in the middle of the last century, is
considerably greater than an army of one million for France in the time
of Napoleon.” Edw. Everett on “The Seven Years’ War the School of the
Revolution,” in his _Orations_, i. p. 392.
[315] See _post_, ch. vii.
[316] _Grenville Corresp._, i. 305.
[317] The establishment of Fort Pownall effectually overawed the
neighboring Indians. Cf. W. D. Williamson’s _Notice of Orono_ in Mass.
Hist. Coll., xxix. 87.
[318] Cf. _post_, ch. viii.
[319] “Pownall thought there ought to be a good understanding
between the capital and country, and a harmony between both and the
government.... Pownall was the most constitutional and national
governor, in my opinion, who ever represented the Crown in this
province.” _John Adams’ Works_, x. 242, 243.
[320] Whitehead’s _Perth Amboy_.
[321] It was through his suggestion that Harvard College published in
1761 a collection of Greek, Latin, and English verses, commemorating
George II. and congratulating George III., called _Pietas et
Gratulatio_. Cf. _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 431, and references.
[322] Vol. III. p. 345. Sibley’s _Harvard Graduates_, iii. 79.
Typographical errors in the book are very numerous, as Mather did not
have a chance to correct the type. A page of “errata” was printed,
but is found in few copies. Some copies have been completed by a
fac-simile of the page, which Mr. Charles Deane has caused to be made.
Some copies of the book exist on large paper. (_Hist. Mag._, ii. 123;
_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, ii. 37.) The Hartford ed. of 1820 was printed
from a copy without this list of errata, and so preserves the original
crop of errors. So did the edition of 1853; but the sheets of this,
with a memoir by S. G. Drake added, were furnished with a new title in
1855, in which it is professed that the errors have been corrected;
but the profession is said not to be true. (_Hist. Mag._, i. 29.) An
exceptionally fine copy of the original edition, well bound, will
bring $40 to $50. Holmes (_Amer. Annals_, 2d ed., i. 544) says of the
_Magnalia_ that its “author believed more and discriminated less than
becomes a writer of history.”
[323] _Mass. Hist. Coll._, v. 200.
[324] Preface to Neal’s _History_, p. vii.
[325] Cf. Sibley, _Harvard Graduates_, for editions (iii. 151).
[326] See Vol. III. p. 345.
[327] _Harvard Graduates_, iii. 32.
[328] _Sermon on Mather’s Death._
[329] Out of this book was published in London, in 1744, _An abridgment
of the life of the late Reverend and learned Dr. Cotton Mather, taken
from the account of him published by his son, by David Jennings_.
_Recommended by I. Watts, D. D._
[330] Grahame (i. 425), taking his cue from Quincy, says of Cotton
Mather that “a strong and acute understanding, though united with real
piety, was sometimes corrupted by a deep vein of passionate vanity and
absurdity.”
[331] In Sparks’s _Amer. Biog._, vol. vi.
[332] Sibley, _Harvard Graduates_, iii. 158, gives a list of
authorities on Mather, which may be supplemented by the references
in Poole’s _Index to Periodical Literature_. Sibley’s count of his
printed and manuscript productions (456 in all) is the completest yet
made. Samuel Mather gives 382 titles as the true number of his distinct
printed books and tracts.
[333] It is usually priced at figures ranging from $7.00 to $10.00.
[334] _Mass. Hist. Coll._, v. 201.
[335] Douglass, with his usual swagger, points out (_Summary_, etc., i.
362-3) various errors of Neal.
[336] Harvard Col. lib., no. 6372.12.
[337] Carter-Brown, iii. 899; Sabin, v. 20,726. Cf. present _History_,
Vol. III. p. 346.
[338] The suppression, however, was incomplete. The numbers already out
could not be recalled, and it is these bound up which constitute volume
i. in many copies of the book, and the preface in which the suppression
is promised is often bound with them. Rich (_Catal._, 1832, p. 94)
had seen none of the proper independent issues of vol. i., in which
the suppression was made, and in these copies, sig. Ff. (pp. 233-40)
is reset, as well as other parts of the volume, though not all of it.
A note in vol. i. (pp. 254-5), not bearing gently on Knowles, was
suffered to stand.
[339] Sabin (vol. v. 20,726) says that some copies of vol. ii., which
have an appendix from Salmon’s _Geog. and Hist. Grammar_, are dated
1753. The Sparks (no. 780) and Murphy (no. 814) catalogues note
Boston editions in 1755. In the last year (1755) and in 1760 the book
was reprinted in London, with a map; but Rich and the Carter-Brown
catalogue seem to err in saying that the 1760 edition was one with a
new title merely. Sabin (vol. v. 20,727-28) says the edition of 1760
has a few alterations and corrections.
[340] Douglass loftily says (i. p. 310), in defence of his digressions:
“This Pindarick or loose way of writing ought not to be confined to
lyric poetry; it seems to be more agreeable by its variety and turns
than a rigid, dry, connected account of things.”
[341] _Mass. Bay_, ii. 78. Cf. Grahame, ii. 167. Douglass himself says
with amusing confidence (_Summary_, etc., i. 356): “I have no personal
disregard or malice, and do write of the present times, as if these
things had been transacted 100 years since.”
[342] Vol. ii. pp. 151-157.
[343] Cf. Tuckerman’s _America and her Commentators_, p. 184.
[344] _Summary_, etc., i. 362.
[345] See Vol. III. p. 377.
[346] Cf. Alvah Hovey’s _Life and Times of Isaac Backus_, 1858, p.
281; and Sprague’s _Annals of the Amer. Pulpit_. It was while mainly
depending on the _Magnalia_ and Backus that H. F. Uhden wrote his
_Geschichte der Congregationalisten in Neu England bis 1740_, of which
there is an English version by H. C. Conant, _New England Theocracy_,
Boston, 1858.
[347] An eminent Catholic authority, John G. Shea, in the _Amer. Cath.
Q. Rev._, ix. (1884) p. 70, on “Puritanism in New England,” has said:
“New England has framed not only her own history, but to a great extent
the whole history of this country as it is generally read and popularly
understood.... Schools made New Englanders a reading and writing
people, and no subject was more palatable than themselves.... The
consequence is that the works on New England history exceed those of
all other parts of the country.... The general histories of the United
States, like those of Bancroft and Hildreth, are written from the New
England point of view, and Palfrey embodies in an especial manner the
whole genius and development of their distinctive autonomy, with all
the extenuating circumstances, the deprecating apologies, the clever
and artistic arrangement in the background, of all that might offend
the present taste.”
[348] See Vol. III. p. 344. Cf. also Chas. Deane’s _Bibliog. Essay on
Gov. Hutchinson’s historical publications_ (privately printed, 1857, as
well as in the _Hist. Mag._, Apr., 1857, and _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._)
and Sabin’s _Dictionary_, xi. p. 22. Cf. Bancroft, _United States_,
orig. ed., v. 228.
[349] Vol. III. p. 344. There is a rather striking portrait of Judge
Minot (b. 1758; d. 1802), which is reproduced in heliotype in the
_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, i. p. 42.
[350] Vol. III. p. 364. The MS. of Williamson’s _History_ is in Harvard
College library. Mr. John S. C. Abbott published a popular _History of
Maine_ at Boston in 1875.
[351] Cf. Vol. III. p. 376.
[352] Vol. III. p. 368. There are two portraits of Belknap by Henry
Sargent in the gallery of the Mass. Hist. Soc. (cf. _Catal. Cab. M.
H. Soc._, nos. 34, 35, with engravings, p. 37), and the introduction
to the first volume of the _Proceedings_ of that society gives his
portrait and tells the story of his chief influence in forming that
society. Cf. also the index to _Belknap Papers_, 2 vols., published by
that society in 1877, and reissued with an app. in 1882; and the _Life
of Jeremy Belknap, with selections from his correspondence and other
writings, collected and arranged by his granddaughter_ [Mrs. Marcou],
N. Y., 1847.
[353] Cf. the Belknap-Hazard correspondence in the _Belknap Papers_,
published by the Mass. Hist. Soc., in _Collections_, vol. xlii.; and
_N. H. Hist. Coll._, vol. i.
[354] Sabin, ii. 4,434.
[355] Sabin, ii. 4,435-36.
[356] Sabin, ii. 4,437.
[357] Cf. John Le Bosquet’s _Memorial of John Farmer_, Boston, 1884.
[358] See Vol. III. p. 343.
[359] _Hist. New Eng._, iv. p. xi.
[360] Vol. IV. p. 366.
[361] _Report_, etc., p. 17; Moore, _Final notes_, etc., p. 114; Ellis
Ames in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xviii. 366.
[362] Hutchinson, ii. 213.
[363] _Report of Commissioners on the records, files_, etc., 1885, p.
21.
[364] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xx. p. 34.
[365] _Report_, etc., ut supra, on “General Court Records,” p. 17.
[366] _Report_, etc., p. 24. Beside the “Mather Papers,” which refer
to the colonial period, the _Prince Catalogue_ shows the “Cotton and
Prince Papers” (p. 153) and the “Hinckley Papers” (p. 154), which
extend beyond the colonial into the provincial period. Gov. Belcher’s
letter-books are preserved in the cabinet of the Mass. Hist. Soc. Vol.
i. begins with Sept., 1731, and his connection with Boston ceases
in vol. v., where also his letters from New Jersey begin and are
continued to Dec., 1755. (Cf. _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 60.) Dr. Belknap
(_Papers_, ii. 169) speaks of them as having been sold “at Russell’s
vendue for waste paper; some of them were torn up.” Various letters of
Belcher are printed in the _N. H. Provincial Papers_, iv. 866-880. The
list of MSS. in the cabinet of the Mass. Historical Society (_Proc._,
x., April, 1868) gives various ones of interest in the study of the
last century in New England history.
[367] _N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, 1849, p. 167. Cf. references in
Poole’s _Index_, p. 292.
[368] Vol. III. p. 367. Of this series, vols. ii. (1686-1691), iii.
(1692-1722), iv. (1722-1737), v. (1738-1749), vi. (1749-1763), concern
the provincial period. Vols. ix., x., xi., xii., xiii., give the local
documents pertaining to the towns.
[369] _Proc._, x. 160, 324.
[370] _Final notes_, etc., p. 120.
[371] The first and second editions are extremely rare. (Brinley, i.
818, 1392.) A third edition was printed in London, coming down to
1719, for the Lords of Trade, the charter being dated 1721 and the
laws 1724. Other editions were printed in Boston in Jan., 1726-27
(Brinley, i. 1,394); 1742 (Ibid. i. 1,398); 1755 (Temporary Laws);
1759-61 (Perpetual Laws); 1763 (Temporary Laws). These had supplements
in needful cases as the years went on. Such of the Province Laws as
remained in force after the province became a State were printed as an
appendix to the State Laws in 1801, 1807, 1814. (Ames and Goodell’s
edition, preface.)
[372] A summary of the work done by the Commissioner on the Province
Laws is set forth in D. T. V. Huntoon’s _Province Laws, their value and
the progress of the new edition_, Boston, 1885 (pp. 24), which also
contains a history of the various editions. From this tract it appears
that Massachusetts, for what printing of her early records she has so
far done, for historical uses solely, has expended as follows:—
_Mass. Colony Records_, five vols. $41,834.44
_Plymouth Colony Records_, twelve vols. 47,117.66
_Provincial Laws_, five vols. (to date) 77,505.75
———————————
$166,457.85
A synopsis of the contents of these volumes of the Province Laws is
contained in H. B. Staples’ _Province Laws of Massachusetts_, in _Proc.
Amer. Antiq. Soc._, Apr., 1884, and separately.
[373] _An address on the life and character of Chief-Justice Samuel
Sewall, Oct. 26, 1884. Boston, printed for the author, 1885._ It also
appeared in the volume which the occasion prompted, when its early
ministers, with Samuel Adams and other worthies of its membership, were
commemorated.
[374] _Proceedings_, x. 316, 411; xi. 5, 33, 43.
[375] Vols. xlv., xlvi., and xlvii. (1878, 1879, 1882). They are richly
annotated with notes under the supervision of Dr. Ellis, as chairman
of the committee of publication, who was assisted by Professor H. W.
Torrey and Mr. Wm. H. Whitmore, the latter being responsible for the
topographical and genealogical notes, of which there is great store.
Dr. Ellis communicated to the society in 1873 (_Proc._, xii. 358)
various extracts from the letter-book, which accompanied the diary when
it was transferred to the society; but these with other letters and
papers will be included in a fourth and fifth volume of the _Sewall
Papers_, now in press.
[376] Probably no personal record of the provincial period of New
England history has excited so much interest as the publication
of Sewall’s diary. The judgments on it have been kindly, with few
exceptions. Cf. D. A. Goddard, _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 417; Sibley’s
_Harvard Graduates_, ii. 345, 364; H. C. Lodge, _Short Hist. of the
Eng. Colonies_, 426; _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, ii. 641; Poole, _Index to
Period. lit._, p. 1181. Tyler (_Hist. Amer. lit._, ii. 99) gives a
generous estimate of Sewall’s character, written before the publication
of his diary. Palfrey in his vol. iv. made use of the diary after it
came into the society’s library. (_Proc._, xviii. 378.)
There are genealogical records of the Sewalls in _Family Memorials,
a series of genealogical and biographical monographs on the families
of Salisbury, Aldworth-Elbridge, Sewall, etc. ... by Edward Elbridge
Salisbury, privately printed_, 1885, two folio volumes. Cf. also volume
i. of _Sewall Papers_.
[377] _Address_, etc., p. 5.
[378] _Address_, etc., p. 5.
[379] Cf. W. B. O. Peabody on Cotton Mather’s diary in the
_Knickerbocker Mag._, viii. 196. With the exception of a year’s record
preserved in the Congregational library in Boston, what remains of
the diary of Cotton Mather is now in the libraries of the American
Antiquarian Society at Worcester, and of the Mass. Hist. Soc.,—as
follows (A. meaning the Am. Antiq. Soc.; M., the Mass. Hist. Soc.; C.,
the Cong. lib.):—
1681, 83, 85, 86, M.; 1692, A.; 1693, M.; 1696, A.; 1697, 98, M.; 1699,
A.; 1700, 1, 2, M.; 1703, A.; 1705, 6, M.; 1709, 11, 13, A.; 1715, 16,
C.; 1717, A.; 1718, 21, 24, M. Cf. Sibley, _Harvard Graduates_, iii.
42; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, i. p. xviii.; ii. p. 301.
[380] Parts of it are printed in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, Jan.,
1861.
[381] _N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, 1870.
[382] Tuckerman’s _America and her Commentators_, p. 386; _Historical
Magazine_, iii. 342.
[383] Reprinted in _N. H. Hist. Coll._, iii. He was in Boston in 1709,
1717, and 1720. Drake’s _Boston_, p. 537. The date of Uring’s book is
sometimes 1726.
[384] There was a later edition in 1798 (much enlarged). Tuckerman’s
_America and her Commentators_, p. 175.
[385] Quincy (_Harv. Univ._) calls Turell’s _Life of Benj. Colman_
“the best biography of any native of Massachusetts written during its
provincial state.” Letters to and from Rev. Benj. Colman are preserved
among the MSS. of the Mass. Hist. Society. _Proc._, x. 160-162.
[386] A cursory glance is given in H. W. Frost’s “How they lived before
the Revolution” in _The Galaxy_, xviii. 200.
[387] Judd’s _Hadley_; Ward’s _Shrewsbury_, etc.
[388] Particularly vol. ii. ch. 16, “Life in Boston in the Provincial
Period.” In the same work other aspects of social and intellectual
life are studied in Dr. Mackenzie’s chapter on the religious life
(in vol. ii,), in Mr. D. A. Goddard’s on the literary life (in vol.
ii.), and in Mr. Geo. S. Hale’s on the philanthrophic tendency (in
vol. iv.). Incidental glimpses of the ways of living are presented
in several of Mr. Samuel A. Drake’s books, like _The Old Landmarks
of Boston_, _Old Landmarks of Middlesex_, and _Nooks and Corners of
the New England Coast_. The coast life is depicted in such local
histories as Babson’s _Gloucester_, and Freeman’s _Cape Cod_. The
colonial house and household, beside being largely illustrated in the
papers of Dr. Eggleston already mentioned, are discussed in Mr. C. A.
Cummings’ chapter on “Architecture,” and Mr. E. L. Bynner’s chapter on
“Landmarks” in the _Mem. Hist. Boston_. Cf. also Lodge, pp. 446, 458;
and “Old Colonial houses _versus_ old English houses,” by R. Jackson,
in _Amer. Architect_, xvii. 3. Copley’s pictures and the description
of them in A. T. Perkins’s _Life and Works of John Singleton Copley_
(privately printed, 1873), with such surveys as are given in the
Eggleston papers in _The Century_, present to us the outer appearance
of the governing classes of that day.
For the other New England colonies, the local histories are still the
main dependence, and principal among them are Hollister’s _Hist. of
Connecticut_, Brewster’s _Rambles about Portsmouth_, and Staple’s _Town
of Providence_.
[389] _United States_, ii. 401.
[390] For the town system of New England and its working, compare
references in Lodge (p. 414), _Mem. Hist. Boston_, i. 454, and W. E.
Foster’s _Reference lists_, July, 1882: to which may be added Herbert
B. Adams’s _Germanic Origin of the New England Towns_ (1882), and
Edward Channing’s _Town and County government in the English colonies
of North America_ (1884),—both published in the “Johns Hopkins
University studies;” Judge P. E. Aldrich in _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._,
April, 1884; “Town Meeting,” by John Fiske, in _Harper’s Magazine_,
Jan., 1885 (also in his _American Political Ideas_, N. Y., 1885);
Scott’s _Development of Constitutional Liberty_, p. 174; Fisher’s
_American Political Ideas_, ch. i. (1885).