slopes of which stand the village of Shoushantz (named after
Shoushanig, the daughter of Sennacherib), and also the famous
monastery of Varak, with its seven altars, where Khrimean Hairik
published his “Ardsouig Vaspouragani” (“The Eagle of Vaspouragan”).
On the slopes of these mountains are also found the monasteries of
Garmeror and St. Gregory, the chapel of St. Lousavorich (The
Illuminator), and Gatnaghpur, Khachaghpur, Salnabad and Abaranchan,
fountains of historical fame. There are also the Upper Varak
villages—the historic summer resorts of Sultan Yailassi and Keshish
Göl.
On the north side of Van there is the ancient and famous Toprak-Kalé
(Earthern Fort). Again in the same direction are the villages of
Shahbagh and Araless, behind which extends the district of Van-Dosb.
On the southern side of the city, beyond the hills of Artamid, one
reaches the Valley of Haig; Vostan, the capital of Rushdounik; and
the mountains of Ardosr, with the tomb of Yeghishé on their slopes.
The Armenian and the Turkish quarters in Van were divided, and,
except for a few streets, were all at some distance from each other.
These two elements in the population had no relations with each
other except those of a commercial nature. The Market and the Old
City were in the hands of the Armenians, but were surrounded by
Turkish quarters. There were Armenian houses which were eight miles
away from the market-place, and to go there and back it was
necessary to pass through the Turkish quarters. The Armenians
covered this distance on foot, horseback or spring-wagons—these
being the only means of transportation.
The day after war had been declared by Germany against Russia,
Turkey declared a “state of war” in Van, and called all the young
men between 21 and 45 to the colours, without distinction of race or
religion. For the needs of the Army the Government requisitioned all
the goods and provisions in the Market. In some cases they made
partial payments, but afterwards they gave promissory notes to all
the owners, which were payable after the war. This was a heavy loss
to the Armenians, as the whole Market was practically in their
hands. They lost all their petroleum, sugar, raisins, soap, copper,
European clothing and various other commodities, besides almost half
their remaining goods.
Owing to the sudden declaration of war and the requisitioning of the
Market, it was impossible for the Armenians to transfer their goods
elsewhere or to hide them, especially as the Market was an
hour-and-a-half’s distance from the Armenian quarters of Aikesdan.
All the tradesmen, shopkeepers, farmers and men of all vocations
immediately answered the call to arms. A crowd gathered in front of
the Government Building in such a way that it was impossible to keep
order. There were some people who waited for three days
continuously, from morning till night, and were unable to get a
chance to register their names. The Dashnakist party encouraged the
Armenians to do their duty faithfully as citizens. Mr. Aram, one of
their leaders, collected together 350 to 400 fine young men, and, to
the accompaniment of Turkish music, songs and dances, led them to
the Government Building to register. The Government officials were
considerably surprised at this willingness on the part of the
Armenians; they held them up as an example in upbraiding the Turks,
and particularly the Kurds, who had answered the call very
reluctantly.
The Government treated the Armenians very liberally, exempting all
the Gregorian and Protestant teachers of 25 years of age, and
allowing them to continue their schools, on the condition that they
would all go to the Government Building and register, so that in
case of necessity they might be called up as militia for the
protection of the City.
During the first two weeks this impartial treatment by the Turkish
Government filled the Armenians with gladness and trust, and the
Armenian soldiers that had deserted returned and gave themselves up.
The only thing which gave rise to anxiety was the financial crisis.
Trade and farming had completely stopped. The merchants were robbed,
and all the traders were in the hands of the Government. It was the
time to prepare for the annual taking of stock, but there were no
available means.
Under the pretence of supplying the needs of the Army, the
Government confiscated all the provisions. This was the first
symptom of injustice and partiality. The understanding was that
every man would be entitled to buy a certain amount of food and wood
after informing the Government of the number and needs of his
family, and after obtaining permission from them, and that every
month those families whose men were on active service would receive
30 piastres (5s.) per head.
At this time the Armenians’ claims were very often ignored; and
because the Government was aware that the Armenians would not,
whatever happened, go hungry and without clothing or wood for fuel,
it collected from all the Armenian quarters and villages, in the
form of a heavy tax, a certain quantity of wheat, wood, sheep, fat,
and clothing. In addition the majority of the Armenian and Syrian
soldiers were left without arms and clothing, and very often without
anything to eat, under the pretence that the clothing and the arms
were not yet ready, and that they had no means of transporting food
in so short a time. This caused the desertion of many from the Army,
and some remained away altogether. Others borrowed money and asked
the Government, through influential officials, to be allowed to pay
exemption money, and it seems that the Government also was trying to
find a means to come to an understanding with the Armenians. It
therefore published a special notice announcing that all the
non-Moslems above 26 years of age would be exempted from the Army by
payment of a special fee. The Armenians sold everything to pay the
Government, that they might profit by this occasion. The period of
exemption was extended by the Government to the following spring.
It is worth mentioning here that, according to the Turkish
officials, there were about the same number of deserters among the
Turks and Kurds, but they never paid as much exemption money as the
Armenians did.
The Government sided with the Germans even when they were neutral,
whereas the Armenians—unfortunately—sympathised with the Allies. But
even then no special injustice was done. The Government showed
kindness to the Armenians, at least on the surface, while the
Governor, Tahsin Pasha, had such close relations with the leaders of
the Dashnakist party that people thought he was their special
friend. Besides this, it was arranged that two Armenian Members of
the Ottoman Parliament who were the representatives of Van, Messrs.
Vahan Papazian and Vremyan, should stay with the people to keep them
and the Government on good terms with one another.
After the entry of the Turks into the war, however, the situation
assumed a different aspect. The Government began to adopt a cold and
suspicious attitude towards the Armenians, who had performed their
duty towards the Government to the best of their ability, and even
after the abolition of the “Capitulations” had joined the Turks in
their celebrations of the event. In spite of all this, the coolness
between them was very marked, and this became especially apparent
after it was found that the Armenians had supplied volunteers to the
Russians, and that they were the very troops who had occupied
Bayazid. It was then reported that all the Kurdish tribes had gone
over to the side of the Russians and had caused great prejudice to
the Turks. This terrified the Turks to such a degree that many rich
women went to the American missionary ladies of Van to ask their
protection, saying: “We are not afraid of the Russians as much as we
are of the Kurds.” But the unfortunate part was that, in Government
circles, the dominant topic of conversation was the Armenian
Volunteers.
It was before this that Tahsin Bey summoned the heads of the
Dashnakists (the heads of the Hunchakists were already in prison)
and pointed out to them that the Armenians had begun a volunteer
movement, and that this movement would be dangerous to them; and
afterwards in a special letter he suggested to them, and especially
to Mr. Vremyan, that they should write to the heads of the
Dashnakists of Bayazid and stop this movement. This letter was sent
to Mr. Toros, the head of the Dashnakists of Ardjish, but Mr. Toros
was killed by a Turkish gendarme. At the same time it was stated
that the Turkish Government had made special overtures to the
Dashnakists and proposed that they should form bands of chettis
composed of Turks and Armenians and raid Caucasia, but I do not know
how it happened that this was refused by the Armenians[38].
A short time after the Turks intervened in the war, all the
Armenians in the Turkish Army were disarmed and employed as ordinary
labourers. The arms of the Armenian gendarmes in the local districts
were taken and given to the Turks, while the latter were left free
on the understanding that they would be called up, though this never
actually took place. This general disarming filled the Armenians
with fear and suspicion. Those of the disarmed Armenians who found
means of escape, deserted, and some whom I knew personally were sent
back by the officials.
Turkey had not yet declared war, but she was mobilising her forces,
when the members of the Armenian Reform Committee came to Van with
M. Hoff, the Inspector-General. The Government did not carry out the
plan, which was prepared and announced to the Armenians, for
receiving the Inspector-General and his party with pomp and
ceremony, but they sent them to the beautiful little village of
Artamid on the southern side of the city, situated on the shore of
Lake Van. After they had stayed there a few days they were sent back
again, carrying with them the scheme of Armenian Reforms.
Shortly after Turkey had declared war, Tahsin Pasha was called to
Erzeroum, and in his place Djevdet Bey, the brother-in-law of Enver
Pasha, was selected as Governor for Van.
About the end of the autumn, when the Russian Army had annihilated
the Turkish Army on the Persian border, had taken Bashkalé and
Sarai, and was moving towards Van, there was a violent panic among
the Turkish officers and general public. Many of the officers sold
their property and transferred their families by boats to Bitlis.
Other prominent families, like the Hamoud-oglou—who had done great
harm to the Armenians—took the same course. Among the rank and file
those that were afraid addressed themselves to the Armenians, who
received them very kindly. The object of the Armenians was to teach
some dangerous officers a good lesson, but they had no intention
whatever of harming the innocent officers and the Turkish public.
I met many who said very plainly: “Here is a good opportunity for us
to show our Turkish compatriots and neighbours that we Armenians
never harboured any bad intentions towards them, but had always
demanded simply a state of equality, which would be beneficial to
all who wished to live a peaceful life.”
At the time when the Turkish army was annihilated on the Persian
border, and there was not even the militia in Van and less than 400
gendarmes between Van and Bitlis, it would have been very easy for
the Armenians to occupy the greater part of the provinces of Van and
Moush, if they had wanted to revolt and massacre the Turks (who were
in fear of their lives) or do what the Turks had done in the past to
the “Giaours” (“Infidels”).
The Government knew this, and for this reason treated the Armenians
very flatteringly. The Armenian people was thankful to be able to
live without fear and to have friendly and sincere relations with
their Turkish neighbours. The Dashnakist Party also, who had been in
close touch with the Government, were content with this situation,
and were satisfied now that the Government considered them of
importance and asked their advice on the welfare of the “Vatan”
(Fatherland).
Unfortunately this state of affairs was of short duration. Suddenly
the Russian army retreated. The different fragments of the Turkish
Army rallied again, and instead of pursuing the enemy, they
exterminated the Armenian and Syrian population of Bashkalé, Sarai
and all the surrounding villages. They had massacred all the male
population, and in certain places—according to the reports of a
Turkish commander who was a Russian subject—had thrown them into
wells. The most beautiful of the women had been distributed among
the Moslems, and some of them were even sent to Van; the old and
weak women who remained were collected together and driven to
various places like a herd of cattle. The Armenian Bishop of Van
sent a Turco-Armenian delegation to the Government to ask its help
for the sufferers, but the Government entirely ignored the request,
or postponed it from day to day.
The Governor of Van went to the front, leaving an assistant in his
place, and by his patriotic exertions he re-organised the Turkish
Army. He succeeded in winning to the side of the Turks the
rebellious Kurds and even Smgo the Chief, who lived under Russian
protection. This news was immediately telegraphed to Van and
Constantinople. Djevdet Bey, the lion general of the Turks, with his
reorganised army, followed the Russians up to Tabriz, and occupied
it. It is unnecessary to repeat that the Turkish Army, wherever it
went, carried with it fire and sword and all kinds of terrible
tortures, which were inflicted upon the “_Infidels_.” Regarding
this, the American missionaries are the best informed eye-witnesses.
Owing to these Turkish successes on the frontier and the Armenian
volunteer movements, the Government and the Turkish public changed
their attitude towards the Armenians. The Government was more civil
in its demands and asked all the deserters to appear before it,
although without actually promising them arms and their restoration
to the Army. To all questions concerning this, the answer was: “That
is for us to decide.” The war taxes were doubled, and to all the
petitions and objections regarding this, the answer was: “The Army
is more important than the populace.”
The Government began now not to attach much importance to their
friends the Dashnakists, and there was a time when the Assistant
Governor refused even to receive Mr. Vremyan in audience, saying: “I
cannot stand his rudeness and blustering.”
A little distance from Van all the country places like Nordouz,
Hazaren and Boghaz-Kessen were destroyed. Part of the inhabitants
were massacred, others found refuge in Van, and the remainder
altogether disappeared. The horrors spread to the other districts
and villages round Van. Garjgan was evacuated; the village of Pelou,
which had 120 houses, and the ten villages of Gargar were sacked.
In a semi-civilised country it is an easy matter for a Government to
find pretexts for its acts, when the Governor so desires. For
instance, in Pelou a drunken young man had a fight with a gendarme,
pulled out his revolver and killed him. In the mountains above the
village of Shoushantz, six Kurdish deserters were killed—but none of
the authorities ascertained by whom they were killed, or who they
were. These and similar events gave cause and pretext to the Turkish
Government for censuring the Armenians. But no one was censured for
the massacres and general unrest at Sarai, Bashkalé, Nordouz,
Hazaren and Boghaz-Kessen. Then new army corps and machine guns were
brought up to Van to be transferred to the frontier; all the Turkish
and Kurdish citizens from 15 to 60 years of age were armed with
these weapons, and when the Armenian Bishop protested to the
Government, the answer was: “We are arming them to organise them
into militia; after a little while we will collect them all and put
them into barracks. If the Armenians are also willing to volunteer
and come to the barracks, let them come and we will give them arms.”
After the events at Pelou and Gargar, it was reported that a Turkish
mob from Bitlis had devastated the district of Garjgan with fire and
sword, and was advancing on Kavash and Haiotz-Tzor, and that after
destroying these places they would proceed towards Van. Upon the
arrival of this report, some Dashnakists went out towards Ankegh and
Antanan in Haiotz-Tzor and destroyed the bridge near Ankegh, to
prevent the Turks sending help to the mob which was advancing from
Bitlis, and also to stop the mob from marching upon Van. After this
the Armenians also killed a few gendarmes and Kurds. Among those
killed was reported to be the Judge of Vostan. As far as I remember,
seven persons were killed at this time. This event caused fear among
the Turks and Kurds. The Government therefore sent Mr. Vremyan as a
mediator. Mr. Vremyan settled the question, putting the blame on the
Kaimakam of Vostan, who had sent for the mob from Bitlis. The
Government superseded the Kaimakam of Vostan and promised to find
and return the booty from Pelou and to restore the people who were
deported to their homes. This was never done. An Armenian proverb
says that “A thief is afraid of himself,” and the Turks also were
afraid of themselves on account of what they had done. While
travelling through Haiotz-Tzor and Kavash they assumed Armenian
names. Yet the officials, whenever they got a chance, protested to
foreigners that the Armenians were ungrateful, that they furnished
volunteers to the Russians, and wanted autonomy; “And therefore,”
they said, “we will not leave this country to them. Let the Russians
take the country, but we refuse to let the Armenians rule over our
families and our kin.” It is unnecessary to add that there were as
many Moslem volunteers as Armenian in the Russian forces.
The Turkish Government was very prudent. So long as it was weak it
flattered the Armenians and praised them to their faces; the leaders
of the Dashnakists, Vremyan, Aram and Ishkhan, were treated as
advisers of the Government. The Armenians on their part tried not to
be the cause of any disturbance in the country. The only ground for
anxiety in the relations between the Government and the Armenians
was the question of the Armenian deserters. After the Armenian
soldiers were disarmed, they did not dare to remain in their posts,
and used to desert. When it was discovered that the Turkish
Government had armed all the male Mohammedans from 14 to 60 years of
age, they were no longer willing to give themselves up, and decided
to die with their wives and children. A few Turkish officials
confessed that it was wrong to disarm the Armenians because there
were more Kurdish deserters than Armenian, but the Government
refrained from attaching as much blame to the Kurds as they did to
the Armenians.
To consider all these problems, a meeting was called under the
presidency of Yeznig Vartabed, the Assistant of the Bishop, in which
all sections of the Armenian population of Van were represented. The
meeting was held at the house of Kevork Agha Jidajian, and came to
the following conclusions: That the Turkish Government was treating
the Armenians with suspicion; that all work, trade, and farming had
stopped; that certain districts such as Nordouz, Gargar and Garjgan
had been cleared of their inhabitants, and that the Armenians of
Sarai and Bashkalé had been annihilated when the Russian army
retreated; finally, that in case of a revolution the Armenians at
Van would be able to hold out for some time, but that, taking into
consideration the whole of Armenia, it was necessary to maintain
peace with the Turks at all costs.
As certain deserters could not give themselves up at the moment for
important reasons, they decided to ask the Government to accept
exemption money for them. The meeting decided to negotiate on these
lines through Mr. Vremyan as their Deputy, with Avedis Effendi
Terzibashian as an adviser experienced in Turkish psychology. The
meeting also proposed to open negotiations through some merchants on
similar lines. A week later the Armenians held a joint conference
with the Turks at Jidajian’s house. At this conference they decided
to live together as neighbours without taking account of any changes
of policy in the Government. The Turks promised to ask the
Government not to give any cause for revolution.
However, the situation was far from being satisfactory, and unrest
was in the air. All the workmen were working for the Government; the
tradesmen would go to their shops, hear rumours, and go home again,
to stay at home for four or five days; and the attitude of the
Government kept changing like a weathercock, in conformity with the
successes or failures at the front. Sometimes it was very severe and
unreasonable, and sometimes very smooth and peaceful. Everyone was
uneasy, as they did not know how long such a situation would last.
We were afraid of massacres. We were afraid of the retreating
Turkish army, which would undoubtedly devastate everything on its
way. We were afraid of famine, as the Government had not given the
people a chance of provisioning themselves, and we knew that the
villages and farms had been robbed. A part of the working class was
in the army. The cattle and sheep belonging to the refugees had been
confiscated and sold. Many people confided to me that they wished
that whatever was going to happen would happen quickly and relieve
them from their suspense. Meanwhile, the people of Van armed
themselves, and kept secret watch day and night at different street
corners, to be prepared for any eventuality.
About the beginning of spring, rebellion started in the district of
Van-Dosb, or Timar, a few hours’ distance from Van. The inhabitants
of the village of Erer in this district were massacred. When the
turn came for the village of Bairak, the local Armenians defended
themselves with the help of the Armenians in Van against the Kurds
and the gendarmes. When the Government saw that people were getting
ready and that things would drift from bad to worse, it went to the
Bishop and expressed its regret for the events that had taken place,
and asked the Armenians to send their representatives to stop the
fighting at Bairak. This was immediately done. Some blamed the
Vice-Governor, who had taken Djevdet’s place, for these affrays. Mr.
Vremyan and the Vice-Governor fell out, the Vice-Governor having
refused to receive Mr. Vremyan in audience, but as Mr. Vremyan was a
Deputy (Member of the Ottoman Parhament) he was allowed to remain in
the district with the sanction of the Government. Mr. Vremyan blamed
the Vice-Governor for the situation, and sent a telegram to this
effect to the Governor, Djevdet, who was at the front. Djevdet
answered him thanking him, and asking him to preserve peace until
his return, when he would put everything in order, “Inshallah” (“God
willing”).
It was the last week of Lent when Djevdet Bey reached Van with 400
trained soldiers, called Lez[39], and a few field guns, and was
received by the Armenians with royal honours; but while passing
through Armenian villages he shut his eyes to the barbarous
behaviour of his soldiers towards the Armenian women. In the new
village of Upper Haiotz-Tzor a number of women were violated, a man
was killed, and others were beaten almost to death, on the pretence
of having arms. For this, one of the young men wanted to follow
Djevdet and kill him, but the Armenian revolutionists did not allow
him to do so. As soon as Djevdet Bey reached the city, he thanked
Vremyan and all those who had done their best for the peace of the
city, and started negotiating with the Armenians concerning the
deserters. He persuaded the Armenians to give themselves up, or at
least a certain part of them, so that he might have less difficulty
in getting back the Turkish and Kurdish deserters.