We dared not let the sick ones suspect what had happened. Dr. Ussher

was too ill at the time and for more than two weeks longer to be

told of his terrible loss. For three months preceding his illness he

had been the only physician in Van, and the strain of over-work and

sleeplessness told severely now. After he had passed his typhus

crisis, his life was in danger for a week longer from the pneumonia

which had been a complication from the first. Then followed another

not infrequent complication of typhus, an abscess in the parotid

gland which caused long-continued weakness and suffering, at one

time threatened life and reason, and has had serious consequences

which may prove permanent. Mr. Yarrow was so ill that his life was

quite despaired of. It was by a veritable miracle that he was

restored to us.

FLIGHT.

Meanwhile the Russian army had been slowly advancing westward.

It had not been uniformly successful as we had expected it to

be. Indeed, the Russians seemed to fight sluggishly and

unenthusiastically. The Russo-Armenian volunteers, who were

always sent ahead of the main army, did the heavy fighting. By

the last week of July the Russians had not yet taken Bitlis,

only ninety miles distant from Van. Suddenly the Turkish army

began to advance towards Van, and the Russian army to retreat.

On Friday, the 30th July, General Nicolaieff ordered all the

Armenians of the Van province, also the Americans and other

foreigners, to flee for their lives. By Saturday night the city was

nearly emptied of Armenians and quite emptied of conveyances. Nearly

all our teachers, nurses, employees had left. It was every man for

himself and no one to help us secure carriages or horses for our own

flight. We at Artamid, with a sick man to provide for, would have

had great difficulty in getting up to the city in time, had not Mrs.

Yarrow risen from her sick-bed to go to the General and beg him to

send us ambulances. These reached us after midnight.

There was little question in our minds as to our own flight. Our

experience during the siege had shown us that the fact of our being

Americans would not protect us from the Turks. Had not our two men,

Mr. Yarrow and Dr. Ussher, been absolutely helpless we might have

debated the matter. As it was, we women could not assume the

responsibility of staying and keeping them there, and even if we had

stayed we could have found no means to live in a deserted city.

We were fifteen Americans and had ten Armenian dependents—women and

children—to provide for. The head nurse of the hospital, Garabed,

plucky and loyal little fellow that he was, had sent on his mother

and wife and had remained behind to help us get out of the country.

Dr. Ussher’s man-cook, having been with us at Artamid when the panic

began, had been unable to secure conveyance for his sick wife. We

greatly needed his help on the journey, but this involved our

providing for a third sick person. We had three horses, an American

grocer’s delivery cart, really not strong enough for heavy work on

rough and mountainous roads, and a small cart that would seat three.

Our two other carts were not usable.

We begged the General to give us ambulances. He absolutely

refused—he had none to spare. But, he added, he was to be replaced

in a day or two by General Trokin; we could appeal to him when he

came; the danger was not immediate. Somewhat reassured and not

knowing how we could manage without help from the Russians, we made

no effort to leave that day. But the next day, Monday, we heard that

the volunteers who were trying to keep the road open to Russia would

not be able to do so much longer—there was no time to lose. We set

to work.

One of our teachers who had not succeeded in getting away before

Monday morning, kindly took a small bag of clothing on his ox-cart

for each of us. We spread the quilts and blankets we should need on

the way on the bottom of the delivery cart, intending to lay our

three sick people on these. Garabed, who had never driven a team in

his life, must drive two of our horses in this cart. Mrs. Raynolds

would drive the third horse harnessed to the small cart, and take

the babies and what food there was possibly room for; no provisions

could be bought on the way. The rest of us must walk, though Mrs.

Yarrow and Miss Rogers were newly risen from a sick bed and the

children were all under twelve. We put loads on the cows we must

take with us for the sake of the babies and the patients. But the

cows were refractory; they kicked off the loads and ran wildly about

the yard, tails up, heads down, whereupon the single horse broke

loose and “also ran,” smashing the small cart.

At this moment, the “psychological moment,” two doctors of the

Russian Red Cross rode into our yard. Seeing our plight they turned

and rode out again. They returned a little later and on _their own

responsibility_ promised to take us with the Red Cross caravan.

Thank the Lord!

We now put our loads on the delivery cart; put the wheels of the

smashed cart on the body of a wheelless cart, and now that we might

take a little more with us than food and bedding, packed in bags

what we felt to be absolutely necessary. What we left behind we

should never see again; we felt certain that the Russian soldiers

before they left would loot our houses and perhaps burn them to

forestall the Turks.

The Red Cross provided us with two ambulances with horses and

drivers, and a stretcher carried between two horses for Dr. Ussher.

He was usually taken into one of their sick tents when we camped at

night; most of the rest of us slept on the ground in the open.

We left on Tuesday, the 3rd August. The Russians appeared to have

received news that made them very uneasy, and, indeed, General

Trokin himself left Van that very afternoon, as we learned later.

The next day at sundown we heard the firing between the Kurds and

the volunteers who were so gallantly trying to keep them at bay, to

keep the road to Russia open as long as possible. It sounded

startlingly near. We travelled till two a.m. that night in order to

reach Bergri, where we should be, not safe, but beyond the line

along which the Turks would try to intercept travellers. We were

just in time. General Trokin’s party, that had left Van only a few

hours later than we, were unable to reach Bergri, and had to return

and get out by the longer route through Persia. Had we with our

slower rate of travel been obliged to do this, we might not have

been able to get out at all.

THE ARROW THAT FLIETH BY DAY.

That afternoon—Thursday afternoon—we forded a wide and deep river,

then entered a narrow valley, from the mountains commanding which

Kurds suddenly began to fire down on the Red Cross caravan and the

thousands of foot travellers. One man in an ambulance was killed,

others wounded. The drivers of ambulances and litters whipped up

their horses to a mad gallop. It was a race for life. The sight of

those gasping, terror-stricken thousands was one never to be

forgotten. The teacher who had taken our bags of clothing threw

everything off his ox-cart in order to escape with his life. The

Armenians on our long wagon threw off much of the luggage to lighten

it, and thus we lost most of what we had brought with us.

Once out of the valley we were comparatively safe. We met a force of

volunteers and Cossacks who entered the valley to engage with the

Kurds. Mrs. Raynolds had been riding in the small cart. After the

danger was over, while getting out of the cart, she fell and broke

her leg below the knee. The Red Cross physicians set it at once, but

she suffered greatly during the remainder of the journey over the

rough roads, though lying at full length in one of our ambulances.

She was quite helpless. Mr. Yarrow lay, too, in his ambulance, which

he was unable to leave day or night during the journey, except when

he was carried into a Red Cross tent on Sunday.

On Friday all but the four helpless ones and the babies walked over

Mt. Taparez. On Saturday we again climbed on foot a high mountain,

from sundown till three o’clock the next morning. The caravan rested

on Sunday at a Red Cross camp near the top of Tchingli Mt. at the

foot of Mt. Ararat. Here Dr. Ussher had two severe operations on his

face without anæsthetics. On Monday at sunset we reached Igdir. Dr.

Ussher was taken to a military hospital for officers, and the

military sent him on to Tiflis on Thursday. We could not secure

carriages until Wednesday morning to take us to the railway station

at Etchmiadzin. We arrived in Tiflis the next morning.

SAFE!—BUT SORROWING.

Most of us had lost nearly everything but the clothes we stood in,

and these we had worn day and night during the ten days’ journey.

Small wonder that the first hotel we went to had “no rooms.” Mr.

Smith, the American Consul, was most kind and did everything he

could for us. He secured a room in a private hospital for Mrs.

Raynolds and a bed in the city hospital for Dr. Ussher.

Dr. Ussher was again brought to death’s door by very severe

dysentery contracted on the road. He had become a nervous and

physical wreck and in appearance the ghost of himself.

Dysentery was epidemic among the scores of thousands of refugees

from Van Province who had crowded into Transcaucasia. The very air

seemed poisoned; our children were all ill, and it seemed to us that

they would not get well until we could leave Tiflis.

Mrs. Raynolds’ broken bone refused to knit. She seemed also to be

suffering from a collapse of her whole system. She would lie there

patient, indifferent to what was going on about her, sunk in

memories of the past, perhaps—who can say?

On the 24th August we were astounded at receiving a telegram from

Dr. Raynolds. We had not heard of his leaving America and here he

was at Petrograd! It seems he had started for Van as soon as he had

heard of the Russian occupation, in company with Mr. Henry White,

who was to teach in our college. At Petrograd he learned from the

ambassador that the Van missionaries were in Tiflis, but of the

reason therefor he had heard not a word, nor had he heard of his

wife’s condition.

Mrs. Raynolds brightened for a moment when told that her husband was

on the way to her. Then the things of earth seemed to slip away from

her; she might not tarry even for the dear one’s coming. On Friday,

the 27th August, her tired spirit found rest. Two days later Dr.

Raynolds arrived to find wife gone, house gone, the work of his

lifetime seemingly in ruins, the people he had loved exiles and

destitute.

On Tuesday Mrs. Raynolds was laid to rest in the German Lutheran

cemetery, and around her were gathered many of those whom she had

lived to serve.

Then Dr. Raynolds and Mr. White decided that there was nothing left

for them to do but return with us to America, and we left that week

for Petrograd. There the American managers of what corresponds to

our Y.M.C.A. were exceedingly kind and helpful. The city was so full

of refugees from Poland that we had to sleep on tables in the

Association halls the first night, but succeeded in securing rooms

the next day. The children recovered, and Dr. Ussher’s improvement

in health from the time of our arrival in Petrograd was simply

wonderful. Mr. Yarrow seemed now quite himself again, although in

reality he had not fully regained his strength.

Travelling up by rail round the Gulf of Bothnia, we spent a few days

in Stockholm and sailed from Christiania on the 24th September, on

the Danish ship “Hellig Olav.”

We had had absolutely no news from any station in Turkey since the

middle of April, and from America only what information Dr. Raynolds

had brought us. On our arrival in New York, on the 5th October, we

heard of the massacre of the Armenians in Bitlis by Djevdet Bey as

soon as he had reached there after having been driven from Van. We

heard of Miss Ely’s death there in July, and of my brother’s death,

on the 10th August, in Diyarbekir[30]; we heard that Miss McLaren

was ill with typhus in Bitlis, and later that she was well; we

learned of the massacre of Armenians all over Turkey and of their

deportation. The Van refugees have been fortunate by comparison in

that they could flee. Money for their relief has been sent to

Transcaucasia; a few of them have succeeded in securing passports

and getting to America.

-----

Footnote 29:

_The shelling of the mission buildings is also described by Mr.

Yarrow, in an interview published in the New York “Times” 6th

October, 1915, the day after his arrival in America:_—

“For twenty-seven days 1,500 determined Armenians held Van against

5,000 Turks and Kurds, and for the last three days they were

shelled with shrapnel from a howitzer brought up by a Turkish

company headed by a German officer. I myself saw him directing the

fire of the gun.

“Two days before the Russians came to Van, the Turks deliberately

fired at the mission buildings. They stood out prominently and

could not be mistaken, and also flew five American flags and one

Red Cross flag as a protection. The firing was so accurate that

the shots cut the signal halyards and brought the flags to the

ground.”

Footnote 30:

See Doc. 23, page 89.

16. VAN: LETTER DATED VAN, 7th JUNE, 1915, FROM MR. Y.K. RUSHDOUNI;

PUBLISHED IN THE “MANCHESTER GUARDIAN,” 2nd AUGUST, 1915.

The day after Germany’s declaration of war on Russia, martial law

was proclaimed in Van, and the Turkish Government set about the work

of mobilisation. The Armenians responded to the call in a better

mood than the Moslems, many of whom either ran away or did not

present themselves for service. But from the very beginning the

authorities adopted a harsh attitude towards the Armenians in the

Vilayet. Under the pretence of requisitioning, they ruthlessly

plundered and looted the Armenians. Business was brought to an

absolute standstill, and the import and sale of wheat in the city

was forbidden on the plea that it was needed to provision the

armies—though ways and means were always found if the applicant was

a Moslem. As for the Armenian soldiers in the Turkish army, they

were neglected, half-starved, set to do all the menial work, and,

worst of all, disarmed and left over to the mercies of their Moslem

comrades, who managed to kill a few hundreds altogether in various

parts. It became evident that the Government was bent on the

systematic destruction of the Armenian population. A feeling of

despondency seized hold of all.

When Turkey went into the war the distress of the people reached an

even higher pitch, especially when the Government armed all the

males of the Moslem population between the ages of 15 and 60 and

gave up Christian villages to fire and sword at the slightest

pretext. Pelou, the largest village of the Kavash district, was

reduced to a heap of ruins. Twelve villages in the Gargar district,

on the Persian frontier, Bashkala, and Sarai, with the Nestorian and

Armenian villages round, were ruthlessly wiped out after the Russian

retreat[31], and of their population only a few old crippled women

were left as survivors. News of this sort was constantly being

brought to the town by refugees from distant places like

Boghaz-Kessen, Hazaren, Nordoz, &c. This pouring in of the refugees

aggravated the problem of living in the city of Van.

On the other hand, the three leaders of the former Revolutionary

Party called Dashnagists, who since the proclamation of the

Constitution had been changed into a political party and had come to

an understanding with the Young Turks, exhorted the people to endure

in silence. Better, they said, that some villages be burned and

destroyed unavenged than give the slightest pretext to the Moslems

for a general massacre. One of the first villages to defend itself

was Bairak, whose inhabitants succeeded in keeping the soldiers and

Kurdish mob from entering the village. The Turkish Government sent a

peace commission composed of Armenians and Turks to quiet down

matters there, which was done. At the same time a message was sent

to the Governor-General, Djevdet Bey, a brother-in-law of Enver

Pasha, then on the border, to come to Van. Djevdet Bey, on his

arrival, demanded 4,000[32] soldiers from the Armenians. The

Armenians were so anxious to keep the peace that they promised to

accede to this demand under an altered form approved by the

Government. But at this juncture trouble broke out between Armenians

and Turks in the Shadakh region. Some say that this was started at

the instigation of Djevdet Bey. This Governor had requested Ishkan,

one of the three Dashnagist leaders, to go there as peace

commissioner, accompanied by three other notable Armenians. On their

way there, however, on Friday, the 16th April, all four were

treacherously murdered.

The Armenians now felt that they could not trust the Governor, and,

instead of giving him the 4,000 men, they told him they would give

400 and pay the exemption tax for the rest, in instalments. In the

meantime they asked the American missionaries, Dr. Ussher and Mr.

Yarrow, and the Italian agent Signor Sbordone, to try to mollify the

Governor. The attitude of the Governor was wavering. At times he

would be moderate and swear that peace would be kept. At other times

he was harsh and irreconcilable, declaring that he intended to put

down “rebellion” at all costs. First he would punish Shadakh, then

he would attend to Van; if the rebels fired one shot it would be a

signal for him to attack, and neither Turks nor Armenians would be

left in the Vilayet.[33]

Things continued in this suspense till the 20th[34] April, when

some Turkish soldiers tried to seize some village women on their

way to the city. The women fled. Two Armenians came up and asked

the Turks what they were doing. The Turkish soldiers fired on the

Armenians and killed them. This served as a signal. The booming of

cannons and rattle of rifles began from every side, and it was

realised that the Armenian quarter was besieged. In the evening

houses in the Armenian quarter could be seen burning in every

direction. The Governor-General had sworn that not a single house

should be left in Van, except the one where his father had lived

as Governor-General. Under the command of Armenag Yegarian, of the

Ramgavar Party, the Armenians, nearly 30,000 in number now, began

to man and barricade houses and open trenches. Eighty such

barricaded positions, called in Armenian “teerks,” were held by

the Armenians, and the enclosed area of about two square miles was

gradually connected in between by deep trenches. To assure

regularity, a Provisional Government was set up, and a military

court was appointed to deal with military affairs. Everyone

capable of doing something, male or female, young or old, was set

to work. Women and girls were busy cooking, mending, sewing,

making bedding for homeless refugees and soldiers, and nursing

wounded people and motherless children. About 1,300[35] young men

were under arms day and night trying to hold the enemy at bay.

Lads were employed as messengers between the “teerks.” The rest of

the men were used as workmen to dig trenches and build new walls

and barricades, as the old ones crumbled before the cannon-fire.

About 16,000 cannon-shots were fired at the handful of inhabitants

in the old city under the Castle Rock.

After some days, refugees began to pour in from near and far.[36]

The Government had not succeeded in besieging the eastern side of

the Armenian quarter, and it was still possible to enter the city.

On the 16th May no less than 12,000 bread-tickets were issued to

refugees. At the same time, owing to privation and exposure, an

epidemic of measles broke out among the children, and dysentery and

pneumonia among the adults, and many who had escaped the sword of

the Moslem fell victims to disease.

As the supply of ammunition was very meagre and the intention of the

Armenians was to prolong their defence till help might come from

Armenian volunteers, they were very sparing in its use. They used

pistols when they could, and employed all kinds of devices to draw

the fire of the enemy and waste his ammunition. At the same time

they began to devise means of making bullets and cartridges, and

manufacturing smokeless gunpowder and bombs, and succeeded in

turning out daily 4,000[37] cartridges, and even in making three

mortars for throwing bombs and bursting shells. In the meantime the

Provisional Government issued strict orders for keeping the

neutrality of foreign institutions and premises, forbidding armed

men to pass through these parts or carry the wounded Armenian

soldiers to the American Mission Hospital. A manifesto was also sent

to the Turks to the effect that the quarrel was with one man,

Djevdet Bey, not with their Turkish neighbours. Governors come and

go, but the two races must continue to live together. Gradually,

however, the Armenians succeeded in ousting the Turks from their

positions. On the 17th May, after nearly four weeks’ resistance, it

became obvious that the enemy was putting forward his last efforts.

At sunset a daring dash put to flight the remaining Turkish soldiers

in the two northern barracks on Toprak-Kalé Hill and below. These

two barracks were at once burnt. About midnight another attack put

the southern great barracks in Armenian hands, and these, too, were

set on fire. Towards morning the news spread that the Turks and

soldiers had left the city. It was understood that the Government,

on hearing of the approach of the Russian army and the Armenian

volunteers, had ordered a systematic retreat some days before, and

the last regiment, with the Governor, had evacuated the town on the

night of the 18th May. Immediately hungry and starved people rushed

toward the Turkish quarters to satisfy their feelings of justice by

plundering and burning. Shortly after, news came that the Russian

army, with Armenian volunteers, was in sight. The joy of the people

was boundless; tears of gladness and of emotion for what they had

suffered during the past month, rolled down their cheeks as they

made them welcome. The keys of the captured city and of the castle

were immediately taken and laid at the feet of the Russian General,

who gave orders to the Armenians to organise a Provisional

Government for the affairs of the town.

-----

Footnote 31:

The Russians had made a preliminary incursion over the border

after the Turkish declaration of war.—_Editor._

Footnote 32:

Miss Knapp gives the number as 3,000 (Doc. 15.

Footnote 33:

_Miss Knapp makes the following observation at this point_:—

“The fact cannot be too strongly emphasised that there was no

‘rebellion.’ As already pointed out, the Revolutionists meant to

keep the peace if it lay in their power to do so. But for some

time past a line of Turkish entrenchments had been secretly drawn

round the Armenian quarter of the Gardens. The Revolutionists,

determined to sell their lives as dearly as possible, prepared a

defensive line of entrenchments.”

Footnote 34:

At 6.0 a.m. (Miss Knapp).

Footnote 35:

“About 1,500 trained riflemen possessing only about 300 rifles.”

(Miss Knapp).

Footnote 36:

“A man escaping from Ardjish related the fate of that town, second

in size and importance to Van in the Vilayet. The Kaimakam had

called the men of all the guilds together on the 19th April, and

as he had always been friendly to the Armenians they trusted him.

When they had all gathered, he had them mown down by his soldiers.

Many of the village refugees had stopped short of the city, at the

little village of Shushantz, on the mountain side near the city.

Here Aram bade them remain. On the 8th May, we saw the place in

flames, and Varak Monastery near by, with its priceless ancient

manuscripts, also went up in smoke. These villagers now flocked

into the city.” (Miss Knapp).

Footnote 37:

2,000. (Miss Knapp).

17. VAN: NARRATIVE BY MR. Y.K. RUSHDOUNI, PUBLISHED SERIALLY IN THE

ARMENIAN JOURNAL “GOTCHNAG,” OF NEW YORK.

Van is a city built on a level plain, and has at the present time an

area of about ten or twelve square miles.

The Old City is small (scarcely a single square mile in area); its

centre is the market place and an ancient rock fortress. The real

Van is the Aikesdan (the Vineyards), which rises slowly towards the

East on an imposing scale. In Aikesdan each house, with few

exceptions, has a vineyard and a garden. Its streets are broad and

tree-lined. On each side of these trees run small rivulets, which

are bordered by rows of willow and poplar trees. Van is in reality a

beautiful, extensive and attractive garden. On its western side,

about two or three miles distant, there stretches the beautiful blue

lake of Van, surrounded by high, snow-clad mountains, the most

prominent of which are Sipan, Nimroud, Kerkour and Azadk.

The treatment of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire Documents presented to Viscount Grey of Fallodon · 第 8 / 72 段