the liquid known as _pulque_ which, after it ferments, is about as
intoxicating as beer, and is consumed liberally by the common people
of Mexico. The stiff, thick, wide-spreading leaves are protected with
thorns.
13.9. The governor expected a reply, and on finding that none was to be
made he retired to Parras.
13.10. _The occupation of Saltillo._ =65=Gen. orders 139. Ho. 60; 30, 1,
pp. 361, 374, 377, 436, 543, 545 (Taylor); 362-3 (Marcy); 378 (Aguirre).
Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 45. =364=Worth to S., Nov. 20. Taylor, Letters
(Bixby), 71. =267=Memo. (probably from Major Smith). Meade, Letters, i,
144, 152, 155, 157-8. Wilhelm, 8th Inf., ii, 295-9. Balbontín, Invasión,
24. Apuntes, 65. Sen. 32; 31, 1, p. 59. Calendario de Ontiveros, 1847.
=69=Worth to Arnold and Deas, Nov. 19. Smith, Chile con Carne, 175, 192,
195. Henry, Campaign Sketches, 245. Smith, To Mexico, 77. Eyewitness,
Complete History, 48. =299=Posey to Gordon, Feb. 19, 1847. The following
are from =76=. S. Anna to Ampudia, Sept. 30. S. Anna, Sept. 29; Oct.
3; Nov. 21. González, Nov. 19. _Id._ to R. Vázquez, Saltillo, Nov.
16; to S. Anna, Nov. 21; to Mejía, May 27. Mejía, June 9. _Id._ to
Ampudia, Aug. 31. Worth to alcalde, Nov. 17. Memo., dated Nov. 22,
of a conference with Taylor. Wool's advance may have helped to cause
Ampudia's abandonment of Rinconada Pass. The distance from Monterey to
Saltillo by the railroad is about 68 miles, and that by road must be
about the same. (Marcy, Oct. 22) see p. 350.
13.11. The celebrated military writer, Clausewitz, on whose work our
present views of strategy are principally founded, recognized two
distinct kinds of war: that aiming to overthrow the enemy's forces,
and that aiming to make conquests on the frontier, either to be held
permanently or to be used in exchanges on the settlement of peace
(Clausewitz, Vom Kriege, nachricht, par. 1; Donat, Strat. Science, 112).
Polk aimed to accomplish both ends by having the main army bring Mexico
to terms, and at the same time taking possession of territory; but he
did not apply the principle understandingly. He overrated the influence
that the occupation of the northern provinces would have on the Mexican
government; he thought peace was near at hand, and was figuring on the
terms of a treaty when he should have been taking steps to bring Mexico
speedily to the point of making a treaty; and he ordered this expedition
without knowing the conditions under which it would have to be conducted
in Mexico, and without asking proper expert advice. The occupation of
the frontier provinces would have been sagacious had it been part of
a strong coercive military policy. Quotation at the end of the second
paragraph: Meade, Letters, i, 152.
13.12. La Vaca, now Port Lavaca, is on Matagorda Bay.
13.13. In view of the Mexican charge that the Americans incited the
Indians to ravage the southern side of the border, it should be
mentioned that not only Taylor, but Wool, exerted himself to prevent
such raids (Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 425).
13.14. Harney committed a further impropriety by raising a company of
Indians for the U. S. service. It was not our policy to employ Indian
troops.
13.15. The author's description of Wool is based largely on the
=147=diary and =148=recollections of Gen. S. E. Chamberlain, who served
as his orderly for a time in the Mexican War; also on =257=Hughes to
Markoe, Dec. 13, 1847; _Niles_, May 8, 1847, p. 156; =61=Horton, Dec.
3; Sen. 32; 31, 1 (Hughes); =371=Mitchell, statement; =316=Bragg to
Sherman, March 1, 1848. Wool was a spare man of medium height, light
complexion and brown hair. His manner was reserved and gentlemanly.
13.16. Buhoup says this section set out with 1244 effectives. Wool soon
joined it with 144 men. At the Rio Grande, Oct. 12, eight companies
(aggregate, 574) of the First Illinois came up. The second section
(not over 1200) did not leave San Antonio until Oct. 14, and some of
the men were detained there still longer. The whole force consisted of
Washington's six-gun battery, to which were attached two small guns
taken by the Texans from the Mexicans years before and destined to be
lost at Buena Vista and recovered at Contreras; a squadron of the First
Dragoons, a squadron of the Second Dragoons, a regiment of Arkansas
horse, three companies of the Sixth Infantry, one company of Kentucky
foot and the First and Second Illinois regiments. The aggregate was
given by Capt. Hughes of the Topog. Engineers as 3400, of whom about 600
were regulars. Wool's route to Monclova was in general that of the So.
Pacific and Mexican International railroads.
13.17. Shields, Irish by birth, practised law in Illinois, became a
judge of the state supreme court and was then appointed commissioner
of the General Land Office, Washington. He became discontented under
Wool's command, and sent Davis, his aide, to Washington in the hope of
obtaining command of the Illinois regiments or possibly of displacing
Wool.
13.18. Frequently not all of the troops arrived at a place on the same
date.
13.19. Possibly news of the restoration of the constitution had reached
Monclova but not Santa Rosa.
13.20. The authorities of Monclova stated that Wool kept every pledge,
and they complained only that the Americans ate up provisions needed
for the people. The officers who criticised Wool most appear to have
been Shields, who--besides being notably egotistical (Ill. State
Hist. Soc. Trans., ix, pp. 36-8)--had been appointed by Polk on a
confidential basis (Davis, Autobiog., 96) and therefore felt entitled
to be ambitious; Harney, whose characteristics have been explained;
Bonneville, who proved himself later incompetent or worse; and Yell,
whose men were soon to disgrace themselves at Buena Vista in consequence
of lacking discipline. Nov. 10 Taylor issued orders detaching Shields
and Harney from Wool's command (Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 542). This change
doubtless tended to promote harmony. In December Harney brought charges
against Wool, asserting that his "extreme imbecility and manifest
incapacity" ruined the expedition. The judge advocate general advised
that the charges should be ignored (=61=Horton, Dec. 3).
13.21. Just after leaving Parras Wool learned that 2700 Mexicans
with four guns had moved from Zacatecas against him. One fault of
the expedition was that it could neither support nor be supported by
Taylor's army (see Halleck, Mil. Art, 410 and chap. xi, note 5, of this
history). One asks why Ampudia was not ordered to attack Wool. With
Blanco's irregulars he would have been formidable. The explanation
probably is that Santa Anna wished to build up at S. L. Potosí as large
an army as possible under his own command. Besides, he expected Wool to
turn west.
13.22. Wool received on Nov. 14 Taylor's instructions to give up the
expedition, and on Nov. 26 his instructions to go to Parras and await
orders (=61=Wool, Jan. 17, 1847). He moved, however, in anticipation of
the latter instructions (=61=Wool, Dec. 7). Nov. 16 he reported that he
expected three mounted and two infantry companies as escorts to the last
wagons, and after their arrival would have about 2750 in all. =60=Marcy
to Taylor, May 6, 1847: It is not important to hold Chihuahua, for you
are in advance of it. Ripley (War with Mexico, i, 337), probably to have
a fling at Wool, says Wool "only" wished to give up the expedition in
order to go toward Durango and Zacatecas in pursuit of glory; but the
document he cites does not so state, and Taylor wrote that Wool proposed
to join him (Bixby coll., 71).
13.23. In chap. xix.
13.24. July 2 Taylor had expressed the opinion that the expedition might
prove very important (Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 329), but suggested that only
mounted men should be employed.
13.25. Marcy said that the expedition prevented a considerable part of
Mexico from sharing in the campaign against Scott, and to some extent
this was doubtless true.
13.26. _Wool's expedition._ Polk, Diary, May 14, 16; Oct. 20.
=164=Conner to Bancroft, May 31. N. Orl. _Commerc. Bulletin_, Aug.
17. Meade, Letters, i, 152. Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 323, 363 (Marcy);
325 (Scott); 458 (Freeman); 328, 454, 466 (Jones); 424, 426 (Wool);
428 (Thomas); 305, 329, 351, 361, 374, 377, 400, 409, 418, 424, 433
(Taylor); 410 (Bliss); 567 (Jesup). =254=Mansfield, report, Apr. 19.
=61=Wool, July 28; Aug. 5, 15; Sept. 2, 15, 28; Oct. 15, 19; Nov. 4;
Dec. 16. =256=Wool, July 29. Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 45, 545. Sen. 32; 31,
1 (Hughes and others). =65=Adj. gen., gen. orders 19. Wash. _Union_,
Oct. 19; Nov. 20, 21, 28, 1846 Feb. 8; Mar. 23, 1847. =61=Maynadier,
Aug. 25. =61=Horton, June 23; Aug. 8; Oct. 20; Dec. 3. =69=Harney, Aug.
12. Reavis, Harney, 155. Sen. 178; 29, 2. _Diario_, Sept. 11. =68=P.
F. Smith, Oct. 2. =245=Duvall to Lamar, June 27. Buhoup, Narrative.
Davis, Autobiog., 105-19. =61=Shields, Aug. 28. _Niles_, Oct. 24, p.
118; Dec. 26, p. 263; May 8, 1847, p. 156. =61=Kingsbury to Wool, Oct.
13. Sen. 64; 31, 1. _National Intelligencer_, Nov. 3, 21. Carleton,
Buena Vista, 161-76. Balbontín, Invasión, 76. =65=Wool, orders 89, 117,
121, 126, 143, 144, 148, 155. =61=Wool to Taylor, Jan. 17, 1847. N. Y.
_Eve. Post_, Jan. 4, 1849. =180=McDowell to Newton, Sept. 16, 1846.
=132=Butler, Dec. 10. Wool in Ceremonies. Bishop, Journal. =69=Duncan
to Worth, Aug. 8. Taylor, Letters (Bixby), 71. =63=Marcy to Kearny,
Dec. 10. _Picayune_, Mar. 4, 6, 17, 1847. =69=Wood to Taylor, Dec. 7.
=66=Lee to Totten, Dec. 5. Donnavan, Adventures, 41. Wallace, Wallace,
21-9. =69=Wool to Taylor, Dec. 24, 1846; Jan. 20, 1847 Baylies, Wool's
Camp. _Journ. Milit. Serv. Instit._, xiv, 443. Wilhelm, 8th Inf., ii,
301. =82=S. Anna to comte. gen. Zacatecas, Dec. 6. Neville, diary. The
following are from =76=: Gov. Coahuila, Sept. 7, Oct. 8. Gefe Partido
del Rio Grande, Aug. 28; Oct. 2. Comte. gen. Zacatecas to comte. gen.
Durango, Oct. 14; to S. Anna, Oct. 21. Gefe político, Monclova, to
Wool, Oct. 24; reply, Oct. 26. Comte. gen. Durango, Dec. 11. Heredia
to comte. gen. Durango, Dec. 10. Gov. Coahuila to _Id._, Nov. 30. R.
Vázquez to S. Anna, Oct. 1. Castañeda to Vázquez, Sept. 24. S. Anna,
Sept. 29; Nov. 4; Dec. 19, 24. Wool to Arziniega _et al._, Oct. 9.
Aldrete to Mejía, Aug. 30. Ugarte, Sept. 26. Comte. gen. Zacatecas,
Dec. 31. Lobo to R. Vázquez, Nov. 2. Comte. gen. Zacatecas to S. Anna,
Dec. 17. Gov. Coahuila to _Id._, Nov. 30. Comte. gen. Coahuila, Sept.
7. Gefe político, Parras, to S. Anna, Dec. 17. Ampudia, Aug. 25. Rives
(U. S. and Mexico, ii, 208) places Polk in a rather absurd position
with reference to the expedition. He misunderstands a statement in
Polk's Diary, May 28, 1846. The orders to Wool there mentioned had prime
reference to getting volunteers in motion to Taylor (_Military Historian
and Economist_, ii, 32 and note on p. 33).
13.27. The idea that the occupation of Tampico would mask and aid the
expedition against Vera Cruz came forward a little later (Sen. 1; 30, 1,
p. 949).
13.28. This is inferred from the fact that Marcy's letter, which was
published in the _Diario_ of Oct. 6, would naturally have met Santa Anna
about Oct. 3, and from the character of Santa Anna's letter of that date.
13.29. None of these statements should be taken too literally. The
various accounts, which come mainly from Parrodi and Santa Anna, differ
considerably though not essentially, and both men had reasons for
exaggerating the weakness of Tampico.
13.30. Parrodi and the court that tried him declared that he threw away
nothing of value. But many did not believe this, and it is hard to see
why he should have taken the trouble, when in such haste, to transport
a large quantity of material to the river, if it was worthless. The
government naturally wished the evacuation to appear inexpensive.
13.31. This sentence is inferential. Writing to his wife, Nov. 17,
=162=Conner stated that he was much surprised to find the city
evacuated, and that, had the garrison been there, he would have had hard
work. Why Mrs. Chase did not give notice of the evacuation cannot be
explained. No doubt there was a high state of popular excitement and, as
she had been suspected of playing the spy, the people perhaps cut her
off more effectually than the military men had done. Later she presented
a claim to Congress, and it was supported by letters from some of
Conner's officers but by none from himself. This fact may be a hint that
he was not pleased with her course. It seems to have been from her that
Parrodi heard the imaginary tale of Conner's heavy landing force, which
probably counted for a great deal in bringing about the evacuation.
Chase had sent a sketch of Tampico to Conner in June, and later his
wife forwarded a plan with a description of the forts, the number of
guns, etc. We do not know, however, that Conner received these papers.
Taylor belittled the capture of Tampico, saying that Santa Anna's order
to evacuate the town had been printed in the Mexican papers, and that
Conner must have been aware of the fact; but Conner was on a ship at
some distance from any town, and his letter of Nov. 17 shows that he
was not aware of it. The names of the captured gunboats were _Nonata_,
_Bonita_ and _Reefer_.
13.32. Signed by Tattnall and Ingraham; approved by Conner; accepted by
the deputation of the ayuntamiento. The Americans felt that formal terms
would bind them yet could be repudiated by the Mexican government.
13.33. Two merchant vessels also were captured.
13.34. According to Apuntes, pp. 82-6, Dr. Francisco Marchante of the
Mexican medical service, who had charge of other public property, was
not far away, but the Mexicans persuaded Tattnall that he could not be
overtaken. On Tattnall's return to the port, however, a Mexican declared
this could not have been true, and hence a second expedition set out in
all haste. It was unavoidably delayed; and finally, as the Americans
learned that a Mexican force had been sent forward to protect Marchante,
the chase was abandoned. A large amount of ammunition was thrown into
the river at Pánuco by Marchante. The total loss of material was thus of
considerable moment. Some of the ammunition was saved by sending it to
Tuxpán.
13.35. Gates had two companies of his own (Third Artillery). The other
five were Belton's. A steamer carrying ordnance and ordnance stores was
lost.
13.36. Perry flew the pennant of a vice commodore (Conner, Home
Squadron, 12).
13.37. Brooke had at first intended to send also four companies of
Mounted Rifles; and Taylor, on hearing of this, protested sharply to
the government that "a large and efficient force of cavalry," on which
he counted, had been diverted to a place where they were not needed
(Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 382, 388), overlooking the fact that this corps had
no horses (orders no. 149: _ibid._, 512). Now that Tampico had been
captured by the navy, Taylor said it was of no consequence (Letters
(Bixby), 78). These points are mentioned to show his state of mind,
which will need to be understood when we come to Scott's operations. The
Alabama regiment was ordered to Tampico by Patterson (Bliss: Ho. 60; 30,
1, p. 383).
13.38. _Occupation of Tampico. Eco_, June 9; Sept. 12; Oct. 29; Nov.
18, 19, 25. =303=Juanito del Bosque, Jan. 6, 1847. Apuntes, 78-86.
=61=Gates to Barnard, May 4, 1849. =69=Prout to Patterson, Oct. 28.
=164=Chase to Conner, June 4. Parrodi, Memoria (including letters to
and from S. Anna and others). Ampudia, To Fellow-citizens, July 10.
_Commerc. Review_, 1846, p. 165. =47=Conner, Oct. 7; Nov. 5, 21; Dec.
1. Polk, Diary, Sept. 19-22. =297=Mackenzie to Buchanan, July 7. Ho.
60; 30, 1, pp. 480-1 (Jones); 339, 341 (Marcy); 378-9, 387 (Taylor);
252 (Mason); 270 (Conner); 271 (Tattnall and Ingraham); 271 (Cervantes
_et al._). =162=Morris to Conner, Sept. 21. =162=Tattnall to Conner,
Nov. 20. Parker, Recolls., 68. Conner, Home Squad, 11 (Conner),
12. =48=Bancroft to Conner, Aug. 29. =48=Mason to _Id._, Sept. 22.
Balbontín, Estado, 52. _Diario_, Sept. 22; Oct. 6; Nov. 28. S. Anna,
Apelación, 29-31. =99=S. Anna to Tampico ayunt., Oct. 27. =245=_Bee_
to Lamar, Dec. 5. =99=Parrodi to Tamp. ayunt., Oct. 26. =99=Urrea to
_id._, Oct. 29. =99=Gov. Tamaul. to _id._, Oct. 25. =99=Gov. Tamaul.,
circular, Nov. 17. Vindicación del Gen. Parrodi. =69=Worth to Bliss,
Dec. 4. Steele, Amer. Camps., 125. =226=Beauregard to Totten, Nov. 27.
=69=Chase, Dec. 3, 1845. =313=_Id._ to Saunders, May 26, 31. _Public
Ledger_, Jan. 7, 1847 (Mrs. Chase). =52=Mrs. Chase to Conner, Oct. 20.
=316=Judd to Sherman, Feb. 26, 1848. Ballentine, Eng. Sold., i, 267.
=69=Shields to Bliss, Jan. 13, 1847. =60=_Id._ to Barnard, Apr. 20,
1849. Meade, Letters, i, 159-60. =46=Perry to Mason, Nov. 15, 19.
=46=Declaration, Nov. 15. N. Y. _Eve. Post_, Nov. 18, 1847. =165=Conner
letter book, Nov. 13-Dec. 4. Taylor, Letters (Bixby), 77-8. Negrete,
Invasión, iii, 170-3. Balbontín, Invasión, 54. Ho. 1; 30, 2, pp. 1171,
1173 (Conner); 1174-5 (Tattnall). Ho. 4; 29, 2, p. 381. =69=Perry,
memo., [Nov. 16]. =61=Gardner, Dec. 2. =61=Gates, Nov. 20. =61=Brooke,
Nov. 21. =69=Gates, Nov. 26. =163=Perry to Mason, Nov. 16. =61=Patterson
to Marcy, Nov. 23. =162=Tattnall to alcalde, Nov. 19. Bennett, Steam
Navy, 93. _Monitor Repub._, Dec. 2. =166=Patterson to Perry, Nov. 22.
=166=Perry to Conner [about Nov. 30]. =166=Tattnall to _Id._, Nov.
22. =313=Saunders to Taylor, June 5. =61=Jones to Scott, Nov. 28, 30;
to Patterson, Nov. 29; to Taylor, Nov. 30. =313=Letters from Conner
to Saunders, Nov. =61=Gardner to Taylor, Nov. 17. Smith, Remins., 28.
=61=Shields, Dec. 23. _Espía de la Frontera_, no. 7. =76=Gov. Tamaul.,
address, Nov. 27. Memoria de ... Relaciones, 1846 (circular, Nov.
21). _Picayune_, Jan. 2, 1847. =112=Barnard, Dec. 20, notes on the
fortifications. =112=_Id._ to Gates, Dec. 11; to Shields, Dec. 28.
=112=Beauregard to Totten, Feb. 2, 1847; to Gates, Feb. 24. =61=Gates
to Barnard, May 4, 1849. =66=Beauregard to Totten, Jan. 9, 1847. The
following are from =76=. Parrodi, Oct. 17. S. Anna to Urrea, Oct. 18.
Prefect Huejutla, Nov. 23, 30. Múñoz, Nov. 21, 23, 26; Dec. 1. Order,
April 24. Gov. Guanajuato, Nov. 27. Gov. Michoacán, Nov. 26. Múñoz to
Gov. Tamaul., Nov. 14. Tampico ayunt. to Conner, Nov. 14. Parrodi,
proclam., June 9. To Parrodi, June 3; Aug. 28. Circular, Nov. 21. To
Bravo, May 14. Bravo, May 18. Mejía, June 9. To comte. gen. Querétaro,
Nov. 21. Parrodi, May 20; June 17; July 8; Sept. 2, 5. Múñoz to Parrodi,
Nov. 14. S. Anna to Parrodi, Oct. 12. To S. Anna, Oct. 15; Nov. 8.
Ampudia, Sept. 29. S. Anna, Oct. 3, 10, 12; Nov. 4, 12, 21. Affidavit
of M. Dorante, Dec. 23. Comte. Nat. Gd., Tampico, to Urrea, Nov. 4. To
Ampudia, Aug. 28. When Perry reached Brazos Id. the weather was so bad
that he could only leave an officer on an anchored vessel.
13.39. An estimate of Taylor's strength on Dec. 9 was 14,000 for the
entire field (_Picayune_, Dec. 27). One of Wool's companies was still
at San Antonio, one on the Rio Grande, and four at Monclova on Dec. 16,
he stated; several were left behind when he marched from Parras, and
he probably had 200 sick. Dec. 24 he reported about 2000 effectives
as with him. At Camargo and doubtless elsewhere in that region there
was considerable sickness. See a letter (probably from P. F. Smith) in
_Littell_, no. 141, p. 191. One may doubt whether Taylor had a fighting
force of over 12,000 at this time. The lines are reckoned as from Point
Isabel or the mouth of the Rio Grande to Camargo, Saltillo and Parras,
and from Monterey to Tampico. They were soon longer, because Taylor
advanced beyond Saltillo. His advance to Victoria began Dec. 13 (chap.
xviii, p. 357).
13.40. Opinions as to the number of men under Santa Anna at this time
differed. Taylor's report on Dec. 4 (Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 441) was 20,000
infantry and a large cavalry force; Meade, Nov. 24, 35,000; Meade, Dec.
8, 30,000. =69=Wool wrote on Dec. 24 that according to spies sent out
from Parras Santa Anna had 12,000 at San Luis Potosí, 30,000 at some
distance from there, and 9000 on their way from Guadalajara. =69=Butler
wrote from Saltillo on Dec. 20 that Santa Anna appeared to have 35,000
at S. L. P. and 9000 at Tula.
13.41. _Taylor's military policy._ Taylor, Letter to Gaines, Nov. 5
(and in _Picayune_, Feb. 2, 1847). =169=_Id._ to Crittenden, Oct. 9.
=370=_Id._ to Davis, April 18, 1848. Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 351-4, 377,
379-82, 441, 514-5 (Taylor); 389-91 (Marcy). =256=Marcy to Wetmore,
Jan. 24; Mar. 29, 1847. Scribner, Campaign, 55. Meade, Letters, i,
152, 168-9. Polk, Diary, Jan. 5, 1847. =61=Wool, Dec. 16. =69=_Id._
to Taylor, Dec. 24. _Journ. Milit. Serv. Instit._, xiv, 443. Taylor,
Letters (Bixby), 71-2. =330=_Id._ to brother, Dec. 12. =256=Scott to
Marcy, Dec. 27, priv. _Morning News_, New London, Conn., Dec. 10.
=267=Memo. (probably from Maj. Smith). P. F. Smith, Memoir, Oct. 15.
There was also the difficulty of supervising lines so extended. At
this very time Taylor was afraid things were going badly in his rear
(=330=to brother, Dec. 12). It is particularly hard to find any good
reason for posting a (necessarily large) force at Victoria, so very far
from support. The pass between that point and Tula was not practicable
for artillery, and was not the only pass by which infantry and cavalry
could cross the mountains. Taylor (Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 380) argued that
from Victoria he could threaten the Mexican flank, should Santa Anna
advance. But he would have had to force the pass, and without artillery
he could not have accomplished much. In case of Santa Anna's advancing
and succeeding, this flanking force would have been in great peril,
while in case of his failing it would have been useless. Anyhow it would
have been more useful with the main army. Not only were the Americans
scattered at posts, but they moved about in parties of only 200 or 300
with a carelessness that astounded the Mexicans (Camargo letter: N. Y.
_Journal of Commerce_, Jan. 8, 1847). Taylor could not safely count upon
coöperation between Wool and Worth in the case of an advance of the
Mexicans, for it was likely that Santa Anna's first care would be to
block the road, as probably he could have done.
XIV. SANTA FE
14.1. Independence is ten miles east of Kansas City and about
thirty-five from Fort Leavenworth.
14.2. _Conditions in New Mexico; Armijo._ =13=Bankhead, no. 148, 1846.
St. Louis _Weekly Reveille_, May 23. St. Louis _Republican_, Aug. 25.
Sen. 7; 30, 1 (Emory). =60=Leitensdorfer, June 7. Sen. Misc. 26; 30, 1
(Wislizenus). Inman, Old S. Fe Trail, 27-54, 67-92. =75=Armijo, Jan. 12.
=75=Hacienda to Relaciones, Mar. 16. _Monitor Repub._, Apr. 15. Memoria
de ... Guerra, March, 1845. _Picayune_, March 18. Dublán, Legislación,
v, 10. _Niles_, Sept. 26, p. 52. =52=Alvarez, Feb. 2, 1842; Sept. 4,
1846. =52=Jones, Sept. 20, 1837. =13=Ashburnham, no. 50, 1837. Sen.
90; 22, 1, pp. 30-41. Captain of Vols., Conquest. Pacheco, Exposición.
Ruxton, Adventures (London, 1847), 110, 185-6. Cooke, Conquest, 60.
Kendall, Narrative, i, 295, 314-5, 346-60. _Amigo del Pueblo_, Aug.
19, 1845. México á través, iv, 403. Wash. _Globe_, Sept. 2, 1845. N.
Orl. _Courier_, July 5, 1845. Houston _Telegraph_, Jan. 24, 1844.
=77=Arrangóiz, no. 63, res., 1843. =77=Almonte, no. 4, 1844. Amer.
Antiquarian Soc. Proceeds., new series, viii, 324-41. And the following
from =76=. Assembly of N. Méx., Feb., 1846 (petition for comte. gen.).
Re-extracto on N. Méx. (Sambrano). Ayunt., Hermosillo, Son., proclam.
Comte. gen. N. Méx., May 17, 1845. Tornel, Mar. 10, 1846. To Hacienda,
Mar. 6. Trial of Magoffin (testimony). A merchant's estimate of Santa Fe
caravan business for 1846 was that the first cost of the goods amounted
to $937,500 (Captain of Vols., Conquest, 11).