awaiting is still unfought. Epidemics are breaking out in Cuba and the
Philippines, and “the red cock,” that dreadful bird, is flying from
place to place....
... The craze for fleets has also reached Austria. Enormous plans for
strengthening the navy have been broached. Unions of the great
industries are pleading for it. The slogan “Protection for exports” is
throwing a mantle of political economy around the wish to pocket great
profits from manufacturing and furnishing supplies. Nevertheless
Switzerland has an export trade, and without a fleet, either!
... Debates over the increased price of grain. Of course the price of
bread is not raised by the American war and the closely guarded
boundaries! Oh, no! Our political economists know better. The Stock
Exchange is to blame for everything; and a sure means for relief of the
distress has been proposed by a friend of our mayor,—hang three thousand
Jews; or, still better, grind up all the Jews for artificial fertilizer.
This last proposition was only meant humorously—gentlemen can also be
witty....
... [The Dreyfus Affair.] The Zola case is to be brought once more into
court. Esterhazy threatens to kill Picquart; the mob insults Zola—_à
l’eau! à l’eau!_—and the persecuting press again resumes its system of
abuse and slander.
... In England the Colonial Secretary gives utterance to a speech which
has brought the whole European press into turmoil. He said that war
should have been declared against Russia long before.... The speech is
universally pronounced unstatesmanlike. Well, yes, the accepted course
is to prepare for war, make plans, bring it on, and scheme for it,—that
the diplomatists do; but to call it by name in times of peace, oh,
never! The customary method demands that one must speak of the familiar
“good relations.”
Chamberlain also jostles the Transvaal; he is bound that the sovereignty
of England shall be recognized there. Kruger produces the text of
treaties which make such a demand untenable, and suggests submitting the
matter to an arbitration tribunal. Chamberlain and his organs haughtily
announce that a question regarding Great Britain’s right of sovereignty
shall never under any conditions be submitted to arbitration. How far
below par has the splendid thought, “Right instead of Might,” everywhere
fallen! The waves are hissing and roaring around it on all sides, are
threatening to swallow it up; but this thought is a rock,—the billows
will dash into spray and fall back, and the thought will tower on high.
Up till to-day (May 28) the two hostile fleets have not met. The great
naval battle for which the whole body of spectators is waiting
(glass-house owners who anxiously want to see how the stones fly) has
not as yet taken place. Only a privateering game is played on the ocean.
A prize court has been instituted in order to decide whether a ship is
rightfully captured or not. Why not a court that shall discontinue the
whole business of official piracy?
The month of June brought an unexpected bereavement into our family
circle. One afternoon, I remember, my sister-in-law Lotti, the Countess
Sizzo, came into our room and sank with a groan into an easy-chair. She
held a great bunch of roses in her hand and had just come in from the
garden, where she had got overheated in picking and watering the
flowers. After a while she felt better, chatted quite gayly, and left us
to go to her own room. There, as we were immediately informed, she
fainted. She was put to bed. It was a slight stroke of apoplexy. A
physician was summoned from Vienna. When he arrived she seemed better,
and he announced that the invalid would be well in three weeks. It was
about the twelfth of June, and with minds at rest we took our usual
wedding anniversary excursion. When we got back our poor “Hendl”—this
was my sister-in-law’s nickname, but I do not know why she was called
so—had grown decidedly worse. The Vienna doctor had come again and was
now ordering constant application of ice bags to her head. The sisters
took turns in caring for her, and My Own also spent many hours by
Lotti’s sick bed, for she seemed most grateful and happy to have her
brother near her. On the eighth or tenth day the death agony began. The
death rattle lasted from four o’clock in the afternoon until one at
night. We were all gathered around her bed and in the next room,—the
aged parents, the two sisters, Marianne and Luise, the families from
Stockern, and also a cousin who had loved Lotti for years. I still see
him before me as, hearing from the next room the heavy breathing, he
staggered, leaned against the wall with outstretched arms like one
crucified, and cried, “That is the end—the end!”
And it was the end. The pastor was summoned. Then it lasted an hour or
two longer; the rattling grew more subdued, the breathing less frequent,
and the last sigh was drawn gently.
The next day the body was borne into the castle chapel. Clothed in white
satin, with her golden hair unbound, roses in her folded hands, a
celestial smile on her lips, she looked as young and as lovely as a
bride.
Although I had lived so long, it was the first time I had ever seen the
dead body of one whom I had known in life. All those whom I had lost
from my own circle—my mother, Elvira, Fritz Fürstenberg, the Dedopali,
Mathilde—had died when I was far away, and I had always avoided looking
upon the dead who were indifferent to me.
Very soon indeed I was to see more dead—among them one who was my
world....
In July the news came of the appearance of a great work, in six volumes
and in Russian, against war. The author was said to be a Russian state
councilor, named Johann von Bloch. The book was entitled “The Future of
War in its Technical, Economic, and Political Relations.” A German
translation was shortly to appear. Permission to publish it had been
granted only a short time before, after the author had had an audience
with the Tsar.
News of hunger riots comes from Italy and Spain. For a time the danger
has been acute that a United States squadron would attempt to land
troops in Spain.
The Dreyfus affair takes its course: ever clearer proofs of Esterhazy’s
guilt on the one hand, ever more insane adherence to _la chose jugée_ on
the other.
On the thirtieth of July comes the following entry in my diary:
Bismarck dead. The question arises whether the statesman is as yet born
who shall be for the thought of humanity what Bismarck has been for
German thought.
And a few days later:
In the cathedral at Berlin a funeral service is held at the Emperor’s
command. Court preacher Faber quotes from the favorite psalm of the
departed. The text[22] runs:
Let the high praises of God be in their mouth,
And a two-edged sword in their hand;
To execute vengeance upon the nations,
And punishments upon the peoples;
To bind their kings with chains,
And their nobles with fetters of iron.
Sword and chains—well, yes, those were the Iron Chancellor’s ideals. Now
he belongs to the past. The future requires other symbols,—instead of
blood-dripping iron, the light-streaming diamond.
The Spanish-American War is at an end. The hostilities ceased on the
fourteenth of August.
And ten days later the world was surprised by an event, the account of
which I must give in a new part of these memoirs.
PART EIGHT
1898–1908
LV
THE TSAR’S RESCRIPT
Arrival of the good tidings · Extracts from editorials in _Die Waffen
nieder_ · Congratulatory letters from Moritz Adler, Dr. Karl von
Scherzer, Björnstjerne Björnson, Balduin Groller, Professor Martens,
Prince Dolgorukof, Vice Admiral Semsey, Hedwig Pötting, Kemény, Novikof,
Henri Dunant · Objections of opponents
I was sitting in the summerhouse one beautiful August day, waiting for
the arrival of the mail. My Own was in the habit of going himself to the
postman to get the letters and newspapers that he brought. This was to
me always the most interesting hour of the day.
This time he came back with flying steps and shining face and shouted,
while still at a distance, “I am bringing the most magnificent, the most
surprising news to-day....”
“What is it? Have we made a ten-strike?”
“Almost—listen! This is what some one wrote in last evening’s paper.”
He sat down and read:
“‘The maintenance of general peace and a possible reduction of the
excessive armaments which weigh upon all nations—’”
“That is what we are always saying,” I interrupted, “‘present themselves
in the existing condition of the whole world as the ideal toward which
the endeavors of all governments should be directed.’”
“Should be, but are not—”
“‘The present moment would be very favorable for seeking, by means of
international discussion, the most effectual means of insuring to all
peoples the benefits of a real and lasting peace,—’”
“That article must be by Passy or one of our friends.”
“What a clever guess!—‘and, above all, of putting an end to the
progressive development of armaments.’”
“Well, indeed—”
“‘Hundreds of millions are devoted to acquiring terrible engines of
destruction, which are destined to-morrow to lose all value in
consequence of some fresh discovery in this field.’”
“That is nothing new.”
“‘National culture, economic progress, and the production of wealth are
either paralyzed, or checked in their development. Economic crises,
brought on in great measure by the system of developing armaments to the
utmost, and the constant danger that lies in this massing of war
material, are transforming the armies of our days into a crushing burden
which the peoples have more and more difficulty in bearing.’”
“That article must have been written by a social democrat!”
“More clever than before!—‘It appears evident, then, that if this state
of things is to be prolonged it will inevitably lead to the very
catastrophe which it is desired to avert, and the very thought of whose
horrors makes every man shudder.’”
“Not _every_ man—”
“‘To seek the means of warding off the calamities that are threatening
the whole world is the supreme duty that is to-day imposed on all
states.’”
“Yes, if only the rulers of states thought so!”
“Well, read for yourself—and rejoice!”
He handed me the paper—and what did I see? That was no article from
socialistic or peace circles—it was an official document, addressed in
the name of one of the highest war lords to all governments, with an
invitation to meet in a conference which should have to deal with this
“serious question”—a conference which—I cite the actual words—“would
unite in one powerful combination the efforts of all states which are
sincerely seeking to make the great idea of universal peace triumphant.”
Was not that like a dream, like a fairy tale?
I recollect that hour which, after receiving these tidings,—truly “Good
Tidings,” as the chapter heading of _Schach der Qual_ expressed it,—My
Own and I spent together discussing the marvelous event from all sides;
it was one of the loveliest hours of our lives. It was actually like
counting over the amount of an unexpected windfall.
In the September number of my periodical I expressed my views regarding
this event in the following words:
The news that stands at the head of this number, the Tsar’s rescript,
is the greatest event which, up to the present time, the peace
movement has had to show. It has filled us all with jubilation, for
the colossal, and at the same time the unexpected, overpowers. The
tidings filled the rest of the world with astonishment, and indeed
many (especially the friends of war) with apprehension.
Deep feeling is expressed in the young monarch’s words. The
conventionality of ordinary diplomatic phrases, which say nothing, is
abandoned once for all. So the peace movement—and we have lived to see
the day—has passed over into the sphere of accomplishment.
But the _raison d’être_ of our societies is not abolished thereby. The
Tsar’s act proceeded only from the public spirit which of late has
been so strongly wrought upon; and the support of public spirit, the
organized demonstration of the popular will, is required in order to
support this action which has come from so high a source, in order to
overcome the hostile forces which will assuredly even now stand in the
way.
On the whole, from our standpoint, the event cannot be estimated
highly enough. One of the most powerful of rulers acknowledges the
peace ideal, comes out as an opponent of militarism; from this time on
the movement is incalculably nearer its goal; new ways are opening
before it, and it is to be carried on to a new basis of
operations.[23]
And in the next issue:
... Other periodicals may have already to a certain degree lost
interest in the subject and may only treat it as a reality when the
suggested conference takes place; but for us it does not mean a merely
ephemeral event, but the most significant milestone in our history so
far.
One of the most important and most difficult tasks of the peace
societies—the making their purposes known—has been given a mighty
boost, for from this time forth the knowledge thereof has not only
penetrated into the masses but has also compelled the attention of
every politician.
So in this respect the work is accomplished; but now comes the equally
difficult task of assisting, according to our abilities, to secure the
success of the conference, for the bringing about of which we have
preached and voted so much.
Already pessimists and doubters and dealers in spiteful insinuations
have arisen on all sides. “As if by a silent conspiracy a large part
of the daily press has banded together for the annihilation of a plan
which embraces the dearest hopes of humanity” (_Concord_). The great
masses are as lacking in discretion and understanding regarding the
rescript as they were in regard to the endeavors of the peace
movement, the whole programme of which is contained in it in
concentrated form.
One thing is forgotten in this controversy and dubiety. There is
always an attempt made to calculate what is to be the result of the
conference, and the marvelous fact is left unnoticed that the
invitation itself—from such a quarter and with such a motive back of
it—is really a triumph for the cause and instantly renders nugatory
the hundreds of objections which have always been brought up against
our endeavors under the pretext that it would be impossible for
autocrats and the most powerful war lords ever to give up the growing
armaments.
The settling up of the goal is now the great and cheering element in
the event; the discussion of ways and means may be confidently left to
those who are sincerely aiming to reach the goal. This is what our
enemies feel, and that is why they throw doubt on the sincerity of the
invitation. As if one could lie with such words! The rescript is
absolutely lacking in the vague sinuosities of diplomatic verbosity.
As if anything said should not be directly examined and accepted for
what it is! That is the first right of every utterance of every
ingenuous man who has not as yet been seduced into rascality.[24]
During the days following the publication of the rescript numberless
congratulatory letters and telegrams came to me. I, too, sent
congratulations to true-hearted allies. Egidy likewise received many
tokens of rejoicing. He afterwards told me that a lady, a friend of his,
put a copy of the newspaper containing the rescript in a cover and laid
it on his writing table, with the inscription _Geburtstagsgeschenk_ (“a
birthday present”); it chanced that Egidy’s birthday coincided with this
event.
Here is a selection from the letters that I received:
Ischl, August 29
Highly honored and gracious Lady:
Warm and most respectful congratulations to you and your husband from
the depths of my heart! What feelings it must arouse in you! the
noblest of all joyful emotions!
That I have lived to see this day I regard as the most
incomprehensible and the most surprising delight of my life, which has
been so rich in sorrows and so lean in hope. I could not have dreamed
of this most noteworthy _ex oriente lux_, when in _Wenn ich Kaiser
oder König wäre_ (“If I were Emperor or King”) I attempted to bind the
laurel of this day around the temples of William I, or when in “The
Strike” I let a wise prince pour out his heart as he stood facing the
unripe nations. Now the dream has come true, and may these forever
sleeping nations and inert consciences be aroused with the sound of
the trumpet! Goethe hit it:
Thy spirit world is not forbidden;
Thy heart is dead; thy wits are slow!
Wake! student, lave thy breast unchidden
Within the ruddy morning glow!
I consider myself happy to be able to share your delight.
Most respectfully yours
Moritz Adler
Porto Rose near Pirano, August 31
My heartiest congratulations that your indefatigable endeavors
continued throughout long years in the interest of universal peace
have suddenly, by means of a word on the Neva, brought such a
surprising and brilliant victory into happy prospect!
With heart and hand
Dr. Karl von Scherzer
Minister Plenipotentiary (retired)
Munich, August 30
... The Tsar has done a splendid thing. Whatever may come of it, from
now on the air is throbbing with thoughts of peace,—even where
yesterday they were deemed impossible. This will bring great and
unexpected results. Now the Anglo-American treaty will be ratified,
and ultimately all Germans will be at one—in such an air all things
can come about. You see! it is worth while to preach, to have faith,
to be a prophet, energetically and incessantly!
Björnstjerne Björnson
Vienna, August 30
Congratulations from the bottom of my heart! Salvos of victory! Now
will the great socialist politicians still continue to scorn us!
Balduin Groller
Sondja, October, 1898
... I know from a very trustworthy source of information that the
Emperor wrote this document after he had read _Die Waffen nieder_.
Consequently this fortunate event is to be ascribed wholly to your
influence.[25] I learned quite incidentally, through the newspapers,
of the rescript which has caused all the friends of peace so much
delight, for I have, during the last few years, been very little in
St. Petersburg. I take no part in political activities, as I have
devoted myself to the interests of the zemstvo, which at the present
time demand a great deal of labor and ever claim more and more the
intellectual powers of the country. However, a few years ago I made
the attempt to organize a Russian peace society. This attempt failed,
either because a favorable soil for such a union had not been
sufficiently prepared in advance or because I myself lacked the
necessary qualifications for promoting it.
As far as the public opinion of the province is concerned, I can from
personal observation assert that the most progressive element of
society regards the plan of the peace conference from the same
standpoint as the leading article of the inclosed newspaper,—favorably
and hopefully. As is always the case while public opinion is forming,
this is divided into two extreme camps,—the Utopians and the skeptics;
the latter, unfortunately, in a majority. I am nevertheless persuaded
that our young monarch will draw from the bosom of Russian society the
same strength which his grandfather Alexander II thirty-six years ago
had to help him in the accomplishment of another solemn deed,—the
enfranchisement of the peasants from serfdom,—although then, too,
there were many skeptics and people who were even strongly opposed to
the reform. The labor and active effort in the question that is
interesting us fall, in the present hour, both in Europe and in
America, on the parliamentary forces, whose duty it is now to compel
their governments to express themselves sincerely and without
reservation in regard to the conference proposed by Count Muravieff.
By a strange irony of fate I learned of the imperial manifesto just as
I was taking part in the maneuvers in my capacity as reserve officer.
The officers regarded the matter without excitement, although the best
among them could not help recognizing the correctness of the ideas
embodied in the rescript. The others were of the opinion that all the
peace projects concerned them very little, and that the military
service to which they had been brought up would still for a long time
fill their lives.
Our society was deeply moved and grieved by the death of your Empress.
What a sad madness speaks in such deeds, and how much to be pitied is
mankind when, besides the battle against war, we must also in the
midst of peace think of the pacification of the classes.
Accept, etc.
Prince Peter Dolgorukof
Soras near Eperies, August 30
A storm of delight is rushing through the world in view of the mighty
aurora that is shining from St. Petersburg. Whatever the result be,
the mighty word of one of the mightiest can never be unspoken.
The Lord bless your efforts!
Vice Admiral Semsey
Velden, August 30
Hurrah for the morning glow in the East!
Hedwig Pötting
Budapest, August 29
Can it be possible, can it be true? Now the thing is to use this
victory wisely. Something must and will be done. Now it is a pride and
a joy to be a friend of peace.
I congratulate us all, and first of all, you. This will rouse many.
Kemény
Secretary of the Hungarian Peace Society
Beckenhorn, September 12
... What do I think of the manifesto? A thousand things. I was at the
Lake of Lucerne. I had been enjoying a delightful walk, and in the
evening after dinner I took up the _Indépendance_. I confess I did so
almost reluctantly—politics is such an unsavory dish. One would
willingly forget it when yielding to the witchery of lovely nature and
recovering from the miseries of humanity in the undisturbed purity of
the lofty mountain peaks. So, then, imagine my amazement! Instead of
the usual diplomatic commonplaces, the Emperor’s manifesto! That
absolutely staggered me!
But what do I think of it? In the first place, that we all, those of
us who are of one mind with the spirit of the manifesto, ought to
support Nicholas II with all our might, not only against his opponents
but also against his own person. The undertaking is of great
difficulty. He might lose courage in face of the obstacles. Then it
will be necessary for liberal opinion in Europe, and especially for
the peace unions, to give him unwearied, never-failing assistance.
Secondly, even if the manifesto should have no immediate results, it
will undoubtedly have gigantic indirect influence. It establishes a
new epoch in the history of Europe. That can never be changed.
Are you coming to Turin? That will be the place for us to lay out a
complete plan of campaign. Though I do not belong to the Bureau, yet I
am going there at any rate. If I do not have the good fortune to see
you in Turin, I will on my way back make you that promised visit at
Harmannsdorf.
Yours, etc.
J. Novikof
Heiden, September 21
... Allow me to express my congratulations on the great step which the
Tsar has taken on the path to which your most zealous apostleship has
been devoted. It is a gigantic step, and, whatever may happen, the
world will not shriek, “Utopia!” Disdain of our ideas is no longer
possible; even if accomplishment does not immediately follow the work
of the conference, which will assuredly take place, still, at all
events, a beginning will have been made. This initiative will forever
serve as a precedent.
The Empress Elisabeth’s death has greatly saddened me—ah! if only our
ideas had been made effective ten years earlier, there would not be
any anarchists now.
Henri Dunant
Founder of the Red Cross
The replies of the governments to the manifesto soon began to be
received,—almost all in the affirmative. But sincerity was lacking in
the tone of the acceptances and in the whole treatment of the
invitation. Everywhere, simultaneously, an increase in armaments was
seen to be under way. Very deplorable was the attitude of the German
Social-Democratic party, which holds that only by this party can
militarism be driven from the world; if any one else tries to do it, one
who—_nota bene_—has the power to do it, then it is fraud and farce.