person and government of the King; a profession of gratitude for his
Majesty's uninterrupted attention to the interest of Ireland, and for
the happy alteration, which the wisdom of his councils, and the
liberal sentiments of the British Parliament have effected in the
situation of their affairs. They express a double satisfaction for the
benefits, which have been granted them, because they appear to them to
be an efficacious remedy for the poverty of that country, and because
they furnish an unquestionable proof of that fraternal affection,
which they think they have a right to expect from Great Britain, and
which they will constantly endeavor to cultivate and augment to the
most perfect degree of mutual confidence. They profess the sincerest
pleasure in finding that the ties, which have ever united the two
kingdoms, have been bound faster than ever, by the conduct of their
fellow subjects, and they assure his Majesty, that on their part, they
will never fail to make the greatest efforts for the maintenance of
that close connexion between the two kingdoms, which they firmly
believe to be inseparable from their happiness and prosperity.
The next day the House of Peers, even at the motion of the Duke of
Leinster, followed the example of the House of Commons. Their address
is in substance the same, with this addition, that the benefits
received afford a remedy proportioned to their distress, and that they
will discountenance with all their power all attempts, that deluded
men might make to excite ill founded apprehensions in the people, and
to turn their attention to the commerce, which has been granted them
in a manner so extensive.
To these additions, however, there was an opposition, and finally a
protest, signed by Lord Carrisford, the Earls of Charlemont and Arran,
and the Viscounts Powerscourt and Mountmorris, and by the proxies of
the Earl Moira, and the Lords Eyre and Irnham.
The Duke of Leinster, however, has brought upon his reputation by this
motion suspicions all over Europe, that he has been gained by the
King, which a little time and his future conduct will either dissipate
or confirm.
The next day Parliament adjourned to the 11th of April. Congress will
be able to put a just interpretation upon these addresses, by the
account I gave in my last, of the instructions of the city of Dublin
to their representatives, and their answer, as well as by those of the
county of Dublin, which remain to be communicated. On the 7th of
March, there was held at Kilmainham, an assembly of the freeholders of
the county of Dublin, when the following instructions to their
representatives were agreed on.
"We, your constituents, desiring to acknowledge as we ought, the
advantages our commerce will derive from the particular attention,
which his Majesty has given it, from the integrity of our Parliament,
the firmness of our countrymen, and the justice, which the English
nation begins to render us, we declare to you, that what follows is
the principal cause of our joy upon this occasion. It appears to us,
that the desire of monopolising commerce was the only motive, which
could make England imagine that she had a right to usurp a legitimate
authority over this kingdom, and from the moment when she renounced
this monopoly, she has taken away the principal obstacle, which
opposed our liberty, and consequently the British nation will not
continue to itself an arbitrary power, from which she can derive
nothing but reducing this kingdom to slavery. We desire to know,
moreover, whether the united efforts of the Parliament and people of
Ireland ought to confine themselves, so as to leave this island in a
state of dependence and submission to laws, to which the nation has
never consented, to laws dictated by a Parliament, in which she has no
representatives? Let it not be said, that this power attributed to the
English Parliament is chimerical. We may see the proofs of it even in
the repeal of several of the acts and in this, that several persons
declare, however falsely, that this power is founded upon law. Having
an equal right to political liberty and to commerce, but deprived of
both; and nevertheless content to be restored to the enjoyment of a
free commerce alone; will it not appear, that we absolutely give up
the former? This idea would be absurd. It is then our duty to declare
to the universe, that we are of right a free nation, not to be
subjected to any laws, but such as are made by the King and Parliament
of Ireland.
"Desirous of nothing so much as to live always in good intelligence
with the British nation, on account of the union of the two Crowns,
our instructions are, that you shall make the greatest efforts to
obtain an act, which shall establish forever the independence of the
legislative power of Ireland. We wish, moreover, that you would
endeavor to qualify Poyning's law, by taking away from the privy
council the legislative power. In accomplishing these important
objects, you will acquire honor to yourselves, and give satisfaction
to the nation.
"It is not to be doubted, that you will also fall upon some plan of
economy, by making savings, which are become necessary to increase the
revenue of the Crown, and improve the commerce of the nation."
It seems now very plain, that the Irish nation aspires to an
independence of Great Britain the most unlimited, and acknowledges no
other connexion with her but that of affection and a subjection to the
same King. The troops already raised by associations amount to between
sixty and seventy thousand men, which are to be forthwith augmented by
ten thousand more, who are to be formed of countrymen; each officer is
to furnish four, who will be clothed and paid out of the funds, that
each regiment will establish for this purpose. The principal objects
of these armed associations are said to be, a free and unlimited
commerce to all parts of the world, except only the East Indies. The
repeal of Poyning's law, passed under Henry the Seventh, and another
under George the First, which restrains the legislative authority of
the Irish Parliament, with an express clause, that the Parliament of
Ireland ought, and shall be forever and wholly exempt from all kind of
control and dependence of the British Parliament, in all cases
whatsoever. That students shall no longer be obliged to go to the
Temple in London, and other seminaries in England to study law. But,
in future, they shall study in the University of Dublin, under proper
professors, and shall be admitted to the bar in Ireland by the Lord
Chancellor and the other judges, after a proper examination; the
judges to be natives, except the Chancellor; the bishops also to be
natives.
In the meantime, the slightest circumstances may blow up the flames of
war between the two kingdoms, which would have been done some weeks
ago, if the regular officers of the King's troops had not given way to
the Dublin volunteers.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, March 29th, 1780.
Sir,
I think it my duty to lay before Congress what may occur in Holland,
relative to the present war, at least until the arrival of Mr Laurens,
whose presence is much desired there. Many appearances make it
probable, that the grasping and vindictive temper of the English will
compel the Republic into the war. If they do take a part, it is very
certain it will be against England. As plunder and revenge are the
present ruling passions of the English, it is probable, that a war
with Holland is rather wished for than otherwise, because the Ministry
and their principal supporters seem to have no idea, that it is
possible to make things worse, and all the plunder they can get will
be so much clear gain. The Dutch are so much alarmed and aroused, that
it is very certain the Prince finds it necessary to give out, that he
has been deceived by the English, that he has changed his sentiments,
and that he will promote with all his influence unlimited convoys. It
is certain, that they are fitting their men-of-war with a great deal
of activity, and it is confidently affirmed, that they have made a
treaty with Russia and Sweden, who are to make a common cause. The
States of the Province of Friesland have come to a resolution, that it
was certain Byland was not the aggressor, but that Fielding had not
hesitated to make use of force to visit the Dutch ships under convoy,
to stop those that were loaded with hemp, and to insult the flag of
the Republic. That this proceeding shows, that the complaisance
hitherto shown to England, in depriving the ships loaded with masts
and ship timber of the protection of the State, in leaving them to
sail alone and without convoy, has had no effects, and consequently
the States judge, that a similar condescension ought no longer to take
place, but, on the contrary, all merchandise whatsoever, which the
treaties do not expressly declare to be contraband, ought, without the
least difficulty, to be admitted under convoy, and enjoy the
protection of the State, and to this effect, His Most Serene Highness
ought to be requested to give orders to the commanders of the men of
war, and of the squadron of the Republic, to protect, as heretofore,
all merchandise.
This resolution was taken the 29th day of February, and laid before
the States-General, who, after debating upon it, determined to require
the deputies of the other Provinces to obtain, as soon as possible,
the decision of their Provinces upon the same subject. These two
Provinces, Holland and Friesland, have already decided for unlimited
convoys.
Sir Joseph Yorke, on the 21st of March instant, laid before their High
Mightinesses another Memorial, insisting on the aid which he had
demanded before, upon condition, in case of refusal, that his master
would, after three months consider all treaties between the two
countries as null, and in which he contends, that the protection
afforded to Captain Jones, whom he calls a pirate, in the Texel and in
Amsterdam, was a violation of the treaties.
In order more clearly to comprehend the dispute between Great Britain
and the States-General, it may not be amiss to observe, that by the
marine treaty between the two powers, concluded at the Hague in 1667,
all the subjects and inhabitants of the United Provinces may, with all
safety and freedom, sail and traffic in all the kingdoms, countries,
and estates, which are, or shall be in peace, amity, or neutrality
with the States-General, without any hinderance or molestation from
the ships of war, gallies, frigates, barques, or other vessels
belonging to the King of Great Britain, or any of his subjects, upon
occasion or account of any war, which may hereafter happen between the
King of Great Britain and the above said kingdoms, countries, and
estates, or any of them, which are, or shall be, in peace, amity, or
neutrality with the States-General; and this freedom of navigation and
commerce shall extend to all sorts of merchandise, excepting
contraband goods. That this term of contraband goods, is to be
understood to comprehend all sorts of fire arms, their appurtenances,
and all other utensils of war called in French, "_servans à l'usage de
la guerre_," and that under this head of contraband goods, these
following shall not be comprehended; corn, wheat, or other grain,
pulse, oils, wine, salt, or generally anything that belongs to the
nourishment or sustenance of life, but they shall remain free, as
likewise all other merchandise and commodities not comprehended in the
foregoing article, and the transportation of them shall be permitted
even into places at enmity with Great Britain, except such places are
besieged, blocked up, or invested. Masts, yards, ship timber, and
hemp, the articles now in dispute, are not contraband by this treaty,
or by the law of nations. Yet Great Britain, in the hours of her
insolence and madness, which are not yet at an end, makes no scruple
to seize, condemn, and confiscate them. She pretends, that as the
Dutch refuse to her the aid she demands by treaty, she has a right to
seize upon masts, timber, and hemp, which are not prohibited by
treaty. Not to enter into the inquiry, whether the present case is
such, as by the treaties obliges the Dutch to furnish her aid, but
admitting for argument's sake it is so, yet the consequences will not
follow. It would only follow, that Great Britain was absolved from the
obligation of the treaty, not by any means that she is discharged from
the obligations of the law of nations.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
COUNT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS.
Translation.
Versailles, March 30th, 1780.
Sir,
I have received the letter, which you did me the honor to write on the
21st instant. I remember very well to have said to you, that your
presentation should be inserted in the Gazette of France; but, from
the information I have since obtained, it seems that the
presentations, whether of Ambassadors or Ministers Plenipotentiary,
are not thus announced in our Gazette, and it would have the
appearance of affectation to insert yours. As a substitute, I will
have it mentioned, if you wish, in the _Mercure de France_, and you
can take measures to have the notice repeated in the foreign gazettes.
I have the honor to be, &c.
DE VERGENNES.
_P. S._ I enclose a draft of an article, which I propose to send to
the _Mercure de France_. It will not be sent till I learn your opinion
of it.
* * * * *
"Mr Adams, whom the Congress of the United States has designated to
assist at the conferences for a peace, when that event shall take
place, arrived here some time ago, and has had the honor to be
presented to the King and the royal family."
* * * * *
TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Paris, March 30th, 1780.
Sir,
I have the honor of your Excellency's letter of this day, in answer to
mine of the 21st of this month. Until the receipt of it, I had taken
it for granted, that the presentation of every Ambassador was
regularly inserted in the Gazette of France, and until very lately,
several days since the date of my letter to your Excellency of the
21st of this month, I had supposed, that the presentation of Ministers
Plenipotentiary was constantly inserted likewise.
The information your Excellency has given me, that the presentation of
neither Ambassadors nor Ministers Plenipotentiary have ever been
inserted, has perfectly satisfied me, and I doubt not will equally
satisfy my countrymen, who have heretofore been under the same
mistake with myself.
I approve very much of your Excellency's proposition of inserting my
presentation in the Mercury of France, and shall take measures to have
it repeated in the foreign gazettes.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, March 30th, 1780.
Sir,
I have the honor to enclose to Congress copies of certain letters,
which I have had the honor to write to the Count de Vergennes, and of
others, which I have received from him.
It seems that the presentations of the American Commissioners and
Ministers Plenipotentiary have not been inserted in the Gazette, which
occasioned some uneasiness in the minds of some of our countrymen, as
they thought it a neglect of us, and a distinction between our
sovereign and others. The enclosed letters will explain this matter,
and show, that no distinction has been made between the
representatives of the United States and those of other powers.
I ought to confess to Congress, that the delicacy of the Count de
Vergennes about communicating my powers is not perfectly consonant to
my manner of thinking, and if I had followed my own judgment I should
have pursued a bolder plan by communicating, immediately after my
arrival, to Lord George Germain, my full powers to treat both of peace
and commerce; but I hope Congress will approve of my communicating
first to this Court my destination and asking their advice, and then
pursuing it, because I think no doubt can be made, that it is my duty
to conduct my negotiations at present in concert with our ally, as I
have hitherto done.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, March 30th, 1780.
Sir,
There is an anecdote, which causes a great speculation at present,
because it is supposed to show the tendency of things in Ireland, and
what is to be expected by Great Britain, if the Ministry should oppose
themselves to the wishes of the Irish nation. On the 23d of February,
three bodies of volunteers, those of Dublin, commanded by Colonel John
Allen, those of the Liberties, commanded by Sir Edward Newingham, and
another body, commanded by Mr Taylor, assembled at the Exchange, from
whence they made a long march in a circuit of four miles, accompanied
with other volunteers on horseback, to the Park, the avenues of which
were guarded by five other corps of volunteers.
There they went through the manoeuvres and firings, with as much
celerity and precision as any regular troops. They were there reviewed
by the Duke of Leinster, as General and Commander-in-Chief,
accompanied with four Aids-de-Camps, and they all rendered to this
nobleman military honors almost equal to those which are rendered to a
King.
Returning from the review, the volunteers met in Barrack street a
detachment of the royal troops marching to the castle. These required,
that the volunteers should turn out of the way, and endeavored to
break their ranks; but the volunteers, with their bayonets fixed and
charged, stood their ground and discovered such a resolution, that the
commanding officer of the King's troops ordered them to halt, and
desired to speak with the Duke of Leinster. They entered into a
conference. The regular troops pretended they had a right to the
pavements, as the troops of the King. The volunteers, thought they had
a right to keep it, as free citizens, voluntarily armed for the
defence of their country, and consequently superior to mere
mercenaries. They supported these arguments by preparations for
battle, the people declared themselves in favor of the volunteers, by
collecting together a sufficient quantity of stones, to overwhelm the
troops, who at last gave way, in order to avoid a scene of blood. The
next day the volunteers sent to the Viceroy an excuse, but couched in
terms, which justified their conduct as necessary to maintain the
liberty, independence, and dignity of the nation. I have seen so much
of the spirit of the King's troops, in several contests between them
and the citizens of Boston, as to know very well what all this means.
The volunteers must have great confidence in their own strength, and
the King's troops equal diffidence of theirs, before an altercation of
this kind could terminate in this manner.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO ARTHUR LEE, AT L'ORIENT.
Paris, March 31st, 1780.
Dear Sir,
I have received yours of the 26th, and that of the 15th of this month.
I enclose a copy of the letter you desire.
M. Garnier is gone into the country, and I have not seen him since I
arrived here. Mr Izard, however, has seen him, and will give you a
satisfactory account of what he says.
If I were to apply to the other gentleman, you know what would be the
consequence. It would fly very soon to, you know where, and I should
have only the credit of meddling unnecessarily with disputes, which I
have kept out of as much I could, and which it is certainly now the
public interest, and consequently my duty, to keep out of as much I
can. I had, therefore, rather be excused. The gentleman himself would
probably give you the same answer to a letter from you directly to
him, as he would give to me, unless I should use arts with him; which
would be unworthy of you, as well as of me, and which I cannot use
with anybody.
I shall have enough to do, to steer my little bark among the rocks and
shoals. I shall have perplexities enough of my own, which I cannot
avoid, and dangers too. These I shall meet with a steady mind, and
perhaps none of them will be greater than that, which I think my duty,
of avoiding things that do not belong to me.
Scarcely ever any Minister executed a commission for making a peace,
without ruining his own reputation, in a free government. No Minister
that ever existed, had a more difficult and dangerous peace to make
than I have.
The gentleman you mention has hitherto been very still, but he has
been well received, by all that I have learnt.
Adieu,
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, April 3d, 1780.
Sir,
The Prince of Orange, Stadtholder, is not only supposed to have
ambitious views of allying his family to that of Great Britain, but is
very much influenced by the Duke of Brunswick, who is a field marshal,
and commander in chief of the Dutch land forces, who is also a brother
of Prince Ferdinand. The Duke is not upon the best terms with his
family, because they think he is too much attached to the House of
Austria. By this double attraction of England on one side, and their
old friends the House of Austria on the other, it is not very
surprising that His Most Serene Highness is drawn a little aside from
the line of the American cause, which is now so closely connected, and
likely to be more so, with the House of Bourbon. Hence it is said,
that the Count de Byland is to be honorably acquitted by the court
martial, and hence the embarrassments the Dutch are under, in their
wishes to resent like men the unparalleled injuries, that have been
done them by the English. There is, however, so much spirit in the
United Provinces, as to oblige the Prince to put on the appearance of
resentment at the insults offered to his flag, and to oblige the
British Minister to assume the tone of menace, in order to work upon
the fears of the people, whose property is so exposed as to make them
dread a war with any nation whatever.
Congress will, however, be able to judge of what is doing in Holland
by the following proceedings. A petition was presented to their High
Mightinesses on the 25th of February, for the equipment of fiftytwo
ships of war, in the following terms.
"Your High Mightinesses having thought proper by your resolution of
the 17th of this month, which came to us the 22d, to require us to
present to your High Mightinesses, without influencing, however, in
anything the deliberations of the confederates, a petition for the sum
of two million six hundred and twenty thousand five hundred and
ninetyeight florins, to assist towards the one half of the necessary
expense for an extraordinary equipment of fiftytwo vessels of war and
frigates, which are to be put in a condition of service by the first
of May, as well as of other articles more fully particularised in the
report contained in the resolution of your High Mightinesses, and in
the estimate enclosed with it, which we flatter ourselves were made
with all possible accuracy, while the funds necessary for the half of
the equipment abovementioned, will be found in the produce of certain
duties.