truth. It is taken from the English papers, that Captain Jarvis, in
the Foudroyant of eighty guns, who has been out upon a cruise, with a
small division in the mouth of the Channel, has returned to Plymouth
and gone to Court, to be himself the bearer to Government of
despatches of great importance, from the Court of France to Congress,
found on board a sloop, which on her passage to Philadelphia fell into
his hands. It is asserted, that these despatches contain an ample
detail of the operations concerted between the Court of Versailles and
Dr Franklin, among which the most probable is, the project of
attacking Halifax, which is to be made by a body of troops from New
England, and by a detachment of French troops very considerable by sea
and land.
This moment a letter from London of the 10th of March informs me, that
a packet boat is arrived from Jamaica, which sailed the 29th of
January, with accounts, that Fort Omoa is again in possession of
Spain. That an English man-of-war has taken a Spanish ship-of-war,
bound to South America with stores. She was pierced for sixtyfour, but
earned only fiftytwo guns. The Jamaica fleet sailed on the 24th of
January, convoyed slightly, with two fiftys and two frigates, about
forty merchantmen in all. Nothing yet from America, but it is
generally believed, that a storm has separated and dispersed
Clinton's fleet, intended for the Southern expedition.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, March 20th, 1780.
Sir,
I have at length received a parcel of English papers, which I have the
honor to enclose with this to Congress. They are the General
Advertiser, and the Morning Post, both of which I shall for the future
be able to transmit regularly every week. Congress will see that these
papers are of opposite parties, one being manifestly devoted to the
Court and the Ministry, and the majority, the other to the opposition,
the committees, the associations, and petitions; between both I hope
Congress will be informed of the true facts.
There is the appearance of a piquancy and keenness in the temper of
the opposite parties, by their writings and paragraphs in these
papers, that looks like the commencement of a serious quarrel.
By the violence of the manner in which such characters as Keppel,
Howe, Burgoyne, Richmond, Shelburne, Rockingham, &c. are treated, it
should seem, that the Ministry were exasperated to a greater degree of
rancor than ever, and that they were thoroughly alarmed and determined
to throw the last die. Time and the events of war will decide what
will be the consequences of these heated passions.
By a conversation this morning with the Viscount de Noailles, I am led
to fear, that the fleet from Brest will not be able to put to sea
before the 10th of April. This will be about the time the Marquis de
Lafayette will arrive in America. He sailed from Rochelle the 13th of
this month.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Paris, March 21st, 1780.
Sir,
In the letter, which you did me the honor to write me on the 24th of
February, your Excellency proposed, that the principal object of my
mission should be inserted in the Gazette of France, when it should
make mention of my presentation to the King and all the royal family.
In the answer to this letter, which I had the honor to write on the
25th of February, I informed your Excellency, that I should not think
myself at liberty to make any publication of my powers to treat of
peace, until they should have been announced in the Gazette. It was on
the 7th of March, that I had the honor to be presented to the King and
Royal Family, but no notice has been taken of it in the Gazette of
France. Whether the omission is accidental, or whether it is owing to
any alteration in your Excellency's sentiments, I am not able to
determine.
Your Excellency will excuse the trouble I give you on this occasion,
as it arises wholly from a desire to be able at all times, to render
an account to my sovereign of the motives and reasons of my own
conduct.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO WILLIAM LEE.
Paris, March 21st, 1780.
Dear Sir,
I have just received your favor from Brussels of the 17th of this
month, and I thank you for this instance of your attention to me.
Considering the state of Ireland, and the spirit that seems to be
rising in England, which has already attained such a height, as to
baffle the Minister, and the East India Company, and to carry many
votes in the House of Commons, almost to a balance with him, and even
some against him, I should not be at all surprised, if terms, such as
you mention, should be offered to America; nor should I be surprised
if another rumor, which was propagated at the Palais Royal this day,
should prove true, that a great change is made or to be made in the
Ministry, and that the Lords Shelburne and Rockingham, Burke, &c. are
in. Yet I have no proper accounts of either.
Whatever may be my powers or instructions, or whether I have any or
not, I am very much obliged to you for your sentiments on such a
proposition as a truce for America, supposing it should be made. Your
arguments are of great weight, and will undoubtedly be attended to by
every one, whoever he may be, who shall be called to give an opinion
upon such a great question. You will not expect me at present to give,
if it is proper for me even to form, any decided opinion upon it. Yet
thus much I may venture to say, that having had so long an experience
of the policy of our enemies, I am persuaded, from the whole of it, if
they propose a truce, it will not be with an expectation or desire,
that America should accept it, but merely to try one experiment more
to deceive, divide, and seduce, in order to govern.
You observe, that the heads of some well intentioned, though visionary
Americans, run much upon a truce. I have seen and heard enough to be
long since convinced, that the Americans in Europe are by no means an
adequate representation of those on the other side of the water. They
neither feel, nor reason like them in general. I should, therefore,
upon all occasions hear their arguments with attention, weigh them
with care, but be sure never to follow them, when I knew them to
differ from the body of their countrymen at home.
You say the Dutch are disturbed. Do you wonder at it? They have been
kicked by the English, as no reasonable man would kick a dog. They
have been whipped by them, as no sober postillion would whip a hackney
coach horse. Can they submit to all this, upon any principle, which
would not oblige them to submit, if the English were to bombard
Amsterdam, or cut away their dikes?
I wish I knew the name of the principal confident and director of the
Prince, whom you mention.
I am very anxious to hear of the arrival of Mr Laurens, but suspect
you will learn it first. Mr Dana returns his respects to you.
I thank you, Sir, for your offers of service; nothing can oblige me
more than to communicate to me any intelligence of the designs of our
enemies, in politics or war, and their real and pretended forces by
sea and land. Pray what is the foundation of the story of a quintuple
alliance between Holland, Sweden, Russia, Prussia, and Denmark?
I am, Sir, with great esteem, your humble servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, March 23d, 1780.
Sir,
I have the honor to enclose the English papers of the 11th, 13th, and
14th of March, the _Courrier de l'Europe_, and the Hague, Leyden, and
Amsterdam Gazettes. We are in hourly expectation of great news from
Holland, Ireland, England, Spain, and above all from America, and the
West Indies. I have not had a letter from America since I left it,
except one from my family of the 10th of December, and, indeed,
although several vessels have arrived, I can hear of no letters or
news.
By the English papers Congress will perceive the violent fermentation
in England, which has arisen to such a height as to produce a Congress
in fact, and it will soon be so in name. The proceedings in the House
of Commons on the 14th, which were terminated by a resolution of the
committee of the whole house, to abolish the Board of Trade and
Plantations, carried against the Ministry after a very long and warm
debate, by a majority of eight voices, is not only the most
extraordinary vote, which has passed in the present reign, but it
tends to very extensive consequences.
I believe it is very true, that this Board has been the true cause of
the quarrel of Great Britain against the Colonies, and therefore may
be considered as an object of national resentment, but a resentment of
this kind alone would not probably have produced this effect.
Whether it is the near approach of an election, that has intimidated
the members of the House of Commons, or whether committees, petitions,
associations, and Congress have alarmed them, or whether the nation
is convinced, that America is indeed lost forever, and consequently
the Board of Trade would be useless, I do not know. Be this as it may,
the English nation, and even the Irish and Scotch nations, and all
parts of the world will draw this inference from it, that even in the
opinion of the House of Commons America is lost. The free and virtuous
citizens of America, and even the slavish and vicious, if there are
any still remaining of this character, under the denomination of
tories, must be convinced by this vote, passed in the hey-day of their
joy for the successes of Admiral Rodney's fleet, that the House of
Commons despaired of ever regaining America. The nations subject to
the House of Bourbon cannot fail to put the same interpretation upon
this transaction.
Holland and all the northern powers, with the Empress of Russia at
their head, who are all greatly irritated against England for their
late violences against the innocent commerce of neutral powers, will
draw the same consequences. The politicians of Great Britain are too
enlightened in the history of nations, and the rise and progress of
causes and effects in the political world, not to see, that all these
bodies of people will, in consequence of this vote, consider the
Colonies given up as lost by the House of Commons, and they are too
well instructed, not to know the important consequences that follow,
from having such points as those thus settled among the nations. I
cannot, therefore, but consider this vote, and the other respecting
the Secretary of State for the American Department, which arose almost
to a balance, as a decided declaration of the sense of the nation. The
first consequence of it probably will be one further attempt, by
offering some specious terms, which they know we cannot in justice,
in honor, in conscience, accept, to deceive, seduce, and divide
America, throw all into confusion there, and by this means gaining an
opportunity to govern. There is nothing more astonishing than the
inconsistencies of the patriots in England. Those, who are most
violent against the Ministry, are not for making peace with France and
Spain, but they would wish to allure America into a separate peace,
and persuade her to join them against the House of Bourbon. One would
think it impossible, that one man of sense in the world could
seriously believe, that we could thus basely violate our truth, thus
unreasonably quarrel with our best friends, thus madly attach
ourselves to our belligerent enemies. But thus it is.
Sir George Saville threw out in the House, that he wished to carry
home to his constituents the news of an accommodation with America,
and Mr David Hartley has given notice of his intentions to make a
motion relative to us. But I confess I have no expectations. Mr
Hartley's motions and speeches have never made any great fortune in
the House, nor been much attended to; from whence I conclude, if the
present great leaders, even of opposition in the House, were seriously
disposed to do anything towards a pacification, which we could attend
to, they would not suffer Mr Hartley to have the honor of making the
motion.
The heads of many people run upon a truce with America, and Mr
Hartley's motion may tend this way; but a truce with America cannot be
made without a peace with France and Spain, and would America accept
of such a truce? Give Great Britain time to encroach and fortify upon
all our frontiers? To send enemies into the States, and sow the seeds
of discord? To rise out of her present exhausted condition? Suffer
France and Spain to relax? Wait for alterations by the death of
Princes, or the changes in the characters of Princes, or Ministers in
Europe? I ask these questions, that Congress may give me instructions,
if necessary. At present I do not believe my powers are sufficient to
agree to a truce, if it was proposed; nor do I believe it would be for
our interests or safety to agree to it, if I had. I do not mean,
however, to give any decided opinion upon such a great question, in
this hasty letter; I am open to conviction, and shall obey the
instructions of Congress, with the most perfect respect.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, March 24th, 1780.
Sir,
Mr Burke's bill not being as yet public, we are not yet informed of
the items of it. But as it already appears, that it strikes at the
Department of Secretary of State for America, and at the Board of
Trade, there seems to be little reason to doubt that it goes further,
and strikes at the American Board of Commissioners, at all the
American Judges of Admiralty, Governors of Provinces, Secretaries, and
Custom House Officers of all denominations. At least, if this should
not be found to be a part of the bill, there are stronger reasons, if
possible, for abolishing this whole system of iniquity, together with
all the pensions granted to the refugees from America, than even for
taking away the Board of Trade. And from several late paragraphs in
the papers, and from Mr Fox's severe observations in the House of
Commons upon Governor Hutchinson, calling him in substance the
"firebrand that lighted up all the fire between the two countries," it
seems pretty clear, that it is in contemplation to take away all these
salaries and pensions.
If such a measure should take place, exiled as these persons are from
the country, which gave them birth, but which they have most
ungratefully endeavored to enslave, they will become melancholy
monuments of divine vengeance against such unnatural and impious
behavior. Nevertheless, as these persons are numerous, and have some
friends in England as well as in America, where they had once much
property, there is a probability, I think, that whenever or wherever
negotiations for peace may be commenced, they and their estates now
almost universally confiscated, will not be forgotten. But much pains
and art will be employed to stipulate for them in the treaty, both a
restoration of their property, and a right to return as citizens of
the States to which they formerly belonged. It is very possible,
however, that before the treaty shall be made, or even negotiations
commenced, these gentlemen will become so unpopular and odious, that
the people of England would be pleased with their sufferings and
punishment. But it is most probable, that the Court will not abandon
them very easily.
I should, therefore, be very happy to have the explicit instructions
of Congress upon this head, whether I am to agree, in any case
whatsoever, to an article which shall admit of their return, or the
restoration of their forfeited estates. There are sentiments of
humanity and forgiveness which plead on one side, there are reasons of
state and political motives, among which the danger of admitting such
mischievous persons as citizens, is not the least considerable, which
argue on the other.
I shall obey the instructions of Congress with the utmost pleasure, or
if, for any reasons they choose to leave it at discretion, if I ever
should have the opportunity, I shall determine it without listening to
any passions of my own of compassion or resentment, according to my
best judgment of the public good. There is another point of very great
importance, which I am persuaded will be aimed at by the English
Ministers, I am sure it will by the people of England, whenever times
of peace shall be talked of. For facilitating the return of commerce,
they will wish to have it stipulated by the treaty, that the subjects
of Great Britain shall have the rights of citizens in America, and the
citizens of the United States the rights of subjects in the British
dominions. Some of the consequences of such an agreement to them and
to us are obvious and very important, but they are so numerous, that
it is difficult to determine whether so great a question should be
left to my determination. If, however, contrary to my inclinations, it
should fall to my lot to decide it without instructions, it shall be
decided according to my conscience, and the best lights I have.
I have the honor to be, &c,
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, March 24th, 1780.
Sir,
It has been observed in former letters, that there is scarcely an
example of such a series of fortunate incidents as that which happened
to Rodney's fleet, and it may be proper to dilate a little upon some
of these incidents, to show that the enthusiastic applause, which is
given him by the Court, the Lords, the Commons, and the city of
London, is no otherwise merited than by the boldness of his
enterprise; unless simple good fortune is merit.
It must be allowed, that it was a desperate plan in the Minister to
order him out on the design to succor Gibraltar, and it was a
desperate resolution in him to undertake it; because he had to expect
to meet with the whole Spanish squadron at Cadiz, and that it would
follow him, which was in fact the case.
Don Gaston sailed from Brest the 13th of January in search of Admiral
Rodney, with twenty Spanish ships of the line, with four French ships
of the line, the Glorieux, the Burgundy, the Zodiac, and the Scipio,
with the frigate, the Nereis, under the Chef d'Escadre, the Chevalier
de Bausset. If the four and twenty ships of the line had joined Don
Langara's squadron, there is scarce a possibility of doubt, after the
brave defence made by him, with such inferior force, that Rodney's
fleet would have been totally ruined, and consequently Gibraltar
reduced to extremities. But this was not to happen. The next day after
Don Gaston sailed from Brest, he met with a terrible storm, which
separated his fleet. Two of his Spanish ships arrived at Cadiz the
31st of January, the Serious and the Atlant, each of seventy guns. The
third of February there arrived twelve others. The Rayo, commanded by
Don Gaston, and the St Louis, both of eighty guns, the Velasco, the St
Francis de Paule, the S. Isabella, the S. Joachim, the St Peter, the
St Damase, the Arrogant, and the Warrior, all of seventy, the Mink of
fiftysix, and the frigates, the Assumption and the Emerald, with the
French division under the Chevalier de Bousset, excepting the Scipio,
commanded by the Baron de Durfort, which did not arrive until the 17th
of February, after having cruised ten or twelve days off St Vincent,
which had been appointed as the place of rendezvous and reunion, in
case of separation. The Guardian Angel, of seventy guns, which was
also separated from the squadron, did not arrive till several days
after Don Gaston at Cadiz, having suffered very much, as well as all
the other vessels, in their masts and rigging, by the bad weather, and
especially by the violent gale of wind, which they met with on the 1st
of February, near the Cape of St Vincent. Of the five remaining
Spanish vessels, four went into Ferrol, the St Vincent Ferries, of
eighty guns, commanded by Don d'Acre, Lieutenant General; the St
Charles, of eighty; the Vengeur, of seventy, and the Septentrion, of
sixty; the fifth, named the St Joseph, of seventy, by Don Orsorno,
Chef d'Escadre, returned to Brest dismasted. This separation and
dispersion of the fleet and of its principal officers exposed Langara,
and made Rodney's fortune; and the necessity these vessels were in of
reparation, gave liberty to the English fleet to put to sea from
Gibraltar and regain the Atlantic Ocean, on the 13th of February, to
the number of twentytwo ships of the line, including those of Rodney,
Digby, and Ross, and four of the vessels taken from the Spaniards, and
three frigates, with twelve merchant ships under their convoy, leaving
at Gibraltar, the Edgar, of seventyfour, the Panther, of sixty, which
has been there a long time, and the Guipuscoa, of sixtyfour guns,
taken from the Spaniards on the 8th of January, with twentyfour
merchant vessels under her convoy.
There has been much conversation for several days, concerning a
Spanish armament preparing at Cadiz, and letters from Carthagena say,
that the regiment of infantry, called the Flankers' regiment, which
has been in garrison in that city, has been completed by orders from
the Court of Naples, and on the 1st of March, the first battalion
marched for Cadiz, and on the 4th of March, the second battalion. It
is said that this regiment is to embark with several others, which
from different garrisons have arrived at the same place for America,
in all parts of which, according to appearances, the English will have
enough to do to maintain their ground this ensuing campaign.
In Ireland, on the 22d of February, an assembly of the gentlemen,
clergy, and freeholders of the city of Dublin, resolved unanimously,
that the advantages obtained in commerce are neither complete nor
solidly established; that the sense of the nation is, that the Irish
Parliament alone, in concert with the sovereign, can give to the laws
already obtained of the Prince their obligatory force; that what has
been done ought not to be considered as anything more than a great
beginning; and that the general hope was, that the end of the session
would be as advantageous to the political constitution of the country,
as the commencement of it had been favorable to commerce; that the
fathers of the country are particularly requested and instructed to
obtain a declaratory act, which may preserve forever the free and
independent state of Ireland, and by introducing some necessary
modifications of Poyning's law, to prevent in future all controversy
between the King and the Parliament of Ireland, concerning fundamental
laws.
These instructions were given by the sheriffs to the representatives
of Dublin, who answered that they were convinced, that no foreign
legislative power whatsoever had any right, or ought to arrogate to
itself any authority over their nation, and without injuring the legal
and known authority, which his Majesty has a right to exercise over
this kingdom in a manner conformable to the laws, they would neglect
nothing to obtain an act, which should take away every unjust
restriction, and which should tend to assure the constitutional
independence of the kingdom. This is said to be the general sense of
the whole kingdom, so that it may truly be said, that the British
empire is crumbling to pieces like a rope of sand, insomuch, that if
the war should continue, I shall not be at all surprised if even
Scotland should become discontented with the Union, and the disputes
between the Ministry and the East India Company should terminate in
the independence of Asia; nay, it would be no miracle if the West
India Islands should request the protection of France and Spain, or
the United States. I will take the first opportunity to write upon the
subject of Lord North's loan, which, together with the other ways and
means, amounts to the amazing sum of £20,674,000 sterling.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, March 26th, 1780.
Sir,
On the 2d day of March the news of the royal consent to the bill,
which the British Parliament has passed for granting to Ireland a free
commerce with the American Colonies, the West Indies, and the Coast of
Africa, was celebrated in Dublin by public rejoicings; the guns of
the Lark were discharged, the garrison made a _feu de joie_, the
castle and other public buildings were illuminated, as well as some
private houses. The government were probably encouraged to these
demonstrations of joy, by the motion, which was made the day before,
that is, the 1st of March, by Mr Dennis Doly in the House of Commons,
for an address of thanks to the King, to which both parties
unanimously consented, not excepting the principal patriots, such as
Mr Ogle, Mr Hussy Burgh, and Mr Grattan.