requisition of your High Mightinesses, as we consider the said plan,
as tending to accomplish what has been for so many years represented
and advised, as well by His Serene Highness as by us, in general
petitions addressed successively to your High Mightinesses, as well as
to the confederates, that is to say, to put the Republic in a more
respectable state of defence, by augmenting her marine and troops, an
object upon which it has been again insisted in the petition of the
current year, which employed such reasons and such urgent motives to
this purpose, that expressions now fail us for adding anything to what
has been already said; and persuaded, moreover, as we are, that the
circumstances and facts, such of them as have passed in a manner so
remarkable, render useless and superfluous all further reasonings, in
such sort, that all these details being already perfectly understood,
as well by your High Mightinesses as by the confederates, we think we
may depend upon this knowledge, in expectation of the definitive
resolutions of your High Mightinesses, equally salutary and unanimous,
and the effect of which will be to prevent and ward off the new
misfortunes, which may threaten the Republic; assured, moreover, and
persuaded, that the serious intention of the confederates is to
accomplish the equipment proposed with all that depends upon it, and
that to this end, their High Mightinesses will be pleased, not only to
give their consent to the petition of two millions six hundred and
twenty thousand five hundred and ninetyeight florins, formed by the
present, but also, what is more important, to furnish as soon as
possible their quota to the general treasury, by which means the
colleges of the Admiralty, whose duty it is to attend to the
equipments, may be possessed of the means necessary to this operation
at convenient periods; which will be thought more indispensably
necessary, on casting an eye on the reasons more amply alleged in the
report of the colleges of the Admiralty, and expressed in the
resolution of your High Mightinesses, the 17th of February, to which
we refer."
MEMORIAL.
On the twentyfirst of March, 1780, Sir Joseph Yorke, the British
Ambassador, presented a Memorial to their High Mightinesses, of the
following tenor.
"High and Mighty Lords,
"The King, my Master, has always cultivated the friendship of
your High Mightinesses, and has always considered the alliance,
which has so long subsisted between the two nations, as founded
upon the wisest principles, and as essential to their mutual
prosperity. The principal objects of this alliance, which stands
upon the immovable basis of a common interest, are the safety and
prosperity of the two States, the maintenance of the public
tranquillity, and the preservation of that just balance so often
disturbed by the ambitious policy of the House of Bourbon. When
the Court of Versailles, in direct violation of the public faith,
and of the common rights of sovereigns, had broken the peace, by
a league made with the rebel subjects of his Majesty, avowed and
declared formally by the Marquis de Noailles; when, by immense
preparations, France manifested her designs of annihilating the
maritime power of England, the King expected that your High
Mightinesses, too enlightened not to see, that the safety of the
Republic is closely connected with that of Great Britain, would
have been zealous to come to his assistance. One of the first
cares of his Majesty was, to inform your High Mightinesses of all
the circumstances of this unjust war; and in the critical
situation in which the King found himself he did not forget the
interests of his ancient allies; but, on the contrary, has shown
the most sincere desire to favor the commerce and the free
navigation of the Republic, as much as the safety of his people
could permit. He even desisted a long time from demanding the
succors stipulated by the treaties, fulfilling thus his own
engagements, without insisting on the accomplishment of those of
your High Mightinesses. The demand was never made, until after
the united forces of France and Spain showed themselves ready to
fall upon England, and there attempt a descent by the assistance
of a formidable fleet. Although frustrated in this enterprise,
the enemies of the King meditate still the same project; and it
is by the express order of his Majesty, that the undersigned
renews, at this time, in a manner the most formal, the demand of
the succors stipulated by different treaties, and particularly by
that of the year 1716.
"Hitherto your High Mightinesses have been silent upon an article
so essential; at the same time, you have insisted on a forced
construction of the treaty of commerce of the year 1674, against
the abuse of which Great Britain has protested at all times. This
interpretation cannot be reconciled to the clear and precise
stipulations of the secret article of the treaty of peace of the
same year. An article of a treaty of commerce cannot annul an
article so essential of a treaty of peace, and both are expressly
comprehended in the principal treaty of alliance of 1678, by
which your High Mightinesses are obliged to furnish to his
Majesty the succors, which he now demands. You are too just and
too wise not to feel, that all the engagements between powers
ought to be mutually and reciprocally observed, and although
contracted in different periods, they oblige equally the
contracting parties. This incontestible principle applies itself
here with so much the more force, as the treaty of 1716 renews
all the anterior engagements between the Crown of England and
the Republic, and incorporates them, as it were, together.
"Moreover, the subscriber had orders to declare to your High
Mightinesses, that he was ready to enter into conferences with
you, to regulate in an amicable manner all which might be
necessary to avoid misunderstandings, and prevent every
disagreeable occurrence, by concerting measures equitable and
advantageous for the respective subjects.
"This friendly offer was refused, in a manner as unexpected as it
was extraordinary and unusual among friendly powers; and without
taking notice of repeated representations, both public and
secret, upon the subject of convoys, your High Mightinesses have
not only granted convoys for different kinds of naval stores, but
you have moreover expressly resolved, that a certain number of
vessels of war should be held ready to convoy in the sequel naval
stores of every species, destined for the ports of France; and
this at a time when the subjects of the Republic enjoyed by the
force of treaties, a freedom and an extent of commerce and of
navigation far beyond that, which the law of nations allows to
neutral powers. This resolution, and the orders given to Admiral
Byland, to oppose himself by force to the visits of merchant
ships, have given place to the incident, which the friendship of
the King would have greatly desired to have prevented; but it is
notorious, that this Admiral, in consequence of his instructions,
first fired upon the sloops bearing the English flag, which were
sent to make the visit in the manner prescribed by the treaty of
1674. It was then a manifest aggression, a direct violation of
the same treaty, which your High Mightinesses seem to look upon
as the most sacred of all. His Majesty has made beforehand
repeated representations of the necessity and justice of this
visit, practised in all similar circumstances, and fully
authorised by this treaty. They were informed in London, that
there were in the Texel a great number of vessels loaded with
naval stores, and particularly with masts and large ship timber,
ready to set sail for France immediately after, or under, a Dutch
convoy. The event has but too fully proved the truth of these
informations, since some of these vessels have been found even
under this convoy. The greatest number have escaped, and have
carried to France the most efficacious succors, of which she
stood in the greatest necessity.
"At the same time your High Mightinesses thus aided the enemy of
the King, by favoring the transportation of these succors, you
imposed a heavy penalty upon the subjects of the Republic, to
restrain them from carrying victuals to Gibraltar, although this
place was comprehended in the general warranty of all the British
possessions in Europe, and although at that time Spain had vexed
the commerce of the Republic, in a manner the most outrageous and
unexampled.
"It is not only on these occasions, that the conduct of your High
Mightinesses towards the King, and towards the enemy of his
Majesty, forms a most striking contrast in the eyes of all the
impartial world. No one is ignorant of that, which passed in the
too well known affair of Paul Jones. The asylum granted to this
pirate was directly contrary to the treaty of Breda, of 1667, and
even to the proclamation of your High Mightinesses of 1776.
Further, although your High Mightinesses have kept, and still
keep a silence the most absolute, with regard to the just demands
of his Majesty, you have been forward, at the simple request of
the King's enemies, to assure them of an absolute and
unconditional neutrality, without any exception of the ancient
engagements of the Republic, founded upon the most solemn
treaties. Nevertheless the King would still persuade himself,
that all which has passed ought to be attributed less to the
disposition of your High Mightinesses, than to artifices of his
enemies, who, after having excited discord among the members of
the State, seek alternately by menaces and by promises to animate
them against their natural ally. His Majesty cannot believe, that
your High Mightinesses have taken the resolution to abandon a
system, which the Republic has pursued for more than a century,
with so much success and so much glory.
"But if such was the resolution of your High Mightinesses, if you
were determined to forsake the alliance with Great Britain, in
refusing to fulfil the engagements of it, there would arise from
this resolution a new order of things. The King would perceive
such an alteration with a sensible regret; but the consequences,
which would follow from it, would be necessary and unavoidable.
If by an act of your High Mightinesses, the Republic should cease
to be the ally of Great Britain, the relations between the two
nations will be totally changed, and they will no longer have any
other ties or relation than those, which subsist between nations
neutral and friendly. Every treaty being reciprocal, if your High
Mightinesses will not fulfil your engagements, the consequence
will be, that those of his Majesty will cease to be obligatory.
It is in pursuance of these incontestible principles, that his
Majesty has ordered the subscriber to declare to your High
Mightinesses, in a manner the most friendly, but at the same time
the most serious, that, if contrary to his just expectations,
your High Mightinesses do not give him, within the term of three
weeks, to be computed from the day of presentation of this
memorial, a satisfactory answer, touching the succors demanded
eight months ago, his Majesty, considering this conduct as a
departure from the alliance on the part of your High
Mightinesses, will no longer consider the United Provinces in any
other light than that of other neutral powers not privileged by
treaties, and consequently will, without further delay, suspend
conditionally, and until further orders, in regard to their
subjects, all the particular stipulations of the treaties between
the two nations, particularly those of the treaty of 1674, and
will hold himself simply bound by the general principles of the
law of nations, which ought to serve as rules between powers
neutral and not privileged.
JOSEPH YORKE."
On the 24th of March, the States-General made the following answer to
Sir Joseph Yorke.
"That their High Mightinesses had resolved to represent to his
Britannic Majesty by the Count de Welderen, their Envoy
Extraordinary, that having seen by the memorial of the
Ambassador, dated the 21st of March, that his Majesty fixed a
term of three weeks to have a satisfactory answer touching the
succors demanded, their High Mightinesses wished to satisfy, as
soon as possible, the desires of his Britannic Majesty, by giving
him a positive answer; but they foresaw, that the form of
government inherent in the constitution of the Republic would not
permit them to complete their answer in the time specified, as
the memorial of the Ambassador, having become an object of the
deliberations of the representative Provinces, it was necessary
to wait the resolution of the several States, the Assemblies of
which were now sitting, or about to sit; that their High
Mightinesses assured themselves, that his Majesty, considering
these reasons, would not persist rigorously in the time fixed, to
the end, that their High Mightinesses might have that of forming
in a manner conformable to the constitution of the Republic (in
which their High Mightinesses had not a right to make any
alteration) an answer to the memorial of the Ambassador, their
High Mightinesses promising to neglect nothing for accelerating,
as much as possible, the deliberations upon the subject, and they
pray the Ambassador to support these representations, with his
good offices, with the King, his master."
Sir Joseph Yorke, after reading this answer, replied, that whatever
might be his desire to satisfy the inclinations of their High
Mightinesses, the orders of the King, his master, would not permit him
upon this occasion; that, however, he doubted not, that they would be
equally satisfied by the representations with which their High
Mightinesses had charged the Count de Welderen at the Court of London.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, April 3d, 1780.
Sir,
The fermentation in England has already distressed the administration
and overawed some of the members of the House of Commons, but there is
room to suspect, that this is chiefly to be attributed to the approach
of an election. The petitions are very far from being universal, and
the congress of the sub-committees is not yet numerous.
At a meeting of these from York, Surry, Middlesex, Sussex, Gloucester,
Hertford, Kent, Huntington, Dorset, Bucks, Chester, Devon, and Essex,
from the cities of London, Westminster, Gloucester, and the towns of
Newcastle and Nottingham, holden at the St Albans tavern, and
afterwards by adjournment at the great room in King Street, St James,
on the 11th, 14th, 15th, 17th, 18th, and 20th days of March, 1780, the
Reverend Christopher Wyvill in the chair, a memorial was agreed on,
containing reasons for a plan of association.
They affirm that there is a despotic system, and they date the
commencement of it nearly from the beginning of the present reign, and
they say that they have arrived at the crisis, which the wisest of the
political writers marked for the downfall of British liberty, when the
legislative body shall become as corrupt as the executive, they should
have said more corrupt, because that is undoubtedly the fact at
present, as well as the case stated by Montesquieu.
They say, that by the unhappy war with America, begotten in the first
instance of this despotic system, and nursed with a view of giving
completion to it, the fatal influence of the Crown has been armed with
more ample means for enslaving Parliament, while the nation has
visibly sunk almost into beggary. Never did any country experience so
sudden a reverse from prosperity to depression. They state the fall of
rents, the accumulation of taxes, and the stagnation of all credit.
They then run a long course of reasoning, to show the utility,
importance, and necessity, of the several things they recommended to
the people of England, which are all comprehended in a few
propositions.
1st. They recommend perseverance in the petitions, and an association
in support of them.
2dly. A new law for taking the suffrages of the people at elections,
to prevent expense and influence.
3dly. To adopt, as part of their general associations, the following
propositions.
I. That an examination be made into all the branches of the receipt,
expenditure, and mode of keeping and passing accounts of public money.
II. One hundred, at least, of additional members of counties in the
House of Commons.
III. That the members of the House of Commons be _annually elected_.
IV. That it is recommended to all voters to support, at the next
election, such candidates as shall, by signing the association or
otherwise, satisfy them that they will support these regulations in
Parliament.
In the Middlesex committee, at the Masons' tavern, March 24th, this
circular letter and the memorial it contained were unanimously
approved, and their members in the general Congress thanked. In the
Westminster committee, King's Arms tavern, Palace yard, March 15th,
1780, it was resolved, "that by the resolution of the general meeting,
directing this committee to prepare a plan of association on legal and
constitutional grounds, to support the laudable reform, and such other
measures as may conduce to restore the freedom of Parliament, this
committee conceive themselves bound to enter into the consideration of
every question tending to establish the independency of Parliament on
a solid and durable basis. That the duration of Parliament, and the
state of the representatives of the people, are questions immediately
under this description; that a sub-committee, consisting of seven
persons, be appointed to inquire into the state of the representation
of the nation and make a report." On the 20th of March, the
sub-committee reported. The report is dated the 19th. "That new
Parliaments to be holden once in every year were the ancient usage,
and declared to be the hereditary and indefeasible right of the people
of England; that the 6th of William and Mary is the first, which
attempts to appoint the time of the continuance of Parliament to be
for the term of three years, though the same act recognises the
ancient laws and statutes of this kingdom, by which annual Parliaments
were confirmed, and declares that frequent and new Parliaments tend
very much to the happy union and good agreement of the King and
people; that by the 1st of George the First, the Parliament then
chosen for three years, (by acquiescence of the people to the act of
William and Mary, on the faith of its declaring, that from henceforth,
no Parliament whatsoever, that shall at any time hereafter be called,
assembled, or held, shall have any continuance for longer than three
years only at the furthest,) did pass an act to prolong its
continuance to seven years; that temporary considerations are stated
in the preamble to the act, as the principal motives for the act
itself, that the 6th of William and Mary is worded as if declaratory
of what was conceived, however falsely, to have been the constitution
of the country; but that the septennial act assumes a power of
altering the duration of Parliament at pleasure; that these
alterations in the constitution of Parliament were made without
communication with the constituent body of the people, and have been
continued without the sanction of their approbation; that the
septennial bill was strongly opposed in Parliament, and a direct
infringement on the constitution, and a flagrant breach of trust
towards the constituent body; that it was supported almost entirely on
the principle of expediency; that the voice of the people appeared
strongly against it, in many respectable petitions to Parliament on
the occasion, and that a constitutional protest was entered by the
Peers, stating, that frequent Parliaments were the fundamental
constitution of the kingdom; that the House of Commons ought to be
chosen by the people, and when continued for a longer time than they
were chosen for, they were then chosen by the Parliament and not by
the people; that they conceived the bill, so far from preventing
corruption, would rather increase it, for the longer a Parliament was
to last, the more valuable to corrupt ones would be the purchase, and
that all the reasons which had been given for long Parliaments might
be given for making them perpetual, which would be an absolute
subversion of the third estate; that various motions were afterwards
made and strongly supported for a repeal of the septennial act,
particularly a motion for annual Parliaments in 1774, which was lost
only by a majority of thirtytwo; that the city of London and other
respectable bodies continued to instruct their representatives to
prosecute this object in the most vigorous manner, as essentially
necessary to the independency and integrity of Parliament, the rights
of the people, and the prosperity of their country; that by the 8th of
Henry Sixth, the Parliament, then elected by the commonality at large,
passed an act to disfranchise the greater part of their constituents,
by limiting the right of election of Knights of the Shire to persons
having free lands, or tenants, to the value of forty shillings by the
year, at the least, which restriction has ever since continued; that
many towns and boroughs, formerly entitled for their repute and
reputation, to send members to Parliament, have since fallen into
decay, yet continue to have a representation equal to the most opulent
counties and cities, while other towns and places, which have risen
into consideration, and become populous and wealthy, have no
representatives in Parliament; that the number of the inhabitants of
England and Wales is above five millions; that of these, twelve
hundred thousand are supposed capable of voting, as the constitution
stood before the restrictive act above quoted; that not more than two
hundred and fourteen thousand are at present permitted to vote; that
out of these, one hundred and thirty thousand freeholders elect
ninetytwo members for fiftytwo counties; fortythree thousand citizens,
freemen and others, elect fiftytwo members for twentythree cities and
two universities, and fortyone thousand electors choose three hundred
and sixtynine members for one hundred and ninetytwo towns and
boroughs; that fifty of these members are returned by three hundred
and forty electors; and a number scarcely above six thousand, being a
majority of the voters of one hundred and twentynine of the boroughs,
return two hundred and fiftyseven representatives, which is a majority
of the whole English House of Commons, and the efficient
representation of above five millions of people; that many of these
boroughs are immediately under the influence of the Crown, as the
cinque ports; many of them are private property, affording hereditary
seats, as those under burgage, tenure, and some of them almost without
houses or inhabitants, as Galton, Newtown, and Old Sarum; that
considering the representation with reference to property, many
counties return representatives out of all proportion to what they
contribute to the public revenue; that Cornwall pays to land tax and
subsidy, sixteen parts out of five hundred and thirty, and sends
fortyfour members to Parliament, while Middlesex pays not less in
proportion than two hundred and fiftysix, and sends eight members; so
that the inequality of the representation of this country, with regard
to property, is still greater than when estimated according to the
numbers of its inhabitants." The Westminster committee after
considering this report, Mr Fox in the chair, came to the following
resolutions.
"1. That annual Parliaments are the undoubted right of the people of
England, and that the act which prolonged their duration was
subversive of the constitution, and a violation on the part of the
representatives, of the sacred trust reposed in them by their
constituents.
"2. That the present state of the representation of this country is
inadequate to the object, and a departure from the first principles of
the constitution.
"3. That thanks be given to the sub-committee for their very
intelligent report.
"4. That copies of it be sent to the several committees of the
counties, cities, and boroughs of the kingdom."
I have been thus particular in stating the proceedings of these
committees, because it must be an advantage for Congress to have them
all in view, and to see the whole of the foundation that is laid. They
are some of the most important proceedings of the present reign; they
are the commencement of a new sovereignty in opposition to the old. If
there is virtue or good sense in the nation, these machines will
discover it and set it in motion, and provided the war continues, it
will prevail; but if there is neither virtue or sense remaining, or
not enough of these to produce the desired effect, it will probably
be the last national effort made in favor of liberty, and despotism
will range at large.
If the King would make peace now, he would dissipate all these
combinations in England, Ireland, and Holland, as well as prevent the
treaty with Spain, (which I believe is in a good way, from a letter
which I lately saw from Mr Carmichael,) from giving advantages, to
Spain, and disadvantages to England, which can never be altered. But
if he continues the war long, if he should have signal successes,
these may dispel the storms in England and Ireland; but if he should
be unsuccessful, the new sovereignty will probably prevail against
him, after involving the three kingdoms in confusion and blood.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.