whether with part of it, and what part, is yet undetermined by the
public.
France and Spain, however, have a vast superiority still remaining,
which, if it should be ably managed, will easily humble the English;
but if it should be unwisely managed, or continue to be as unfortunate
as it has been from the moment of the Count d'Estaing's sailing from
Toulon, it will even in this case last long enough to consume and
exhaust their enemies.
I have the honor to enclose the _Mercure de France_, of the 11th of
March, the Hague Gazette of the 6th, and 8th, the Amsterdam Gazette of
the 7th, and the Leyden of the 7th.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO EDMUND JENNINGS.[58]
FOOTNOTE:
[58] Mr Jennings was an American, and although he resided in London
during the war, he was a warm friend to the cause of his country.
Paris, March 12th, 1780.
Dear Sir,
I have to acknowledge the receipt of three excellent letters, one of
the 1st, the others of the 5th and 8th of March. I thank you for the
copy of your letter to the pensioner, and for your dialogue between
York and Chatham.
It is undoubtedly the duty of every commercial nation, to make their
flag respected in all the seas, and by all the nations, not by
insulting and injuring all others, like Great Britain, but by doing
justice to all others, and by insisting upon justice from them. But
how is Holland to obtain justice from the English, who take a manifest
pleasure and pride in showing her and all Europe, that they despise
her? Holland seems to be as corrupted and unprincipled as Great
Britain, but there is one great difference between them. Great Britain
has a terrible naval force, Holland has next to none. Great Britain
has courage and confidence in her power, Holland has none. I do not
mean that the Dutch are destitute of personal courage, but national
courage is a very different thing.
The curious doctrine of a constitutional impossibility of
acknowledging our independence is well exposed in your dialogue. I
suppose the idea was taken from Lord Chatham's dying speech, when he
conjured up the ghost of the Princess Sophia of Hanover, to whose
posterity, being Protestants, the act of settlement had consecrated
the succession of the crown and its authority over all parts of the
dominions. This was a masterly stroke of oratory, to be sure, and
shows, that my Lord Chatham in his last moments had not lost the
knowledge of the prejudices in the character of the English nation,
nor the arts of popularity. But a more manifest address to the
passions and prejudices of the populace, without the least attention
to the justice or policy of the principle, never fell from a popular
orator, ancient or modern. Could my Lord Chatham contend, that the
heirs of the Princess Sophia of Hanover, provided they should be
Protestants, had the throne and its prerogatives entailed upon them,
to everlasting ages, over all parts of the British dominions, let them
do what they would? Govern without Parliament, by laws without law,
dismiss judges without fault, suspend laws, in short do everything
that the Stewarts did, and ten times more, yet so long as they were
Protestants, could there be no resistance to their will, and no
forfeiture of their right to govern? I said this was a figure of
rhetoric, employed by his Lordship _ad captandum vulgus_. I believe so
still, but I believe he meant it also _ad captandum regem_, and that
he thought, by throwing out this idea, that he was not for
acknowledging our independence, the King, who at that time was
distressed for a Minister able in conducting a war, would call him
into the Ministry. I ever lamented this black spot in a very bright
character. I do not remember anything in his Lordship's conduct, which
seemed to me so suspicious to have proceeded from a perverted heart as
this flight. Allowance, however, ought to be made; perhaps he was
misunderstood, and would have explained himself fairly if he had
lived.
I have not seen the pamphlet entitled _Facts_, nor that by Lloyd, nor
the _Examen_. I should be glad to see all of them. I find a difficulty
in getting pamphlets from England, but I shall have a channel to
obtain them by and by. I went to Mr Grant's as soon as I received
yours of the 8th. Mr Grant the father was out, and no other in the
house knew anything of your letter, or maps, or other things. I will
speak to the father the first opportunity. Mr Lee is gone to L'Orient.
What think you of luck? Had any gambler ever so much as Rodney. One of
our tories in Boston, or half way whigs, told me once, God loves that
little island of Old England, and the people that live upon it. I
suppose he would say now, God loves Rodney. I do not draw the same
conclusion from the successes, that the island or the hero have had.
Who can be persuaded to believe, that he loves so degenerate and
profligate a race? I think it more probable, that heaven has permitted
this series of good fortune to attend the wicked, that the righteous
Americans may reflect in time, and place their confidence in their own
patience, fortitude, perseverance, political wisdom, and military
talents, under the protection and blessing of his providence.
There are those who believe, that if France and Spain had not
interposed, America would have been crushed. There are in other parts
of Europe, I am told, a greater number who believe, that if it had not
been for the interposition of France and Spain, American independence
would have been acknowledged by Great Britain a year or two ago. I
believe neither the one nor the other. I know the deep roots of
American independence on one side of the water, and I know the deep
roots of the aversion to it on the other. If it was rational to
suppose, that the English should succeed in their design, and endeavor
to destroy the fleets and naval power of France and Spain, which they
are determined to do if they can, what would be the consequence? There
are long lists of French and Spanish ships of the line yet to be
destroyed, which would cost the English several campaigns and a long
roll of millions, and after this they may send sixty thousand men to
America, if they can get them, and what then? Why, the glory of
baffling, exhausting, beating, and taking them, will finally be that
of the American yeomanry, whose numbers have increased every year
since this war began, as I learnt with certainty in my late visit
home, and will increase every year, in spite of all the art, malice,
skill, valor, and activity of the English and all their allies. I
hope, however, that the capricious goddess will bestow some of her
favors upon France and Spain, and a very few of them would do the
work. If Rodney's fortune should convince Spain, that she is attacking
the bull by the horns, and France and Spain, that the true system for
conducting this war, is by keeping just force enough in the Channel to
protect their coasts and their trade, and by sending all the rest of
their ships into the American seas, it will be the best fortune for
the allies they ever had.
I long to learn Mr Jay's success at Madrid, and Mr Laurens' arrival in
Holland, where I will go to see him some time in the summer or autumn.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, March 14th, 1780.
Sir,
By a letter from London of the 3d of this month, received since my
former of this day's date, I learn that the friends of the Ministry
were in hopes every hour to hear that Clinton, who embarked seven
thousand effective men, (though they are said to be ten) in the latter
end of December, is in possession of Charleston. The detachment
consisted of the light infantry and grenadiers of the seventh,
twentythird, thirtythird, fortysecond, sixtythird, and sixtyfourth
British regiments, a legion of horse, yagers, four battalions of
Hessian grenadiers; the New York volunteers, Ferguson's corps; one
Hessian regiment, and a detachment of the seventyfirst British
regiment. Many are of opinion that a part of this army was intended
for the Windward Islands, and that they embarked and sailed the 26th
of December, and was much hurt by a storm after sailing. Two thousand,
under Lord Cornwallis, were said to be intended for the Chesapeake, to
burn two or three men of war in James river, and to serve as a
division to the other five, going against Charleston.
The friends of the Administration are not in spirits about the picture
of affairs in America and the West Indies. They fear the French will
have a superiority there, from whence some late accounts are arrived
of vast sickness and disorder on board the English ships. The naval
war will, to appearance, be removed for the next summer to that
quarter. Rodney was to sail with four ships only to the West Indies;
and Walsingham will not take more than that number as a convoy to
about one hundred West Indiamen, which were to sail about the 20th of
this month, and more ships of war would probably conduct this fleet
off the land, and it was probable in the New York and Quebec trade
about fifty vessels more would sail about the same time. That there
was no talk of any troops or ships going to New York or Quebec. That
there was a rumor that Wallace would have a small squadron, and carry
four or five thousand men out, but this was not believed. That the
Ministry had been hard pressed in several parliamentary questions
lately; that their party was losing ground daily; that the county
petitions for reformation were a heavy weight upon them; that it was
likely there would be serious disturbances, if reforms do not take
place; that the committees for each county have already appointed
three deputies to meet and act for the whole, which is the beginning
of a Congress, and will probably be soon called by that name; that it
was hard to determine whether these movements at home, or the
proceedings in Ireland, chagrin the Ministry most; that the
sovereignty of England over Ireland will not be of many month's
duration; that the armed associations in the latter amount to
sixtyfour thousand men, who seem determined to free themselves from
every restriction that has been laid on them; that their Parliament is
about putting an end to all appeals to England; to render the judges
independent of the crown, they at present holding their offices
_durante bene placito_, and not _quamdiu se bene gesserunt_, as in
England; to have a habeas corpus act; to repeal Poyning's law, which
enacts that all bills shall originate in the council and not in the
commons; to confine the new supplies to the appointment of new duties
only; to give bounties on their own manufactures, and to have a mutiny
bill, which last goes immediately to the grand point of jurisdiction.
That, however, notwithstanding all the present appearances against
Great Britain, and the certainty of America's succeeding to her wish,
there are not among even those, who are called patriots in Parliament,
many who possess directly a wish for American independence; that Lords
Camden, Effingham, Coventry, and the Bishop of St Asaph are clearly
and distinctly for it; Sir G. Saville, and but a few others in the
House of Commons; that the rest of the patriots are for sovereignty;
America to give up the French alliance, make up a federal alliance
with England, by which no doubt they mean an alliance offensive and
defensive, &c.
It is surely unnecessary for me to make any observations upon the
absurdity of these provisos, so injurious to the honor of our country,
and so destructive of her most essential rights and interests. By a
letter of the 7th, a vessel with two hundred Hessians or Yagers on
board has arrived at St Ives, in Cornwall. She sailed with the
expedition from New York, the 26th of December, and a few days after
received much damage in a storm, which it is thought separated and
dispersed the fleet. This gives us great spirits and sanguine hopes
for Charleston. I have the honor to enclose several newspapers, and,
with much respect, to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, March, 14th, 1780.
Sir,
I have taken some pains to inform myself what number of regular troops
the enemy have in the three kingdoms, because we may form some
judgment from this, whether they will be able to send any, and what
reinforcements to North America or the West Indies. I am assured, that
they have not more than four thousand regular troops in Ireland, and
these chiefly horse. It is not to be expected then, I think, that they
can spare any of these. There is too much danger even of popular
commotions in England, Scotland, and Ireland, to spare many of these,
if they were perfectly safe, or thought themselves so from French and
Spanish invasions. I have, however, written to obtain more exact and
authentic information, which I will not fail to transmit as early as
possible.
I have received an account at length, both by the Gazette
Extraordinary, and by letter from London, that Admiral Digby is
returned with the fleet and Spanish prizes from Gibraltar, and brought
in with him the Protée, a French sixtyfour gun ship, and three small
store ships, part of a fleet bound from L'Orient to the East Indies.
The sixtyfour gun ship had about sixtythree thousand pounds in cash on
board. This fleet was unlucky enough to fall in with Digby on the 23d
of February. Rodney sailed from Gibraltar on the 14th, and parted with
Digby on the 18th, taking only four ships of the line with him to the
West Indies. A like number will probably go under Walsingham about the
20th or 25th of this month, with the fleet to the West Indies. It is
said in letters from London, that by every appearance, there are no
more troops going to North America, and that it looks as if the
Ministry mean not to continue the American war, but to let it dwindle
and die away. If this should be the case, it is to be hoped that the
Americans and their allies will not let it dwindle, but put it to
death at a blow.
The Marquis de Lafayette, and his brother the Viscount de Noailles, a
young noble officer, who is worthy of his family, and of the relation
he bears to the Marquis, who I hope will be the bearer of this letter,
will be able to say more upon this head. At present the King and his
General are the only persons, who ought to know the secret.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO JAMES LOVELL.
Paris, March 16th, 1780.
Dear Sir,
I have received, since my arrival here, your favor of the 16th of
November, 1779. I shall take proper notice of your remarks upon the
13th and 19th articles of the treaty. They are both of them of
importance, and, as to the last, I wish for an instruction upon it,
because there is no doubt to be made, that whenever a serious
negotiation shall be commenced, great pains will be taken for the
banished, although little attention is paid to them now. I learned
yesterday, that they have received no payment of their pensions these
eighteen months. The delay is colored with a pretence of waiting for
some funds for Quebec, which have been stopped by the interruption of
that trade. They are still bitter, as I am told, and are firmly
persuaded, that America cannot hold out six months longer.
You assure me, that I shall not be without the orders and credit,
which I mentioned in a letter of mine. I thank you for this assurance,
which is conceived in such strong terms, that one would think you did
not expect any opposition to it; at least, an effectual opposition. I
wish there may not be, but I am not without conjectures, I will not
call them suspicions, upon this head. Denying them, however, would be
virtually recalling me and Mr Dana, and in a manner the most
humiliating and disgraceful. Indeed, I do not know how we should get
away from our creditors. You know what sort of minds cannot bear a
brother near the throne; and so fair, so just, so economical a method,
would not escape minds of so much penetration, as a refusal to lend
money without orders. I am not sure, however, that the measure would
be hazarded in the present circumstances, by persons by whom I have
been treated politely enough since my return.
I should be glad to know what the Board of Treasury have done with my
accounts; whether they have passed upon them; or whether there are any
objections to them, and what they are. I do not know but I was
indiscreet in sending all my original vouchers, because, if any of
them should be lost, I might be puzzled to explain some things.
However, I know by a letter from Mr Gerry, that they were received,
and I presume they will be preserved.
I wish to know your private opinion, whether Congress will continue Mr
Dana and me here, at so much expense, with so little prospect of
having anything to do for a long time; an uncertain time, however; or,
whether they will revoke our powers, and recall us; or what they will
do with us. A situation so idle and inactive is not agreeable to my
genius; yet I can submit to it as well as any man, if it be thought
necessary for the public good. I will do all the service I can, by
transmitting intelligence, and in every other way.
You must have observed, that in all my public letters, and, indeed, in
a great measure in my private ones, I have cautiously avoided giving
accounts of the state of our affairs in France. I had many reasons for
this caution. In general, I was sure it would do no good, and I
doubted the propriety of stating facts, and remarking upon characters,
without giving notice of it to the persons concerned, and transmitting
the evidence. There is no end of conceiving jealousies; but, I am
sure, that officers of government, especially foreign Ministers, ought
not to attack and accuse one another upon jealousies, nor without full
proof; nor then, without notifying the party to answer for himself.
Thus much let me say, however, that the present plan of having a
distinct Minister in Spain, another in Holland, and another to treat
with Great Britain, and having Secretaries independent of Ministers,
is a good one. I pray you to stand by it with the utmost firmness, if
it should be attacked or undermined. If you revoke the powers of a
separate Minister to treat with the King of Great Britain, you ought
to revoke the former powers of treating with all the Courts of Europe,
which were given to the Commissioners at Passy; for, under these,
authority will be claimed of treating with the English, if my powers
are revoked. The powers of treating with all other Courts ought to be
separated from the mission.
Your friend, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, March 18th, 1780.
Sir,
We have this moment the news of the arrival of the convoy from St
Domingo, with sixty sail of merchant vessels, which is a great event
for this country.
It is also reported, that ten sail of Spanish ships of the line, with
ten battalions of land forces have sailed, and their destination is
supposed to be North America.
The armament preparing at Brest, is thus described in one of the
public papers. The Count du Chaffault de Besné, Lieutenant General of
the naval forces in France, has taken leave of the King, being
presented to his Majesty by M. de Sartine. The report runs, that
orders have been sent on the 29th of February, for the officers who
are at Paris to join their regiments upon the coasts by the 15th of
March, and that eight regiments are to embark under the Count de
Rochambeau. These regiments are that of _Anhalt_, whereof the Marquis
de Bergen is Colonel in second; _Auvergne_, Colonel Commandant, the
Viscount de Lavel; _Bourbonnois_, Colonel Commandant, the Marquis de
Laval, and in second, the Viscount de Rochambeau; _Neustrie_, Colonel
Commandant, the Count de Guibert, and in second, the Viscount le
Veneur; _Romergne_, Colonel Commandant, the Viscount de Custine, and
in second, the Marquis du Ludec; _Royal Corse_, Colonel Commandant,
the Marquis du Luc, and in second, the Count of Pontevez; _Royal Deux
Ponts_, Colonel Commandant, the Count aux Ponts; _Saintongé_, Colonel
Commandant, the Viscount de Beranger, and in second, the Marquis de
Themines. It is asserted, that there will be added a detachment of
artillery, and that the Baron de Viomenil, the Count de Chastellux,
and the Count de Witgenstein will embark with these troops, and that
the Duc de Lazun will have the command of a body of twelve hundred
volunteers, and be joined to the armament under the Count de
Rochambeau. All these troops, as it is believed, will embark at Brest,
and go out under the convoy of the Count du Chaffault de Besné.
They add, that he will have more than thirtyseven ships of the line
under his command, destined for an expedition, whereof the genuine
object is yet unknown. Many other regiments have also orders to march
down nearer to those upon the seacoast, and there are many vessels
taken upon freight for the service of the King, in the different ports
of the kingdom. The freight at Havre is thirty livres a ton, on
condition that the owner furnish his vessel for twelve months. They
say the Prince de Condé will go and command upon the coast of Brittany
with the Count de Vaux.
By a letter I just now received from Holland, I am told that the grand
business is done between the northern powers on a footing very
convenient for Holland, as it must compel the English to cease
interrupting the trade of the neutral powers. This would be more
beneficial to France and Spain than to Holland, by facilitating the
acquisition of ship timber, hemp, and all other things for the supply
of their arsenals of the marine. A principal branch of the British
policy has ever been, to prevent the growth of the navies of their
enemies, by intercepting their supplies.
What gives further countenance to this letter, and the reports to the
same purpose, which have been sometime circulated, is an article in
the _Mercure de France_, enclosed. They talk of an alliance between
Sweden, Denmark, Russia, Prussia, and the United Province, for
maintaining the honor of the flags of these powers. Congress will see
also another paragraph from London, which favors this idea. That the
Baron de Nolker, Envoy Extraordinary from Sweden, had declared that if
the convoy of his nation was not released forthwith, with an
indemnification for expenses and losses, he had orders to quit the
Court of London in twenty four hours.
Some other paragraphs seem to show the Dutch in earnest about
equipping a respectable naval force of fiftytwo vessels.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, March 19th, 1780.
Sir,
Enclosed is a paper of the 10th of March, which was accidentally
omitted to be enclosed in the season of it.
There are two articles of intelligence, which ought not to escape our
observation, because they have relation to the armament equipping at
Brest, although I do not suppose them of much consequence. The first
is of a small squadron of frigates, which is said to have sailed from
Portsmouth on the 28th of February, in consequence of orders sent from
the Admiralty on the 22d, under the command of Captain Marshall, who
is on board the Emerald, of thirtytwo guns. The others are the Hussar
of thirtytwo, the Surprise of twentyeight, the Squirrel, and Heart of
Oak of twenty; the sloops, the Beaver's prize of fourteen, the Wolf,
and the Wasp of eight, with the cutters, the Nimble and the Griffin.
It is thought, that this little squadron is gone to make a cruise on
the coast of France, to hinder the transports assembled in different
ports from going out, or even to destroy them, if that shall be found
to be possible. There is not, however, much to be dreaded from this
squadron so near the neighborhood of Brest.