It must be the work of time and a free intercourse between the two

nations, and a future negotiation to ripen these hints into a plan

that may be beneficial to both. The system of revenue, which it is

dangerous and difficult to alter in Spain, as well as in all other

countries of Europe, will be the principal objection. I have collected

together with some difficulty a few gazettes, which I have the honor

to transmit to Congress, from which all the news may be collected that

I have been able to learn. Congress will easily perceive the eagerness

with which the belligerent powers are bent on war, without manifesting

the least disposition for peace, and most of all, Great Britain, whose

ostentatious display of trifling successes, and whose weak exultation

shows, that nothing can divert her from her furious course. But she is

exhausting and sinking her forces every day, without gaining any

lasting or solid advantage, and she has reason to fear, from the

combined fleets of France and Spain, under such enterprising,

experienced, and approved officers, as d'Estaing and du Chaffault, the

entire ruin of her commerce and navy in the course of a campaign or

two more.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Paris, February 12, 1780.

Sir,

Having obtained permission from your Excellency yesterday, when I did

myself the honor to wait on you at Versailles, to write on the subject

of my mission, I have now the honor to acquaint you, that on the 29th

day of September last the Congress of the United States of America did

me the honor to elect me their Plenipotentiary to negotiate a peace

with Great Britain, and also to negotiate a treaty of commerce with

that kingdom, and Mr Francis Dana, member of Congress, and of the

Council of Massachusetts Bay, Secretary to both commissions.

As I was not at Congress when this transaction took place, I am not

able to inform your Excellency very particularly of the rise and

progress of it. But from conversation with gentlemen at Boston, who

were members of Congress, and from private letters, I learned in

general, that it was not the result of any sudden deliberation, or the

fruit of any particular event of the war, prosperous or adverse, but a

measure that has been more than a year under consideration, and

finally agreed to on this principle, that as it was uncertain at what

time the belligerent powers might be disposed to treat of peace, which

could not be concluded without a Minister from the United States, it

would save a great deal of time for this power to have a Minister in

Europe fully authorised to treat, and in concert with Ministers from

the other powers at war, conclude a peace with great Britain, and a

treaty of commerce consistent with that already made with His Most

Christian Majesty, and such others as might be made with other powers.

I am persuaded it is the intention of my constituents and of all

America, and I am sure it is my own determination, to take no steps of

consequence in pursuance of my commissions, without consulting his

Majesty's Ministers. And as various conjectures have been, and may be

made concerning the nature of my appointment and powers, and as it may

be expected by some, that I should take some measures for announcing

these to the public, or at least to the Court of London, I beg the

favor of your Excellency's opinion and advice upon these questions.

1. Whether, in the present state of things, it is prudent in me to

acquaint the British Ministry that I am arrived here, and that I shall

be ready to treat, whenever the belligerent powers shall be inclined

to treat?

2. Whether it is prudent in me to publish in any manner, more than the

journals of Congress may have already done, the nature of my mission?

3. Or whether to remain on the reserve, as I have hitherto done since

my arrival in Europe?

If any propositions should be made to me directly or indirectly from

the British Ministry, I shall not fail to communicate them without

loss of time to your Excellency, and I beg the favor of your

Excellency, as I am the only person in Europe who has authority to

treat of peace, that if any propositions on the part of Great Britain

should be made to his Majesty's Ministers, that they may be

communicated to me, at least as far as they may relate to the interest

of the United States.

Although I am not confined by commissions, nor instructions, nor by

any intimations from Congress to reside in any one place in Europe

more than another, yet my own inclinations as well as those of the

public would be most gratified, and the public service most promoted,

by my residing here. I must, therefore, request his Majesty's

protection and permission to reside in this kingdom for some time,

with or without assuming any public character, as your Excellency may

think most advisable.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO M. DE SARTINE.

Paris, February 13th, 1780.

Sir,

It was not until my arrival at Passy, that I had the honor of your

Excellency's letter of the 31st of December last.

When his Majesty's intentions of granting me a passage to America were

communicated to me, I had little expectation of returning in the same

frigate; but the Congress having honored me with a fresh mission to

Europe, their Excellencies, the late and present Ministers from his

Majesty to the United States, concurred in a proposal to Congress, and

a requisition to the commander of the frigate, to afford me a passage

in her voyage home, which Captain Chavagne agreed to with particular

marks of politeness to me and Mr Dana, and the others who accompanied

me.

I have again to express to your Excellency the obligations I am under

to the captain, and all the officers of the Sensible, for their

goodness to me and mine. But it is more particularly my duty to

express again my thanks to his Majesty, for this fresh favor, to M.

Gerard and the Chevalier de la Luzerne, who procured it for me, and to

your Excellency, for your approbation of it.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

COUNT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS.

Translation.

Versailles, February 15th, 1780.

Sir,

I have received the letter, which you did me the honor to write me on

the 12th of this month. I think before I reply to the different

points on which you consult me, that it is proper to wait for the

arrival of M. Gerard, because he is probably the bearer of your

instructions, and will certainly be able to make me better acquainted

with the nature and extent of your commission. But in the mean time, I

am of opinion, that it will be prudent to conceal your eventual

character, and above all to take the necessary precautions, that the

object of your commission may remain unknown to the Court of London.

Besides, Sir, you may be assured, that his Majesty sees you with

pleasure in his dominions, that you will constantly enjoy his

protection, and the prerogatives of the law of nations. For my own

part, Sir, I shall be eager to give you proofs of my confidence, as

well as of the sentiments with which I have the honor to be, &c.

DE VERGENNES.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, February 15th, 1780.

Sir,

I have the honor to inform Congress, that on the 9th of this month,

and not before, I had the good fortune to arrive in this city, from

Ferrol (where I arrived on the 8th of December) with Mr Dana, Mr

Thaxter, and the rest of the company in tolerable health, after a

journey of near five hundred leagues, in the dead of winter, through

bad roads, and worse accommodations of every kind. We lost no time

more than was indispensably necessary to restore our health, which was

several times affected, and in great danger; yet we were more than

twice as long in making the journey by land, as we had been in

crossing the Atlantic ocean.

The next morning after our arrival at Paris, Mr Dana and myself went

out to Passy, and spent the day with his Excellency Dr Franklin, who

did us the honor the next day to accompany us to Versailles, where we

had the honor to wait on their Excellencies the Count de Vergennes, M.

de Sartine, and the Count Maurepas, with each of whom we had the honor

of a short conference, upon the state of public affairs. It is

sufficient for me to say in general, that I never heard the French

Ministry so frank, so explicit, so decided, as each of these gentlemen

was in the course of this conversation, in his declarations to persue

the war with vigor, and to afford effectual aid to the United States.

I learned with great satisfaction, that they are sending, under

convoy, clothing and arms for fifteen thousand men to America, that

seventeen ships of the line were already gone to the West Indies,

under M. de Guichen, and that five or six more at least are to follow,

in addition to ten or twelve they have already there. I asked

permission of the Count de Vergennes to write to him on the subject of

my mission, which he cheerfully and politely agreed to. I have

accordingly written to his Excellency, and shall forward copies of my

letter and his answer, as soon as it may be safe to do it.

The English are to borrow twelve millions this year, and it is said,

that the loan is filled up. They have thrown a sop to Ireland, but

have not appeased her rage. They give out exactly such threats as they

did last year, and every other year, of terrible preparations. But

Congress knows perfectly well how these measures have been

accomplished. They will not be more fully executed the next year than

the last, and if France and Spain should throw more of their force,

especially by sea, into America the next year, America will have no

essential injury to fear.

I have learned since my arrival at Paris, with the highest pleasure,

the arrival of M. Gerard, Mr Jay, and Mr Carmichael, at Cadiz, for

whose safety we had been under great apprehensions. I have now very

solid hopes, that a treaty will soon be concluded with Spain, hopes

which everything that I saw and heard seemed to favor.

The Alliance frigate, now under the command of Captain Jones, with

Captain Cunningham on board, is arrived at Corunna, where she is to be

careened, after which she is to return to L'Orient, and from thence to

go to America, as I am informed by Dr Franklin.

Mr Auther Lee, and Mr Izard, are still in Paris, under many

difficulties in procuring a passage home. Mr William Lee is at

Brussels. Mr Izard has been to Holland, to obtain a passage from

thence, but unfortunately missed his opportunity and returned

disappointed.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, February 17th, 1780.

Sir,

It is necessary, that I should inform Congress in what manner I have

been able to procure money to defray my expenses in my long journey,

through the greatest part of Spain and France to this city.

On my arrival at Ferrol, I was offered the loan of money by the French

consul, M. de Tournelle, who, at the same time told me, there was a

gentleman at Corunna, M. Michael Lagoanere, who had heretofore acted

as an American agent at that place, and who would be very happy to

supply me. On my arrival at Corunna, M. Lagoanere did me the honor of

a visit, and offered me every assistance in cash, otherwise telling me

at the same time, he had some money in his hands, which he supposed

belonged to the United States, being part of the proceeds of some

prizes heretofore made by Captain Cunningham. That this money,

however, had been attached in his hands by some Spanish merchant, who

had commenced a lawsuit against Captain Cunningham. I accordingly

received three thousand dollars for myself and Mr Dana, and a letter

of credit on the house of Cabarous at Bayonne, for as much more as I

should have occasion for. On our arrival at Bayonne, Mr Dana and I

received of that house fifty louis d'ors, and a bill of exchange on

another house of the same name and family at Bordeaux for the like

sums, our expenses having exceeded all our computations at Corunna, as

our journey was necessarily much longer than we expected, on account

of the uncommon bad weather and bad roads. This bill was paid upon

sight. So that, upon the whole, we have received the amount of

seventeen thousand four hundred livres, all on account of M. Lagoanere

of Corunna. Of this sum, Mr Dana has received the amount of four

thousand nine hundred and seventyone livres and fifteen sols, and I

have received twelve thousand four hundred and twentyeight livres and

five sols, for which sums we desire to be respectively charged in the

treasury books of Congress.

As this money is expended, if M. Lagoanere should draw upon us for it,

all the authority we have to draw upon his Excellency the Minister

here will not enable us to pay it, and if M. Lagoanere should be so

happy as to avoid the attachment and leave us to account with Congress

for this money, the small sum we are empowered to receive from his

Excellency will go a very little way in discharging our expenses. We

must therefore pray, that Congress would forward us authority to draw

upon his Excellency for the amount of our salaries annually, which,

without all doubt, will be paid.

I have the honor to be, with the highest respect, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE.

Paris, February 18th, 1780.

My Dear General,

You know extremely well the skill of our enemies in forging false

news, and their artifice in circulating it, not only through the

various parts of Europe, but in the United States of America, to keep

up the spirits of their friends and depress those of their

adversaries. It is their annual custom in the winter to send abroad

large cargoes of these lies, and they meet with a success in making

them believed, that is really astonishing.

Since my arrival here, I find they have been this winter at their old

game again, and have circulated reports here, in Holland, and other

parts of Europe, that they have made new contracts with other petty

Princes in Germany, by which, together with those made before, they

will be able to draw seven thousand fresh troops from that country to

serve in America. That by appeasing the troubles in Ireland, they

shall be able to avail themselves even of the military associations

in that kingdom, by depending upon them for the defence of the

country, and to draw near ten thousand men from thence for the service

in America. That they have concluded a treaty with the Court of

Petersburg, by which Russia is to furnish them with twelve ships of

the line and twenty thousand men, which they say is of the more

importance, on account of the intimate connexion between Russia and

Denmark, as the latter will be likely by this means to be drawn into

the war, with their numerous fleet of fortyfive ships of the line. The

greatest part of these tales are false. I know very well what is said

of Russia is so contrary to all that I have seen and heard of the good

understanding between Versailles and Russia, that I have no doubt of

its falsehood. But as I am very lately arrived, and, consequently,

have not opportunity to examine these reports to the bottom, I beg the

favor of you to inform me, with all the exactness possible, how much

truth there is in them, if any at all.

You are very sensible that it is of the utmost importance, that

Congress should have the exactest information of these things, and

that you and I cannot render a more useful service to our country at

present, than by collecting such intelligence with precision, and

transmitting it without delay. Knowing the pleasure you take in

serving the United States in every way in your power, I thought I

could beg this favor of you with propriety, and that you would believe

me always your friend and servant,

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO M. GENET, FIRST SECRETARY FOR THE DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, February 18th, 1780.

Dear Sir,

Whether it is, that the art of political lying is better understood in

England than in any other country, or whether it is more practised

there than elsewhere, or whether it is accidental that they have more

success in making their fictions gain credit in the world, I know not.

But it is certain, that every winter since the commencement of the

present war with America, and indeed for some years before, they sent

out large quantities of this manufacture over all Europe, and

throughout all America, and what is astonishing is, that they should

still find numbers in every country ready to take them off their

hands.

Since my arrival in this city, I find they have been this winter at

their old trade, and have spread reports here and in Holland, and in

various other parts of Europe, and no doubt they have found means to

propagate them in America too, tending to keep up the spirits of their

friends, and to sink those of their opponents. Such as, that they have

made new contracts with several German Princes, by which they are to

obtain seven thousand men to serve in America; that they have so

skilfully appeased the troubles in Ireland, that they shall ever be

able to take advantage of the military associations there, by

depending upon them for the defence of the kingdom, while they draw

from thence ten thousand regular troops for the service in America;

that they have even concluded a treaty with Russia, by which the

Empress is to furnish them with twelve ships of the line and twenty

thousand men, as some say, and twenty ship of the line and twelve

thousand men as others relate. This they say is of the greater moment,

because of an intimate connexion, I know not of what nature it is,

between Russia and Denmark, by which the latter will be likely to be

drawn into the war against the House of Bourbon and America; and

Denmark, they say, has fortyfive ships of the line.

I know very well that the greatest part of these reports is false; and

particularly what is said of Russia is so contrary to all those

reports, which I have heard for these twelve months past of the

harmony between Versailles and Petersburg, that I give no credit to it

at all, but I find that all these reports make impressions on some

minds, and among the rest some Americans.

I therefore beg the favor of you to inform me of the exact truth in

all these matters, that I may take the earliest opportunity of

transmitting the intelligence to Congress, where it is of importance

it should be known.

I was much mortified when I was at Versailles the other day, that I

could not have the honor of paying my respects to you, but I was so

connected with other gentlemen, who were obliged to return to dinner,

that I could not; but I shall take the first opportunity I can get to

wait on you, and assure you that I am, with great respect, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

M. DE LAFAYETTE TO JOHN ADAMS.

Paris, February 19th, 1780.

Dear Sir,

As I came but this morning from Versailles, it was not in my power

sooner to answer the letter you have honored me with, and this duty I

now perform with the more pleasure, as it is of some importance to the

interests of America. Since the first day, when I had the happiness of

making myself and of being considered in the world as an American, I

have always observed, that among the many ways of attacking our

liberties, and among the most ungenerous ones, misrepresentations have

ever been the first weapons on which the British nation has the most

depended.

I am glad it is in my power generally to assure you, that the many

reports propagated by them and alluded to in your letter are not

founded upon truth. New contracts with petty princes in Germany have

not, I believe, taken place, and if any such merchandise were sent to

America, it would at most consist of a few recruits. The troubles in

Ireland, if there is the least common sense among the first patriots

of that country, are not I hope at an end, and it seems they now begin

to raise our expectations. The Russian troops, so much talked of in

their gazettes, I take to be mere recruits for those thirty thousand

Russians, that Mr Rivington had three years ago ordered to embark for

America.

Those intelligences, my dear Sir, must be counteracted by letters to

our friends in America. But as the respect, which we owe to the free

citizens of the United States, makes it a point of duty never to

deceive them, and as the most candid frankness must ever distinguish

our side of the question from the course of tyranny and falsehood, I

intend paying tomorrow morning a visit to the Minister of Foreign

Affairs, and from him get such minute intelligence as shall answer

your purpose.

With the most sincere regard, I have the honor to be, &c.

LAFAYETTE.

_P. S._ On my return from Versailles, my dear Sir, where I will settle

the affairs of arms that I have undertaken, I will impart to you a

project privately relating to me, that is not inconsistent with my

sentiments for our country, America.

L.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, February 19th, 1780.

Sir,

Enclosed are copies of former letters to Congress, and I shall

continue to transmit copies, until I learn that some have arrived, for

which reason I must request the favor that his Excellency the

President, or some committee, may be desired to acknowledge the

receipt of letters, so that I may know as soon as may be, what letters

have arrived, and which have been less fortunate.

The art of making and spreading false news to answer political

purposes is not peculiar to Great Britain, but yet she seems to

possess this art, and the talent of giving to her fictions the colors

of probability beyond other nations; at least, she seems to have more

success in making her impostures believed than any other. It is her

annual practice in the winter to fabricate and export large quantities

of this merchandise to all parts of Europe and America, and she finds

more customers to take them off her hands than she ought, considering

how illicit the traffic is.

This winter her emissaries have been more assiduous than ever in

propagating reports, that they have entered into new engagements with

several other petty principalities in Germany, by which they shall

hire seven thousand men, for the service of the next campaign in

America. That by compromising with Ireland, they shall be able to take

advantage even of the military associations in that kingdom, and draw

from them a large number of regular troops for the service in America,

depending on the volunteer militia, or associators for the defence of

the country; that they have made a treaty with Russia, whereby that

power has engaged to furnish them with twelve ships of the line and

twenty thousand troops, as some say, and twenty ships of the line and

twelve thousand troops, according to others. This alliance they say

too is of the more consequence, on account of some connexion between

Russia and Denmark, who, it is insinuated, will follow Russia into the

war, and Denmark they add has fortyfive ships of the line, not manned

it is true, but England they say can man them.

These tales one would think are so extravagant and absurd, that they

would not find a believer in the world. Yet there are persons, who

believe them in all nations of Europe, particularly in Holland, and

there is no doubt the same song will be sung in America, and many will

listen to it. There is nothing further from the truth; they will find

the utmost difficulty to draw from Germany troops enough to repair the

breaches in the German troops made in America the last year; the same

with regard to Ireland. And as to what is said of Russia, there is not

even a color of truth in it, but on the contrary, the same good

understanding continues between Versailles and Petersburg, which

subsisted last winter, spring, and summer. As to Denmark, I have no

reason to think that she is disposed to assist Great Britain, but on

the contrary that she has armed to defend herself at sea against Great

Britain; but if it were otherwise, to what purpose would her ships of

the line be unmanned, when Great Britain cannot man the ships of the

line she already has.

France seems determined to pursue the naval war with vigor and

decision in the American seas. M. de Guichen sailed the beginning of

January with seventeen or eighteen ships of the line. Seven more are

now preparing at Brest with all possible expedition, supposed to be

for America. Those, if they all happily join the twelve ships left

there by the Count d'Estaing, will make a fleet of six and thirty

ships of the line. And the Court seems determined to maintain the

superiority in the American seas. This will give scope to our

privateers to weaken and distress the enemies of their country, while

they are enriching themselves.

There is no news of Admiral Rodney; from whence I conclude he is gone

to the West Indies.

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