* * * * *
TO SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Braintree, October 19th, 1779.
Sir,
I had in Paris an opportunity of procuring information concerning the
British whale fishery on the coast of Brazil, which it is proper to
communicate to Congress, that if any advantage can be made of it the
opportunity may not be lost.
The last year and the year before the English carried on this fishery
to very great advantage, off the river Plate in South America, in the
latitude of 35° south, and from thence to 40°, just on the edge of
soundings, off and on, as the sailors express it, and about longitude
65° from London. They had about seventeen vessels in this fishery,
which all sailed from London in the months of September and October.
All the officers and men Americans from Nantucket and Cape Cod, two or
three from Rhode Island, and one from Long Island. Four or five of
these vessels went to Greenland, to which place they sail yearly, the
last of February or the beginning of March.
The year before last, there was published in the English newspapers, a
letter from the Lords of the Admiralty to Dennis de Bredt, in Coleman
Street, informing him, that a convoy should be appointed to the Brazil
fleet. But this I had certain information was a forgery, calculated
merely to deceive American privateers, and no convoy actually went or
was appointed, either last year or the year before, although the
imposture was repeated both times, and will no doubt be renewed this.
For the capture or destruction of a fishery so wholly defenceless, not
one of the vessels having any arms, a single frigate, or indeed a
privateer of four and twenty guns, would be sufficient. The beginning
of December would be the best time to proceed from Boston or
Philadelphia, because the frigate would then find the whaling vessels
nearly loaded. The cargoes of bone and oil are very valuable, and at
least four hundred and fifty of the best kind of seamen would be taken
out of the hands of the English, and might be gained into the American
service. Most of the officers and men wish well to this country, and
would gladly be in its service, if they could be delivered from that
they are engaged in. Whenever the English men of war or privateers,
have taken an American vessel, they have given to all the whalemen
found among the crew, by order of government, their choice, either to
go on board a man of war and fight against their country, or into the
whale fishery. Such numbers have chosen the latter, as have made up
the crews of seventeen vessels.
I thought it my duty to communicate this, that if so profitable a
branch of commerce, and so valuable a nursery of seamen, can be taken
from the English, it may be done. I prevailed with my colleagues last
year to represent these facts to his Excellency, M. de Sartine, but it
appears that his Majesty's service would not admit of any enterprise
from France in consequence of it. Since my return I have represented
them to the Council of this State, but whether anything can be done by
them, after the disaster at Penobscot, I doubt. If Congress should not
deem it consistent with the public service to send a frigate upon this
service, nothing will be lost but the trouble of this letter.
I have the honor to congratulate your Excellency on your advancement
to the chair, and to subscribe myself with great respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Braintree, October 20th, 1779.
Sir,
M. Schweighauser of Nantes, who is a native of Switzerland, observing
me as I was one day at his house looking with some attention upon a
stamp of the heroic deed of William Tell, asked me to take a few of
them to America, as a present from him, which I agreed to do with
pleasure. He accordingly sent on board the frigate a box containing,
as he told me, one stamp for each State, neatly framed and glazed,
which he desired me to present to Congress, as a small token of his
respect. The box has never been opened, but I hope the pictures are
safe, and with permission of Congress I will deliver it to the Navy
Board in Boston, to be by them transmitted to the delegates from the
several States, or to their order.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Braintree, October 21st, 1779.
Sir,
So many advantages might be derived to the United States in the
conduct of the war, in furnishing the army and navy, in augmenting the
value, or at least in preventing the further depreciation of their
currency, in lowering the prices of goods, in supplying the wants of
the people, and in preventing murmurs and discontents, that I have
ever thought it of very great importance, in some way or other, to
procure convoys to their trade, to and from the West India Islands,
and Europe.
France and Spain have such advantages of England in carrying on the
war in the American seas, and would receive such assistance from our
commerce, privateers, and growing navy, that I have ever thought it a
main principle of their policy to maintain a constant and decided
superiority of naval power in the West Indies, and upon the coasts of
this continent. I would, therefore, with due deference to the superior
wisdom of Congress, beg leave to submit to their consideration,
whether it would not be expedient for them, either by a direct
representation from themselves to the French and Spanish Courts, or by
instructions to their Plenipotentiary Ministers, to convince those
Courts, that their true interest lies in adopting this plan. It is
certainly their interest, reasoning upon French and Spanish principles
simply, to conduct this war in such a manner as has a tendency in the
shortest time, and with the least expense, to diminish the power of
their enemies, and increase their own. Now I would submit it to
Congress whether it may not be easily demonstrated, that these ends
may be obtained the most easily in this way. A representation from
Congress, either directly or by instructions to their Ministers,
showing what assistance in provisions, artists, materials, vessels of
war, privateers, land armies, or in any other way, France and Spain
might depend upon receiving from these States, either for money or as
the exertions of an ally, would have great weight.
Much has been already said to the French Ministry upon these subjects,
and not wholly without effect; yet much more may be said to greater
advantage, and perhaps to better purpose, for they are extremely well
disposed to do what can be made to appear to them for the advantage of
the common cause.
I have the honor to enclose some papers on this subject. One is a
letter from the Commissioners to his Excellency the Count de
Vergennes, which he received the beginning of January last,[51] the
other is a letter from me to the Marquis de Lafayette[52] in February,
with his answer.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
FOOTNOTES:
[51] See the Correspondence of the Commissioners in France, Vol. I. p.
500.
[52] See above, p. 295. The answer of M. de Lafayette is missing.
* * * * *
TO HENRY LAURENS.
Braintree, October 25th, 1779.
My Dear Sir,
Your favor of the 4th of this month gave me great pleasure, but I am
afraid that you and some others of my friends felt more for me in the
awkward situation you mention than I did for myself, though I cannot
say that I was wholly insensible. I could compare it to nothing, but
Shakspeare's idea of Ariel, wedged in the middle of a rifted oak, for
I was sufficiently sensible, that it was owing to an unhappy division
in Congress, and pains enough were taken to inform me, that one side
were for sending me to Spain, and the other to Holland, so that I was
flattered to find that neither side had any decisive objection against
trusting me, and that the apparent question was only _where_.
That I was sent without the least solicitation of mine, directly or
indirectly, is certainly true; and I had such formidable ideas of the
sea and of British men of war, such diffidence in my own
qualifications to do service in that way, and such uncertainty of the
reception I should meet, that I had little inclination to adventure.
That I went against my interest is most undoubtedly so, for I never
yet served the public without losing by it. I was not, however, as you
suppose, kept unemployed. I had business enough to do, as I could
easily convince you. There is a great field of business there, and I
could easily show you that I did my share of it. There is so much to
do, and so much difficulty to do it well, that I am rejoiced to find a
gentleman of such abilities, principles, and activity as Colonel
Laurens undoubtedly is, without a compliment, appointed to assist in
it.[53] I most sincerely hope for his friendship, and an entire
harmony with him, for which reason I should be very happy in his
company in the passage, or in an interview with him as soon as
possible in Europe. He will be in a delicate situation, but not so
much so as I was; and plain sense, honest intentions, and common
civility will, I think, be sufficient to secure him, and do much good.
Your kind compliments on my safe return and most honorable re-election
are very obliging. I have received no commission, nor instructions,
nor any particular information of the plan; but from the advice and
information from you and several other of my friends at Philadelphia
and here, I shall make no hesitation to say, that, notwithstanding the
delicacy and danger of this commission, I suppose I shall accept it
without delay and trust events to Heaven, as I have been long used to
do.
The convulsions at Philadelphia are very affecting and alarming, but
not entirely unexpected to me. The state of parties, and the nature of
their government, have a long time given me disagreeable
apprehensions. But I hope they will find some remedy. Methods will be
found to feed the army, but I know of none to clothe it without
convoys to trade, which Congress, I think, will do well to undertake,
and persuade France and Spain to undertake as soon as possible. Your
packets for your friends in Europe will give me pleasure, and shall be
forwarded with care and despatch.
With great truth and regard, I am, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
FOOTNOTE:
[53] This alludes to the appointment of Colonel John Laurens to be
Secretary to the Minister Plenipotentiary in France. _Secret
Journals_, Vol. II. p. 261. It does not appear that Colonel Laurens
accepted the appointment. He was the son of Henry Laurens, to whom
this letter from Mr Adams is addressed.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Braintree, November 4th, 1779.
Sir,
I had yesterday the honor of receiving your letter of the 20th of
October, enclosed with two commissions, appointing me Minister
Plenipotentiary from the United States, to negotiate peace and
commerce with Great Britain, together with instructions for my
government in the execution of these commissions, copies of
instructions to the Ministers Plenipotentiary at Versailles and
Madrid, and two acts of Congress of the 4th and 15th of October.
Peace is an object of such vast importance, the interests to be
adjusted in the negotiations to obtain it are so complicated and so
delicate, and the difficulty of giving even general satisfaction is so
great, that I feel myself more distressed at the prospect of executing
the trust, than at the thought of leaving my country, and again
encountering the dangers of the seas and of enemies. Yet, when I
reflect on the general voice in my favor, and the high honor that is
done me by this appointment, I feel the warmest sentiments of
gratitude to Congress, and shall make no hesitation to accept it, and
devote myself without reserve or loss of time to the discharge of it.
My success, however, may depend, in a very great degree, on the
intelligence and advices that I may receive from time to time from
Congress, and on the punctuality with which several articles in my
instructions may be kept secret. It shall be my most earnest endeavor
to transmit to Congress the most constant and exact information in my
power of whatever may occur, and to conceal those instructions, which
depend in any measure on my judgment. And I hope I need not suggest to
Congress the necessity of communicating to me, as early as possible,
their commands from time to time, and of keeping all the discretionary
articles an impenetrable secret, a suggestion, however, that the
constitution of that sovereignty, which I have the honor to represent,
might excuse.
As the frigate has been some time waiting, I shall embark in eight or
ten days at furthest. Your Excellency will please to present my most
dutiful respects to Congress, and accept my thanks for the polite and
obliging manner in which you have communicated their commands.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
INSTRUCTIONS FOR A TREATY OF PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN.[54]
FOOTNOTE:
[54] These instructions, and those for a treaty of commerce which
follow were agreed to unanimously in Congress on the 14th of August,
nearly six weeks before the Minister was chosen. They were drawn up by
Gouverneur Morris.
Sir,
You will herewith receive a commission, giving you full power to
negotiate a treaty of peace with Great Britain, in doing which you
will conform to the following information and instructions.
1. The United States are sincerely desirous of peace, and wish by
every means, consistent with their dignity and safety, to spare the
further effusion of blood. They have, therefore, by your commission
and these instructions, labored to remove the obstacles to that event,
before the enemy have evidenced their disposition for it. But as the
great object of the present defensive war, on the part of the allies,
is to establish the independence of the United States, and as any
treaty whereby this end cannot be obtained must be only ostensible and
illusory, you are, therefore, to make it a preliminary article to any
negotiation, that Great Britain shall agree to treat with the United
States, as sovereign, free, and independent.
2. You shall take especial care also, that the independence of the
said States be effectually assured and confirmed by the treaty or
treaties of peace, according to the form and effect of the treaty of
alliance with His Most Christian Majesty. And you shall not agree to
such treaty or treaties, unless the same be thereby so assured and
confirmed.
3. The boundaries of these States are as follows, viz. These States
are bounded north, by a line to be drawn from the northwest angle of
Nova Scotia along the highlands, which divide those rivers which empty
themselves into the river St Lawrence, from those which fall into the
Atlantic ocean, to the northwesternmost head of Connecticut river;
thence down along the middle of that river to the fortyfifth degree of
north latitude; thence due west in the latitude fortyfive degrees
north from the equator to the northwesternmost side of the river St
Lawrence or Cadaraqui; thence straight to the south end of Nepissing;
and thence straight to the source of the river Mississippi; west, by a
line to be drawn along the middle of the river Mississippi from its
source to where the said line shall intersect the thirtyfirst degree
of north latitude; south, by a line to be drawn due east, from the
termination of the line last mentioned in the latitude of thirtyone
degrees north from the equator to the middle of the river
Appalachicola, or Catahouchi; thence along the middle thereof to its
junction with the Flint river; thence straight to the head of St
Mary's river; and thence down along the middle of St Mary's river to
the Atlantic ocean; and east, by a line to be drawn along the middle
of St John's river from its source to its mouth in the Bay of Fundy,
comprehending all islands within twenty leagues of any part of the
shores of the United States, and lying between lines to be drawn due
east from the points where the aforesaid boundaries between Nova
Scotia on the one part, and East Florida on the other part, shall
respectively touch the Bay of Fundy and the Atlantic ocean. You are,
therefore, strongly to contend that the whole of the said countries
and islands lying within the boundaries aforesaid, and every citadel,
fort, post, place, harbor, and road to them belonging, be absolutely
evacuated by the land and sea forces of his Britannic Majesty, and
yielded to the powers of the States to which they respectively belong,
in such situation as they may be at the termination of the war. But,
notwithstanding the clear right of these States, and the importance of
the object, yet they are so much influenced by the dictates of
religion and humanity, and so desirous of complying with the earnest
request of their allies, that if the line to be drawn from the mouth
of the lake Nepissing to the head of the Mississippi cannot be
obtained without continuing the war for that purpose, you are hereby
empowered to agree to some other line between that point and the river
Mississippi; provided the same shall in no part thereof be to the
southward of latitude fortyfive degrees north. And in like manner, if
the eastern boundary above described cannot be obtained, you are
hereby empowered to agree, that the same shall be afterwards adjusted,
by commissioners to be duly appointed for that purpose, according to
such line as shall be by them settled and agreed on, as the boundary
between that part of the State of Massachusetts Bay, formerly called
the province of Maine, and the colony of Nova Scotia, agreeably to
their respective rights. And you may also consent, that the enemy
shall destroy such fortifications as they may have erected.
3. Although it is of the utmost importance to the peace and commerce
of the United States that Canada and Nova Scotia should be ceded, and
more particularly that their equal common right to the fisheries
should be guarantied to them, yet a desire of terminating the war has
induced us not to make the acquisition of these objects an ultimatum
on the present occasion.
5. You are empowered to agree to a cessation of hostilities during the
negotiation, provided our ally shall consent to the same, and provided
it shall be stipulated that all the forces of the enemy shall be
immediately withdrawn from the United States.
6. In all other matters not abovementioned, you are to govern yourself
by the alliance between His Most Christian Majesty and these States,
by the advice of our allies, by your knowledge of our interests, and
by your own discretion, in which we repose the fullest confidence.
* * * * *
INSTRUCTIONS FOR A TREATY OF COMMERCE WITH GREAT BRITAIN.
Sir,
You will herewith receive a commission, giving you full power to
negotiate a treaty of commerce with Great Britain, in doing which, you
will consider yourself bound by the following information and
instructions.
1. You will govern yourself principally by the treaty of commerce with
His Most Christian Majesty, and as, on the one hand, you shall grant
no privilege to Great Britain not granted by that treaty to France,
so, on the other, you shall not consent to any peculiar restrictions
or limitations whatever in favor of Great Britain.
2. In order that you may be the better able to act with propriety on
this occasion, it is necessary for you to know, that we have
determined, 1st, that the common right of fishing shall in no case be
given up; 2dly, that it is essential to the welfare of all these
United States that the inhabitants thereof, at the expiration of the
war, should continue to enjoy the free and undisturbed exercise of
their common right to fish on the Banks of Newfoundland, and the
other fishing banks and seas of North America, preserving inviolate
the treaties between France and the said States; 3dly, that
application shall be made to His Most Christian Majesty to agree to
some article or articles for the better securing to these States a
share in the said fisheries; 4thly, that if, after a treaty of peace
with Great Britain, she shall molest the citizens or inhabitants of
any of the United States, in taking fish on the banks and places
hereinafter described, such molestation, being in our opinion a direct
violation and breach of the peace, shall be a common cause of the said
States, and the force of the union be exerted to obtain redress for
the parties injured; and 5thly, that our faith be pledged to the
several States, that, without their unanimous consent, no treaty of
commerce shall be entered into, nor any trade or commerce carried on
with Great Britain, without the explicit stipulation hereinafter
mentioned. You are therefore not to consent to any treaty of commerce
with Great Britain without an explicit stipulation on her part, not to
molest or disturb the inhabitants of the United States of America in
taking fish on the Banks of Newfoundland and other fisheries in the
American seas anywhere, excepting within the distance of three leagues
of the shores of the territories remaining to Great Britain at the
close of the war, if a nearer distance cannot be obtained by
negotiation. And in the negotiation you are to exert your most
strenuous endeavors to obtain a nearer distance to the gulf of St
Lawrence, and particularly along the shores of Nova Scotia, as to
which latter we are desirous that even the shores may be occasionally
used for the purpose of carrying on the fisheries by the inhabitants
of these States.
In all matters you are to govern yourself by your own discretion, as
shall be most for the interest of these States, taking care that the
said treaty be founded on principles of equality and reciprocity, so
as to conduce to the mutual advantage of both nations, but not to the
exclusion of others.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Braintree, November 7th, 1779.
Sir,
I have the honor to enclose to Congress a copy of the letter book of
the Commissioners at the Court of Versailles, during the time I had
the honor to be one of them. As the letter book was kept by me, and
almost wholly in my hand writing, the Minister Plenipotentiary
consented, that I should bring it home with me, leaving him a copy,
which was done.
As there may be many things in it which Congress may have occasion to
know, I have prevailed with Mr Thaxter to copy it. I shall submit to
the consideration of Congress, whether he ought to have any allowance
for this service, and how much. As Mr Thaxter will accompany me to
Europe, in the character of my private Secretary, if Congress think
proper to allow him anything for these copies, I can pay him in Europe
if it is thought proper.
I chose to mention Mr Thaxter's going with me to Congress, because
jealousies have arisen heretofore concerning private Secretaries. Mr
Thaxter is known to Congress, and I think I can safely confide in his
fidelity, diligence, and discretion, and from the experience I have
had in Europe I am fully convinced, that it is my duty to take with me
some one of this character.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO B. FRANKLIN.
Ferrol, December 8th, 1779.
Sir,
I have the honor to inform your Excellency, that, Congress having
judged it proper to appoint me to a new mission in Europe, I embarked
on the 13th of November, at the instance of the Chevalier de la
Luzerne and M. Gerard, on board the same frigate, that carried me to
America. Soon after we got to sea, a formidable leak in the ship
discovered itself, so as to oblige us to keep two pumps constantly
going by night and day, which induced the captain to think it
necessary to put into this place, where we have just now cast anchor.
Whether I shall go to Paris by land or wait for the frigate is
uncertain; I believe the former, as the latter might detain me four or
five weeks. I have despatches for your Excellency from Congress, which
I shall carry with me, and newspapers. These latter contain little
remarkable save the evacuation of Rhode Island by the enemy, and the
Count d'Estaing's progress in Georgia, in co-operation with General
Lincoln, which was in a fair course of success.