relation the most immediate, next to that of France, is Great Britain.
But it ought to be considered, that this power loses every day her
consideration, and runs towards her ruin. Her riches, in which her
power consisted, she has lost with us, and never can regain. With us
she has lost her Mediterranean trade, her African trade, her German
and Holland trade, her ally, Portugal, her ally, Russia, and her
natural ally, the House of Austria; at least, as being unable to
protect these as she once did, she can obtain no succor from them. In
short, one branch of commerce has been lopped off after another, and
one political interest sacrificed after another, She resembles the
melancholy spectacle of a great wide spreading tree, that has been
girded at the root. Her endeavors to regain these advantages, will
continually keep alive in her breast the most malevolent passions
towards us. Her envy, her jealousy, and resentment, will never leave
us, while we are what we must unavoidably be, her rivals in the
fisheries, in various other branches of commerce, and even in naval
power. If peace should unhappily be made, leaving Canada, Nova Scotia,
or the Floridas, or any of them, in her hands, jealousies and
controversies will be perpetually arising. The degree, therefore, of
intercourse with this nation, which will ever again take place, may
justly be considered as problematical, or rather the probability is,
that it will never be so great as some persons imagine; moreover, I
think that every citizen in the present circumstances, who respects
his country, and the engagements she has taken, ought to abstain from
the foresight of a return of friendship between us and the English,
and act as if it never was to be.
But it is lawful to consider, that which will probably be formed
between the Hollanders and us. The similitude of manners, of religion,
and in some respects of constitution, the analogy between the means by
which the two republics arrived at independency, but above all the
attractions of commercial interest, will infallibly draw them
together. This connexion will not probably show itself, before a peace
or a near prospect of peace. Too many motives of fear or interest
place the Hollanders in a dependance on England, to suffer her to
connect herself openly with us at present. Nevertheless, if the King
of Prussia, could be induced to take us by the hand, his great
influence in the United Provinces might contribute greatly to
conciliate their friendship for us. Loans of money, and the operations
of commercial agents or societies, will be the first threads of our
connexions with this power. From the essays and inquiries of your
Commissioners at Paris, it appears, that some money may be borrowed
there, and from the success of several enterprises by the way of St
Eustatia, it seems that the trade between the two countries is likely
to increase, and possibly Congress may think it expedient to send a
Minister there. If they should, it will be proper to give him a
discretionary power to produce his commission or not, as he shall find
it likely to succeed, to give him full powers and clear instructions
concerning the borrowing of money; and the man himself above all
should have consummate prudence, and a caution and discretion, that
will be proof against every trial.
If Congress could find any means of paying the interest annually in
Europe, commercial and pecuniary connexions would strengthen
themselves from day to day, and if the fall of the credit of England
should terminate in bankruptcy, the Seven United Provinces, having
nothing to dissemble, would be zealous for a part of those rich
benefits, which our commerce offers to the maritime powers, and by an
early treaty with us secure those advantages, from which they have
already discovered strong symptoms of a fear of being excluded by
delays. It is scarcely necessary to observe to Congress, that Holland
has lost her influence in Europe to such a degree, that there is
little other regard for her remaining but that of a prodigal heir for
a rich usurer, who lends him money at a high interest. The State
which is poor and in debt has no political stability. Their army is
very small, and their navy is less. The immense riches of individuals
may possibly be in some future time the great misfortune of the
nation, because the means of defence are not proportioned to the
temptation which is held out for some necessitous, avaricious, and
formidable neighbor to invade her.
The active commerce of Spain is very inconsiderable; of her passive
commerce, we shall not fail to have a part; the vicinity of this
power, her forces, her resources, ought to make us attentive to her
conduct, but if we may judge of the future by the past, I should hope
we had nothing to fear from it. The genius and interest of the nation
incline it to repose. She cannot determine upon war but in the last
extremity, and even then she sighs for peace. She is not possessed of
the spirit of conquest, and we have reason to congratulate ourselves,
that we have her for the nearest and principal neighbor. Her conduct
towards us at this time will perhaps appear equivocal and indecisive,
her determinations appear to be solely the fruit of the negotiations
of the Court of Versailles. But it ought to be considered, she has not
had motives so pressing as those of France to take in hand our
defence. Whether she has an eye upon the Floridas, or what other terms
she may expect from Congress, they are no doubt better informed than I
am. To their wisdom it must be submitted to give her satisfaction, if
her terms are moderate, and her offers in proportion. This conduct may
conciliate her affection and shorten delays, a point of great
importance, as the present moment appears to be decisive.
Portugal, under the administration of the Marquis de Pombal, broke
some of the shackles by which she was held to England. But the
treaty, by which a permanent friendship is established between the
Crowns of Spain and Portugal, was made in 1777, an event that the
English deplore as the greatest evil, next to the irrecoverable loss
of the colonies, arising from this war, because they will now no
longer be able to play off Portugal against Spain, in order to draw
away her attention as well as her forces, as in former times. But as
Portugal has not known how to deliver herself entirely from the
influence of England, we shall have little to hope from her; on the
other hand, such is her internal weakness, that we have absolutely
nothing to fear. We shall necessarily have commerce with her, but
whether she will ever have the courage to sacrifice the friendship of
England for the sake of it is uncertain.
It would be useless to consider that infinite number of little
sovereignties into which Germany is divided, and develope all their
political interests. This task is as much beyond my knowledge as it
would be useless to Congress. They will have few relations friendly or
hostile with this country, excepting in two branches of commerce, that
of merchandise and that of soldiers. The latter, infamous and
detestable as it is, has been established between a nation, once
generous, humane, and brave, and certain princes, as avaricious of
money as they are prodigal of the blood of their subjects; and such is
the scarcity of cash, and the avidity for it in Germany, and so little
are the rights of humanity understood and respected, that sellers will
probably be found as long as buyers. America will never be found in
either class. The State of Germany, with which we may have commerce of
an honorable kind, is the House of Austria, one of the most powerful
in Europe. She possesses very few countries, however, near the sea.
Ostend is the principal city, where she might have established a trade
of some consequence, if the jealousy of the maritime Powers had not
constantly opposed it. France, Spain, Holland, and England, have been
all agreed in their opposition, and the treaty of Utrecht, ratified
more than once by subsequent treaties, has so shackled this port, that
it will be impossible to open a direct trade to it, without some new
treaty, which possibly may not be very distant. England may possibly
make a new treaty with Austria, and agree to privileges for this port,
in order to draw away the advantages of the American trade from France
and Spain; and in such a treaty Holland may possibly acquiesce, if not
accede to it. The port of Trieste enjoys liberty without limits, and
the Court of Vienna is anxious to make its commerce flourish. Situated
as it is at the bottom of the Gulf of Trieste, the remotest part of
the Gulf of Venice, tedious and difficult as the navigation of those
seas is, we could make little use of it at any time, and none at all
while this war continues.
This Court would seize with eagerness the advantages, that are
presented to her by the independence of America, but an interest more
powerful restrains her, and although she is certainly attentive to
this revolution, there is reason to believe she will be one of the
last powers to acknowledge our independence. She is so far from being
rich, that she is destitute of the means of making war without
subsidies, as is proved by the peace which has lately been made. She
has occasion for the succors of France or of England to put in motion
her numerous armies. She conceives easily, that the loss of the
resources and credit of the English has disabled them to pay the
enormous subsidies, which, in former times, they have poured into the
Austrian coffers. She sees therefore with a secret mortification, that
she shall be hereafter more at the mercy of France, who may choose her
ally, and prefer at her pleasure either Austria or Prussia, while
neither Vienna nor Berlin will be able, as in times past, to choose
between Paris and London, since the latter has lost her past opulence
and pecuniary resources. It is our duty to remark these great changes
in the system of mankind, which have already happened in consequence
of the American war. The alienation of Portugal from England, the
peace of Germany, and that between Petersburg and Constantinople, by
all which events England has lost, and France gained, such a
superiority of influence and power, are owing entirely to the blind
division of that policy and wealth, which the English might have still
enjoyed, from the objects of their true interests and honor, to the
ruinous American war.
The Court of Berlin flatters itself, that the connexions which have
heretofore so long united France and Prussia will renew themselves
sooner or later. This system is more rational than that which subsists
at this day. The king of Prussia may then wait without anxiety the
consequences of the present revolution, because it tends to increase
the resources of his natural ally. The jealousy between the Emperor
and the King of Prussia, and that between the Houses of Bourbon and
Austria, are a natural tie between France and Prussia. The rivalry
between France and Great Britain is another motive, too natural and
too permanent for the former to suffer the King of Prussia to be long
the ally of the latter. One of the favorite projects of Prussia, that
of rendering the port of Emden a place of flourishing trade, interests
him most powerfully in our independence. Silesia, one of his best
provinces, has already felt the influence of it, and, sensible of the
force that empires derive from commerce, he is earnestly desirous to
see it introduced between America and his States; which gives ground
to believe, that as Austria will be one of the last so Prussia will be
one of the first to acknowledge our independence; an opinion which is
rendered more probable by the answer, which was given by the Baron de
Schulenburg to Mr Arthur Lee, and the influence of the King of Prussia
in the United Provinces, which is greater than that of any other
Power, arising from his great military force, and the vicinity of his
dominions. His near relation to the Stadtholder and the Prince of
Brunswick, is an additional motive to cultivate his friendship. The
Electorate of Saxony, with a fruitful soil, contains a numerous and
industrious people, and most of the commerce between the east and the
west of Europe passes through it. The fairs of Leipsic have drawn
considerable advantages for these four years from our trade. This
Power will see with pleasure the moment, which shall put the last hand
to our independence. The rest of Germany, excepting Hamburgh and
Bremen, have no means of opening a direct commerce with us; with the
latter we have no connexion at present; in the former all the commerce
of Lower Germany is transacted; here we shall soon have occasion to
establish an agent or consul.
Poland, depopulated by the war and a vicious government, reduced by a
shameful treaty to two thirds of her ancient dominion, destitute of
industry and manufactures, even of the first necessity, has no
occasion for the productions of America. Dantzic sees her ancient
prosperity diminish every day. There is, therefore, little probability
of commerce, and less of any political connexion between that nation
and us.
Russia, Sweden, and Denmark, comprehended under the denomination of
the northern powers, have been thought by some to be interested in our
return to the domination of Great Britain. Whether they consider
themselves in this light or not, their late declarations against the
right of England to interrupt their navigation, and their arming for
the protection of their commerce on the ocean, and even in the English
channel, are unequivocal proofs of their opinion concerning the right
in our contest, and of their intentions not to interfere against us.
It is very true, that the articles of commerce which they produce, are
in many respects the same with those of America. Yet if we consider
that we shall have occasion to purchase from them large quantities of
hemp and sailcloth, and that our productions of timber, pitch, tar,
and turpentine, are less profitable with us without bounties, than
some other branches of labor, it is not probable that we shall lower
the price of these articles in Europe so much as some conjecture, and
consequently our increased demand upon those countries for several
articles will be more than a compensation to them for the small loss
they may sustain, by a trifling reduction in the price of those
articles. It is not probable that the Courts of Petersburg, Stockholm,
and Copenhagen have viewed with indifference the present revolution,
if they have been apprehensive of being hurt by it in some respects,
which however I think must have been a mistaken apprehension; yet the
motive of humbling the pride of the English, who have endeavored to
exercise their domination, even over the northern seas, and to render
the Danish and Swedish flag dependent on theirs, has prevailed over
all others, and they are considered in Europe as having given their
testimony against the English in this war.
Italy, a country which declines every day from its ancient prosperity,
offers few objects to our speculations. The privileges of the port of
Leghorn, nevertheless, may render it useful to our ships, when our
independence shall be acknowledged by Great Britain, if, as we once
flattered ourselves, the Court of Vienna might receive an American
Minister. We were equally in error respecting the Court of the Grand
Duchy of Tuscany, where an Austrian prince reigns, who receives all
his directions from Vienna, in such a manner that he will probably
never receive any person in a public character, until the chief of his
house has set him the example. The King of the two Sicilies is in the
same dependence on the Court of Madrid, and we may depend upon it, he
will conform himself to all it shall suggest to him. This prince has
already ordered the ports of his dominions to be open to American
vessels, public and private, and has ordered his Ambassador at Paris
to apply to your Commissioners for a description of the American flag,
that our vessels might be known, and receive no molestation upon their
appearance in his harbors.
The Court of Rome, attached to ancient customs, would be one of the
last to acknowledge our independence, if we were to solicit for it.
But Congress will probably never send a Minister to his Holiness, who
can do them no service, upon condition of receiving a Catholic Legate
or Nuncio in return, or in other words, an ecclesiastical tyrant,
which it is to be hoped the United States will be too wise ever to
admit into their territories.
The States of the King of Sardinia are poor, and their commerce is
very small. The little port of Villa Franca will probably see few
American vessels, nor will there be any close relations, either
commercial or political, between this prince and us.
The republic of Genoa is scarcely known at this day in Europe, but by
those powers who borrow money. It is possible that some small sums
might be obtained there, if Congress would fall upon means of insuring
a punctual payment of interest in Europe.
Venice, heretofore so powerful, is reduced to a very inconsiderable
commerce, and is in an entire state of decay.
Switzerland is another lender of money, but neither her position nor
her commerce can occasion any near relation with us.
Whether there is anything in these remarks worth the trouble of
reading, I shall submit to the wisdom of Congress, and subscribe
myself, with the highest consideration, your most obedient and humble
servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO JAMES LOVELL.
Braintree, August 13th, 1779.
My Dear Sir,
Since I have had opportunity to converse a little in this country, and
to read a few gazettes, I find that questions have been agitated here
in the newspapers, and in private circles, as well as in Congress,
concerning his Excellency, the Count de Vergennes, and Mr Arthur Lee,
which seem to make it necessary that I should send the enclosed
copies.[47] You can judge better than I whether it will be of any
public utility to lay them before Congress. My first letter, and his
Excellency's answer, I can see no objection to laying before
Congress; but as the rest[48] contain little else besides mutual
compliments, perhaps it will be as well to conceal them. I submit the
whole, however, to your discretion, and am, with much esteem, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
FOOTNOTES:
[47] See these letters in Arthur Lee's Correspondence, Vol. II. pp.
224, 227.
[48] See the present volume, under the dates of February 16th, 1779,
p. 294; February 21st, p. 298; February 27th, p. 299.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Braintree, September 10th, 1779.
Sir,
Looking over the printed journals of the 15th of last April, I find in
the report of the Committee appointed to take into consideration the
foreign affairs of the United States, and also the conduct of the late
and present Commissioners of these States, the two following articles.
1. "That it appears to them, that Dr Franklin is Plenipotentiary for
these States at the Court of France; Dr Arthur Lee, Commissioner for
the Court of Spain; Mr William Lee, Commissioner for the Courts of
Vienna and Berlin; Mr Ralph Izard, Commissioner for the Court of
Tuscany; that Mr John Adams was appointed one of the Commissioners at
the Court of France, in the place of Mr Deane, who had been appointed
a joint Commissioner with Dr Franklin and Dr Arthur Lee, but that the
said commission of Mr Adams is superseded by the Plenipotentiary
commission to Dr Franklin.
2. "That in the course of their examination and inquiry, they find
many complaints against the said Commissioners, and the political and
commercial agency of Mr Deane, which complaints, with the evidence in
support thereof, are herewith delivered, and to which the Committee
beg leave to refer."
The word "said" in the second article, refers to the Commissioners
mentioned in the first, and as my name is among them, I learn from
hence, that there were some complaints against me, and that the
evidence in support of them was delivered to Congress by the
Committee.
I therefore pray, that I may be favored with copies of those
complaints, evidences, and the names of my accusers, and the witnesses
against me, that I may take such measures as may be in my power to
justify myself to Congress.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Boston, September 23d, 1779.
Sir,
I had yesterday the honor of your letter of the 7th of this month. I
thank you, Sir, for your obliging congratulations on my return to my
family and country.
The reason why my letters of the 27th of February, and the 1st of
March, arrived so late was, that they were delivered at the time of
their dates to gentlemen then bound to the seaports, who expected to
sail directly for America, but were disappointed of passages, until
the vessels sailed under the convoy of the Sensible.
I have not my letter book here, but I do not remember that they
contained anything of much consequence, so that I suppose the
inconvenience of their late arrival was not much.
You will be pleased to make my most respectful compliments to the
members of Congress, and believe me, with great esteem, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO JAMES LOVELL.
Braintree, October 17th, 1779.
My Dear Sir,
What shall I say to your favors of the 27th and 28th of September,
which came by the last post? The unanimity of my election surprises
me, as much as the delicacy, importance, and danger of the trust
distress me. The appointment of Mr Dana to be Secretary pleases me
more than my own to be Minister, Commissioner, Negotiator, call it
what you will. I have communicated to him your letters in confidence,
and all other material intelligence I had, and hope he will not
decline, but you know the peculiarities of his situation, and if he
should refuse, I hope you will not force your name out of nomination
again. I did not suppose that such characters would be willing to go
as Secretaries, because I did not know your plan, otherwise I should
not have mentioned Mr Jennings to Mr Gerry for one to Dr Franklin.
Your mastery of the language, and your indefatigability, would make
you infinitely useful in any of these departments.
I rejoice that you produced my letter to the Count de Vergennes and
his answer before the choice, because it contained a testimony in
favor of Mr Lee, which was his due.[49] I am very much affected at his
recall, because I know his merit, and, therefore, I am glad I was not
placed in his stead, for suspicions would have arisen, and
reflections would have been cast upon me, as having favored his
removal in order to make room, which I certainly did not. I am
infinitely obliged to you for those letters, and for that received the
post before last, but I really tremble for your health. Let me entreat
you, for the sake of our country, to take care of it. If I was to
apply myself as you do, I should soon go to study politics in another
sphere. Yet I am so selfish as to beg the continuance of your favors
to me, and I pledge myself to you, I will not be in debt any more than
may be made by the intrinsic difference in the value of the letters,
which will be unavoidable.
I thank you for the extract from Mr Izard's letter. I am not a little
surprised at its contents. It was written, I see, to his friend, and I
suppose intended in confidence. I am fully persuaded he did not
intend, that the whole should have been laid before Congress.[50] I
utterly deny that I ever used to him any such language, as the
indecent paragraph that closes what he says about me. Indeed, that is
manifestly his own inference, and in his own words, from what he says
he had heard me say, and he draws the same from what Dr Franklin and
Mr Deane had said upon the same subject. I further deny that I ever
_threatened_ him with the displeasure of Congress, for writing his
opinion concerning these articles to Congress, or for suggesting them
to the Commissioners. But to enter into all the conversations that
have passed between Mr Izard and me respecting those articles, and
many other points in order to give a full and fair representation of
those conversations, would fill a small volume. Yet there never was
any angry or rude conversation between him and me, that I can
recollect. I lived with him on good terms, visited him and he me,
dined with his family, and his family with me, and I ever told him,
and repeated it often, that I should be always obliged to him for his
advice, opinions, and sentiments upon any American subject, and that I
should always give it its due weight, although I did not think myself
bound to follow it any further than it seemed to me to be just. As
Congress have declined giving me the charges against me by their
authority, and have, upon the whole, acquitted me with so much
splendor, it would look like a littleness of soul in me to make myself
anxious, or give them any further trouble about it. And as I have in
general so good an opinion of Mr Izard's attachment to his country,
and of his honor, I shall not think myself bound to take any further
notice of this fruit of his inexperience in public life, this peevish
ebullition of the rashness of his temper. I have written a few other
observations to Mr Gerry on the same subject. You and he will compare
these with them for your private satisfaction, but be sure that they
are not exposed where they will do harm to the public, to Mr Izard, or
me, unnecessarily.
If I should go abroad, cannot you lend me twenty or thirty complete
sets of the journals? They are much wanted in Europe. A set of them is
a genteel present, and perhaps would do me and the public more service
than you are aware of. If Congress, or some Committee would order it,
I should be very glad.
I am, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
FOOTNOTES:
[49] See these letters in Arthur Lee's Correspondence, Vol. II. pp.
224, 227.