neuter, and that by intriguing in France, they can get the French
Ministry changed, and then that they shall have little trouble from
this quarter. Nothing can be more whimsical, more groundless or
ridiculous, than all this. Yet it is said to amuse and please the
credulous multitude in that devoted island. Those, who pretend to know
the bosoms of the persons highest in power in that kingdom, say, that
they delight themselves with the thought, that if it is not in their
power to reduce America once more to their yoke, yet they are able to
harass, to distress, and to render miserable those whom they cannot
subdue. That they have some little compunction at the thought, that
they shall be ranked in history with the Philips and Alvas, the
Alberts and Gislers of this world; but this, instead of producing
repentance and reformation as it ought, engenders nothing but rage,
envy, and revenge. This revenge, however, is impotent. Their marine
and their finances are in so bad a condition, that it is with infinite
difficulty they can cope with France alone, even at sea; and it seems
to be the intention of Providence, that they shall be permitted to go
on with their cruelties, just long enough to wean the affection of
every American heart, and make room for connexions between us and
other nations, who have not the ties of language, of acquaintance, and
of custom to bind us.
I am, with the most perfect respect, Sir, your most obedient, humble
servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO RALPH IZARD.
Passy, September 25th, 1778.
Sir,
I have received with much pleasure your favor of yesterday's date. No
apology was necessary for the delay of so few days to answer a letter,
the contents of which did not, from any public consideration, require
haste. My most fervent wishes mingle themselves with yours, that the
happy time may soon arrive when we may enjoy the blessings of peace,
uninterrupted by disputes with any power whatever. But alas! my
apprehensions are very strong, that we are yet at a distance from so
great a felicity.
You will readily acknowledge the impropriety of my entering into the
question concerning the duty of the Commissioners here, to have made
the communications of the treaty, which you mention. But of this you
may be assured, that I shall at all times hold myself obliged to you
for the communication of your sentiments upon any public affair. I am
therefore sorry, that in your letter you have confined yourself to
that part of the treaty, upon which I particularly requested your
sentiments. And I now take the liberty to request your sentiments upon
every part of the treaty, which you conceive liable to doubtful
construction, or capable of producing discontent or dispute, for I
have the honor to be fully of your opinion, that it is of very great
importance to be upon our guard, and avoid every cause of controversy
with France as much as possible. She is, and will be, in spite of the
obstacles of language, of customs, religion, and government, our
natural ally against Great Britain as long as she shall continue our
enemy, and that will be at least as long as she shall hold a foot of
ground in America, however she may disguise it, and whatever peace or
truce she may make.
Your sentiments of the fishery, as a source of wealth, of commerce and
naval power, are perfectly just, and therefore this object will and
ought to be attended to with precision, and cherished with care.
Nevertheless, agriculture is the most essential interest of America,
and even of the Massachusetts Bay, and it is very possible to injure
both, by diverting too much of the thoughts and labor of the people
from the cultivation of the earth to adventures upon the sea. And
this, in the opinion of some persons, has been a fault in the
Massachusetts Bay. Experience has taught us in the course of this war,
that the fishery was not so essential to our welfare as it was once
thought. Necessity has taught us to dig in the ground instead of
fishing in the sea for our bread, and we have found that the resource
did not fail us.
The fishery was a source of luxury and vanity, that did us much
injury; yet this was the fault of the management, not of the fishery.
One part of our fish went to the West India Islands for rum, and
molasses to be distilled into rum, which injured our health and our
morals; the other part went to Spain and Portugal for gold and silver,
almost the whole of which went to London, sometimes for valuable
articles of clothing, but too often for lace and ribands. If,
therefore, the cessation of the fishery for twenty years to come was
to introduce the culture of flax and wool, which it certainly would do
as far as would be necessary for the purposes of decency and comfort,
if a loss of wealth should be the consequence of it, the acquisition
of morals and of wisdom would perhaps make us gainers in the end.
These are vain speculations I know. The taste for rum and ribands will
continue, and there are no means for the New England people to obtain
them so convenient as the fishery, and therefore the first opportunity
will be eagerly embraced to revive it. As a nursery of seamen, and a
source of naval power, it has been, and is an object of serious
importance, and perhaps indispensably necessary to the accomplishment
and the preservation of our independence. I shall therefore always
think it my duty to defend and secure our rights to it with all
industry and zeal, and shall ever be obliged to you for your advice
and co-operation.
Pardon the length of this letter, and believe me, with much esteem,
your friend and servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO RALPH IZARD.
Passy, October 2d, 1778.
Sir,
I have the pleasure of yours of the 28th, and agree with you in
sentiment, that if the money, which has heretofore been squandered
upon articles of luxury, could for the future be applied to discharge
our national debt, it would be a great felicity. But is it certain
that it will? Will not the national debt itself be the means, at least
a temptation to continue, if not increase the luxury? It is with great
pleasure that I see you mention sumptuary laws. But is there room to
hope that our Legislatures will pass such laws? Or that the people
have, or can be persuaded to acquire those qualities, that are
necessary to execute such laws? I wish your answer may be in the
affirmative, and that it may be found true in fact and experience. But
much prudence and delicacy will be necessary, I think, to bring all
our countrymen to this just way of thinking upon this head. There is
such a charm to the human heart in elegance, it is so flattering to
our self-love to be distinguished from the world in general by
extraordinary degrees of splendor, in dress, in furniture, equipage,
buildings, &c. and our countrymen, by their connexion with Europe, are
so much infected with the habit of this taste and these passions, that
I fear it will be a work of time and difficulty, if not quite
impracticable, to introduce an alteration; to which the late condition
of our trade and currency, besides the great inequality of fortune,
and the late enterprises introduced by privateers, are dangerous
enemies.
You ask my opinion, whether the reasons in your last letter are well
founded. It is observable, that the French Court were not content
with the treaty proposed by Congress, which contained all, in my
opinion, which is contained in the article as it now stands in the
treaty of the 6th of February. What motive they had for inserting the
words, "indefinite and exclusive," is left to conjecture.[39] The
suspicion, that they meant more than the treaty proposed by Congress
expressed, arises from a fact, which you remember, viz. that the
French at the time of the last peace claimed more. I wish to know if
there is any letter or memorial extant, in which such a claim is
contained, or whether it was only a verbal claim made by their
Ambassadors. Whether any of the magazines of that time mention and
discuss any such claim. If the fact is incontestible, that they made
such a claim, it is possible that it may be revived under the words
"indefinite and exclusive." But I hope it will not, and I hope it was
not intended when these words were inserted. Yet I confess I cannot
think of any other reason for inserting them. The word indefinite is
not amiss, for it is a right of catching fish and drying them on land,
which is a right indefinite enough. But the word exclusive is more
mysterious. It cannot mean that Americans and all other nations shall
be "excluded" from the same right of fishing and drying on land,
between the same limits of Bonavista and Riche. It would be much
easier to suppose, that the following words, "in that part only, and
in no other besides that," gave rise to the word "exclusive;" that is,
that right of fishing and drying within those limits, for which we
have excluded ourselves from all others. I will undertake to show
better reasons, or at least as good, for this sense of the word
exclusive, as the most subtle interpreter of treaties can offer for
the other, although I think them both untenable.
My opinion further is this, that as contemporaneous exposition is
allowed by all writers on the law of nations to be the best
interpreter of treaties, as well as of all other writings, and as
neither the treaty of Utrecht, or the treaty of Paris in 1763, ever
received such an interpretation as you are apprehensive may hereafter
be contended for, and as the uninterrupted practice has been against
such a construction, so I think that the treaty of Paris of the 6th of
February, 1778, is not justly liable to such a construction, and that
it cannot be attempted with any prospect of success. I agree with you,
however, that as we are young States, and not practised in the art of
negotiation, it becomes us to look into all these things with as much
caution and exactness as possible, and furnish ourselves with the best
historical light, and every other honest means of securing our rights.
For which reason I requested your sentiments upon this subject in
writing, and continue to desire in the same way your observations on
other parts of the treaty. Reduced to writing, such things remain in
letters and letter books, as well as more distinctly in the memory,
and the same men or other men may recur to them at future
opportunities, whereas transient conversations, especially among men
who have many things to do and to think of, slip away and are
forgotten. I shall make use of all the prudence I can, that these
letters may not come to the knowledge of improper persons, or be used
to the disadvantage of our country, or to you or me in our present
capacity.
I am, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
FOOTNOTE:
[39] This alludes to a clause in the 10th Article of the Treaty of
Amity and Commerce between France and the United States.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Passy, October 2d, 1778.
Sir,
I have the honor to enclose the latest gazettes, by which Congress
will perceive, that we have no intelligence from America since the
departure of the Count d'Estaing from Sandy Hook; our anxiety is very
great, but we hope that a few hours will relieve it. In the midst of a
war in Germany, and between France and England, there was scarcely
ever a greater dearth of news in a profound peace.
Captain Mc Neil, the bearer of this, makes the most conversation,
having taken and destroyed, I think, thirteen vessels in the course of
his last cruise, six of which have safely arrived in France, the
others, not destroyed, he sent to America. His cruise will prove a
great disappointment to the enemy, having deprived them of a great
quantity of naval stores, upon which they depended.
I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO JOHN ADAMS.
Philadelphia, October 28th, 1778.
Sir,
While we officially communicate to you the enclosed resolve, the
foundation of which you cannot remain a stranger to, we must entreat
you to be assiduous in sending to those Commissioners who have left
France, and gone to the Courts for which, they were respectively
appointed, all the American intelligence, which you have greater
opportunity than they of receiving from hence, particularly to Mr
Izard and Mr William Lee. We do not often send more than one set of
gazettes by one opportunity; and we hear of several vessels which have
miscarried.
Congress must and will speedily determine upon the general arrangement
of their foreign affairs. This is become, so far as regards you,
peculiarly necessary, upon a new commission being sent to Dr Franklin.
In the meantime we hope you will exercise your whole extensive
abilities on the subject of our finances. The Doctor will communicate
to you our situation in that regard.
To the gazettes, and to conversation with the Marquis de Lafayette, we
must refer you for what relates to our enemies, and close with our
most cordial wishes for your happiness.
Your affectionate friends,
R. H. LEE,
JAMES LOVELL.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Passy, December 3d, 1778.
Sir,
I have the honor to enclose to Congress the latest newspapers. As they
contain the speech at the opening of Parliament, and some of the
debates in both Houses, upon the addresses in answer to it, they are
of very great importance. I learn by some newspapers and private
letters, that an opinion has been prevalent in America, that the enemy
intended to withdraw from the United States; and considering the cruel
devastations of the war, and the unfortunate situation of our
finances, nothing would give me so much joy, as to see reasons to
concur in that opinion, and to furnish Congress with intelligence in
support of it. But I am sorry to say the reverse is too apparent. We
may call it obstinacy or blindness, if we will, but such is the state
of parties in England, so deep would be the disgrace, and perhaps so
great the personal danger to those who have commenced and prosecuted
this war, that they cannot but persevere in it at every hazard, and
nothing is clearer in my mind, than that they never will quit the
United States until they are either driven or starved out of them. I
hope, therefore, Congress will excuse me for suggesting, that there is
but one course for us to take, which is to concert every measure, and
exert every nerve, for the total destruction of the British power
within the United States.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO ELBRIDGE GERRY.
Passy, December 5th, 1778.
Dear Sir,
It is necessary that you should be minutely informed of the minutest
and most secret springs of action here, if it is possible. Yet the
danger is so great of our letters being taken, and getting into
English newspapers, that it is very discouraging to a free
correspondence. I will, however, take all the precaution in my power
to have the letters sunk, but if all these fail, and my letters become
public, the world must take them as they find them, and I hope they
will do more good upon the whole than harm.
This Court and nation appear to me, to be well convinced of the
utility to their interests of the American alliance. But
notwithstanding this, they appear to me to have too much diffidence of
us, too much diffidence of the people of America, and too much
reserve towards the Commissioners here. I am not satisfied in the
cause of this. Whether they think, that the obstacles of language,
religion, laws, customs and manners, are obstacles in the way of a
perfect friendship, which cannot be removed, and therefore that they
shall lose our connexion as soon as Britain comes to her senses; or
whether they are embarrassed by the conduct of Spain, and are acting
in this reserved manner, and with an appearance of irresolution in
hopes of her coming in; or whether they have any prejudices against
the personal characters of the Commissioners, and are loth to be
unreserved with them, for fear they shall communicate either
indiscreetly or by design anything to the English, or to anybody here,
who might convey it to England; or whether all these motives together
have a share in it, I know not. Thus much is certain, that ever since
I have been here, I have never seen any disposition in any Minister of
State to talk with any of the Commissioners, either upon intelligence
from Spain or England, upon the designs or negotiations of either, or
any other Court in Europe, or upon the conduct of the war by sea or
land, or upon their own plans or designs of policy or war. If this
reserve was ever thrown off to any one, I should think, that putting
it on to others had some personal motive. But it is exactly equal and
alike to all three.
Each Commissioner here, before I came, had his own set of friends,
admirers, and dependents, both among the French and Americans. Two
households united in some degree against one, very unjustly, I fear,
and very impolitically. But this set the friends of the two to
injuring the third in conversation, and they cannot forbear to do it,
to this day. This dissension, I suspect, has made the Ministry
cautious, lest in the course of altercations, improper use should be
made of free communications. For my own part, however odd you may
think it in me to say it, I have no friends, much less dependents,
here, and am determined to have none, for I am convinced, that
competitions among these have done the evil; but I am determined, if I
am continued here, to have free communication with the Ministry upon
these subjects and to search them to the bottom. The Ministry are
candid men and sensible, and I am sure, that some eclaircissements
would do good.
However, I am reckoning without my host, for by the bruits, which Mr
Deane's letters have scattered, I may expect, that the first vessel
will bring my recall or removal to some other Court. But wherever I
am, my heart will ever be anxious for the good of our country, and
warm with friendship for her friends, among whom you will ever be
reckoned in the foremost rank, by your most obedient,
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Passy, December 6th, 1778.
Sir,
I have had the honor to enclose to Congress the speech at the opening
of the British Parliament by several opportunities, but as it opens
the intention of the enemy, and warns us to be prepared for all the
evils, which are in their power to inflict, and not in our power to
prevent, I enclose it again in another form.
I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect,
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO ROGER SHERMAN.
Passy, December 6th, 1778.
Dear Sir,
From the long series of arduous services in which we have acted
together, I have had experience enough of your accurate judgment, in
cases of difficulty, to wish very often that I could have the benefit
of it here. To me it appears, that there will be no more cordial
friendship, nor for many years to come any long peace between Great
Britain and America, and therefore the French alliance is and will be
an important barrier to us, and ought to be cultivated with perfect
faith and much tenderness. But still it is a delicate and dangerous
connexion. There is danger to the simplicity of our manners, and to
the principles of our constitution, and there may be danger that too
much will be demanded of us. There is danger, that the people and
their representatives may have too much timidity in their conduct
towards this power, and that your ministers here may have too much
diffidence of themselves, and too much complaisance for the Court.
There is danger, that French councils, and emissaries, and
correspondents may have too much influence in our deliberations.
I hope that this Court will not interfere, by attaching themselves to
persons, parties, or measures in America. It would be ill policy, but
no Court is always directed by sound policy, and we cannot be too much
upon our guard. Some Americans will naturally endeavor to avail
themselves of the aid of the French influence, to raise their
reputation, to extend their influence, to strengthen their parties,
and in short to promote the purposes of private ambition and
interest. But these things must be guarded against.
I wish for a letter from you as often as you can, and that you would
believe me your friend,
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Passy, December 8th, 1778.
Sir,
I have the honor to enclose to Congress one other copy of the speech
at the opening of Parliament, together with the debates in consequence
of it.
The hints in those debates, especially those given out by Lord
Suffolk, are confirmed by the general strain of intelligence from
London. Letters from persons, who are supposed to know, announce the
determination of the cabinet to be, that Clinton and Byron, with their
fleet and army, shall ravage the coast, and bombard and pillage the
towns, that their army in Canada shall be reinforced, and that parties
of regulars, with such tories and Indians as they can persuade to join
them, shall ravage, burn, and massacre on the frontiers of
Massachusetts Bay, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Virginia and
the Carolinas.
Their magnificent menaces we know it is not in their power to execute
entirely, yet we may depend they will do as much as they can. They
will neither acknowledge our independence, nor withdraw their fleets
and armies, nor shall we get rid of them, but by destroying them, or
making them prisoners, until the nation is so exhausted, and their
credit so sunk, that the Minister can raise no more money.
It has been usual to consider this as a ministerial war, but I have
ever thought, they would some time or other discover it to be a
national war; the few men of the nation, who think seriously of the
business, see clearly in the long train of consequences of American
independence the loss of their West India Islands, a great part of
their East India trade, the total loss of Canada, Nova Scotia, the
Floridas, all the American fisheries, a diminution of their naval
power, as well as national bankruptcy, and a revolution in their
government in favor of arbitrary power. And the nation in general has
a confused dread of all these things upon its spirits.
The inference they draw from all this is to go on with the war, and
make it more cruel, which is the way in the opinion of impartial
persons to make all their gloomy visions realities, whereas the only
way to prevent them is to make peace now, before a total alteration
takes place on both sides. However, all we can do is to be prepared
for the worst they can do.
I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
THE COMMISSIONERS TO JOHN PAUL JONES.
Passy, May 25th, 1778.
Sir,
Your favors of May 9th and 16th from Brest, we duly received. We
congratulate you on your success, and safe arrival at Brest, as well
as on the honor you have acquired by your conduct and bravery in
taking one of the King's ships.
As we have some expectation of obtaining an exchange of prisoners from
England, we would advise you to keep those you have made securely
confined, though in a manner most consistent with humanity, till we
have an answer from thence. For if we can get an equal number of our
own seamen to man the Drake, she will be an additional strength to you
in a future expedition. Whereas sending her with the prisoners to
America, will not only weaken you by the hands you must spare to
navigate her, and to keep the prisoners in subjection, but will also
hazard their being retaken. We should have been happy to have been
early informed of the particulars of your cruise, and of the prizes
you have made, of which we have no authentic advice to this hour.
Your bill of exchange in favor of M. Bussolle for twentyfour thousand
livres, which you inform us you mean to distribute among the brave
officers and men to whom you owe your late success has been presented
to us by M. Chaumont. We are sorry to inform you, that we have been
under the disagreeable necessity of refusing payment, and that for
several reasons; first, because your application should have been made
to M. Schweighauser, who is the person regularly authorised to act as
Continental Agent at Brest, and we are determined that all American
concerns, within our department, shall go through his hands, as long
as he shall continue in the character of American Agent, or at least
until we shall find it necessary to order otherwise. Secondly, because
the bill is drawn for an expense, which we have no right or authority
to defray. We have no authority to make presents of the public money
to officers or men, however gallant and deserving, for the purpose of
providing their families with clothing, or for any other purpose, nor
to advance them money upon the credit of their share of prizes, nor
have we authority to advance them any part of their pay or bounties;
all these things belong to Congress alone, and must be done by the
proper Boards in America. Our authority extends no further than to
order the necessary repairs to be made to your ship, to order her to
be furnished with necessary victuals, which we are ready to order M.
Schweighauser to do as soon as we shall be informed by you what
repairs and victuals are wanted, with an estimate of the amount of the
expenses.