until I despair of beating you, you have made an alliance with the
first power of Europe, which is a great honor to your country and a
great stability to your cause, so great that it has excited my highest
resentment, and has determined me to go to war with France. Do you
break your faith with that power and forfeit her confidence, as well
as that of all the rest of mankind forever, and join me to beat her,
or stand by neuter and see me do it, and for all this I will
acknowledge your independency, because I think in that case you cannot
maintain it, but will be an easy prey to me afterwards, who am
determined to break my faith with you, as I wish you to do yours with
France."
My dear countrymen, I hope you will not be allured upon the rocks, by
the syren song of peace. They are now playing a sure game. They have
run all hazards, but now they hazard nothing.
I know your application is incessant and your moments precious, and,
therefore, that I ask a great favor in requesting your correspondence,
but the interests of the public, as well as private friendship, induce
me to do it.
I am, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO SAMUEL ADAMS.
Passy, July 28th, 1778.
My Dear Sir,
The Sovereign of Britain and his Council have determined to instruct
their Commissioners to offer you independence, provided you will
disconnect yourselves from France.
The question arises, how came the King and Council by authority to
offer this? It is certain that they have it not.
In the next place, is the treaty of alliance between us and France now
binding upon us? I think there is not room to doubt it; for
declarations and manifestos do not make the state of war, they are
only publications of the reasons of war. Yet the message of the King
of Great Britain to both houses of Parliament, and their answers to
that message were as full a declaration of war as ever was made, and
accordingly hostilities have been frequent ever since. This proposal,
then, is a modest invitation to a gross act of infidelity and breach
of faith. It is an observation that I have often heard you make, that
"France is the natural ally of the United States." This observation
is, in my opinion, both just and important. The reasons are plain. As
long as Great Britain shall have Canada, Nova Scotia, and the
Floridas, or any of them, so long will Great Britain be the enemy of
the United States, let her disguise it as much as she will.
It is not much to the honor of human nature, but the fact is certain,
that neighboring nations are never friends in reality. In the times of
the most perfect peace between them, their hearts and their passions
are hostile, and this will certainly be the case forever between the
thirteen United States and the English colonies. France and England,
as neighbors and rivals, never have been and never will be friends.
The hatred and jealousy between the nations are eternal and
irradicable. As we, therefore, on the one hand, have the surest ground
to expect the jealousy and hatred of Great Britain, so on the other we
have the strongest reasons to depend upon the friendship and alliance
of France, and no one reason in the world to expect her enmity or her
jealousy, as she has given up every pretension to any spot of ground
on the Continent. The United States, therefore, will be for ages the
natural bulwark of France against the hostile designs of England
against her, and France is the natural defence of the United States
against the rapacious spirit of Great Britain against them. France is
a nation so vastly eminent, having been for so many centuries what
they call the dominant power of Europe, being incomparably the most
powerful at land, that united in a close alliance with our States, and
enjoying the benefit of our trade, there is not the smallest reason to
doubt, but both will be a sufficient curb upon the naval power of
Great Britain.
This connexion, therefore, will forever secure a respect for our
States in Spain, Portugal, and Holland too, who will always choose to
be upon friendly terms with powers, who have numerous cruisers at sea,
and indeed in all the rest, of Europe. I presume, therefore, that
sound policy as well as good faith will induce us never to renounce
our alliance with France, even although it should continue us for some
time in war. The French are as sensible of the benefits of this
alliance to them as we are, and they are determined as much as we to
cultivate it.
In order to continue the war, or at least that we may do any good in
the common cause, the credit of our currency must be supported. But
how? Taxes, my dear Sir, taxes. Pray let our countrymen consider and
be wise; every farthing they pay in taxes is a farthing's worth of
wealth and good policy. If it were possible to hire money in Europe to
discharge the bills, it would be a dreadful drain to the country to
pay the interest of it. But I fear it will not be. The house of
Austria has sent orders to Amsterdam to hire a very great sum, England
is borrowing great sums, and France is borrowing largely. Amidst such
demands for money, and by powers who offer better terms, I fear we
shall not be able to succeed.
Pray write me as often as you can, and believe me your friend and
servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO JAMES WARREN.
Passy, August 4th, 1778.
My Dear Sir,
Your kind favor of July the 1st was brought here yesterday from
Bordeaux, where Captain Ayres has arrived, but was not delivered to me
till this day. This is the second only received from you. I have
infinite satisfaction in learning from all parts of America the
prosperous train of our affairs, and the unanimity and spirit of the
people. Every vessel brings us fresh accessions of ardor to the
French, and of depression to the English, in the war that is now begun
in earnest.
The resolutions of Congress upon the Conciliatory Bills, the address
to the people, the ratification of the treaty, the answer to the
Commissioners, the President's letter, the message of G. Livingston,
and the letter of Mr Drayton, are read here with an avidity that would
surprise you. It is not one of the least misfortunes of Great Britain,
that she has to contend with so much eloquence; that there are such
painters to exhibit her atrocious actions to the world, and transmit
them to posterity. Every publication of this kind seems to excite the
ardor of the French nation, and of their fleets and armies, as much as
if they were Americans.
While American orators are thus employed in perpetuating the
remembrance of the injustice and cruelty of Great Britain towards us,
the French fleet has been giving such a check to her naval pride, as
she has not experienced before for many ages. The vessel, which is to
carry this, will carry information of a general engagement between
d'Orvilliers and Keppel, which terminated in a disgraceful flight of
the English fleet. We hope soon to hear of d'Estaing's success, which
would demonstrate to the universe, that Britain is no longer mistress
of the ocean. But the events of war are always uncertain, and a
misfortune may have happened to the French fleet in America. But even
if this should be the case, which I do not believe, still Britain is
not mistress of the sea, and every day will bring fresh proofs that
she is not. The springs of her naval power are dried away.
I have hitherto had the happiness to find that my pulse beat in exact
unison with those of my countrymen. I have ventured with some freedom
to give my opinion, as to what Congress would do with the Conciliatory
Bills, with the Commissioners, with the treaty, &c. &c. and every
packet brings us proceedings of Congress, according in substance, but
executed in a manner infinitely exceeding my abilities. Nothing has
given me more joy, than the universal disdain that is expressed both
in public and private letters, at the idea of departing from the
treaty and violating the public faith. This faith is our American
glory, and it is our bulwark. It is the only foundation on which our
union can rest securely, it is the only support of our credit both in
finance and commerce; it is our sole security for the assistance of
foreign powers. If the British Court with their arts could shake it,
or the confidence in it, we should be undone forever. They would
triumph over us, after all our toil and danger. They would subjugate
us more entirely than they ever intended. The idea of infidelity
cannot be treated with too much resentment or too much horror. The man
who can think of it with patience is a traitor in his heart, and ought
be execrated as one, who adds the deepest hypocrisy to the blackest
treason.
Is there a sensible hypocrite in America, who can start a jealousy,
that religion may be in danger? From whence can this danger arise? Not
from France, she claims no inch of ground upon your continent. She
claims no legislative authority over you, no negative upon your laws,
no right of appointing you bishops, nor of sending you missionaries.
Besides, the spirit of crusading for religion is not in France. The
rage for making proselytes, which has existed in former centuries, is
no more. There is a spirit more liberal here in this respect, than I
expected to find. Where has been the danger to the religion of the
Protestant cantons of Switzerland, from an alliance with France, which
has subsisted with entire harmony for one hundred and fifty years, or
thereabouts? But this subject is fitter for ridicule than serious
argument, as nothing can be clearer than that in this enlightened
tolerant age, at this vast distance, without a claim or color of
authority, with an express acknowledgment and warranty of sovereignty,
this, I had almost said tolerant nation, can never endanger our
religion.
The longer I live in Europe, and the more I consider our affairs, the
more important our alliance with France appears to me. It is a rock
upon which we may safely build. Narrow and illiberal prejudices,
peculiar to John Bull, with which I might perhaps have been in some
degree infected when I was John Bull, have now no influence over me. I
never was, however, much of John Bull. I was John Yankee, and such I
shall live and die. Is Great Britain to be annihilated? No such thing.
A revolution in her government may possibly take place. But whether in
favor of despotism or republicanism, is the question. The scarcity of
virtue, and even the semblance of it, seems an invincible obstacle to
the latter. But the annihilation of a nation never takes place. It
depends wholly on herself to determine whether she shall sink down
into the rank of the middling powers of Europe, or whether she shall
maintain the second place in the scale. If she continues this war, the
first will be her fate, if she stops short in her mad career and makes
peace, she may still be in the second predicament. America will grow
with astonishing rapidity, and England, France, and every other nation
in Europe will be the better for her prosperity. Peace, which is her
dear delight, will be her wealth and her glory, for I cannot see the
seed of a war with any part of the world in future, but with Great
Britain, and such States as may be weak enough, if any such there
should be, to become her allies. That such a peace may be speedily
concluded, and that you and I may return to our farms to enjoy the
fruits of it, spending our old age in recounting to our children the
toils and dangers we have encountered for their benefit, is the wish
of your friend,
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO RICHARD HENRY LEE.
Passy, August 5th, 1778.
My Dear Sir,
Your letter of the 20th of June, by Captain Ayres, from Boston, had a
quick passage. He sailed on the 4th of July, and your letters were
brought to Passy from Bordeaux, where she arrived the 3d of August.
I thank you, Sir, for the kind expressions of your obliging anxiety
for me. The uncertainty in which you remain so long, concerning the
fate of the Boston, must have been occasioned by the capture of many
vessels by which the news was sent, together with many bundles of
English newspapers and pamphlets. The prompt ratification of the
treaties, as well as the dignity with which you have received the
letters from the British Commissioners, has given great satisfaction
here. The two articles, the Count de Vergennes agreed, when we
presented your instructions to him on that head, should be given up.
The confederation is an important object, and nothing is more wished
for in Europe than its completion, and the finishing of the separate
governments. The eagerness to complete the American code, and the
strains of panegyric in which they speak and write of those parts of
it, which have been published in Europe, are very remarkable, and seem
to indicate a general revolution in the sentiments of mankind upon the
subject of government. Our currency cannot engage our attention too
much. And the more we think of it, the more we shall be convinced,
that taxation, deep and broad taxation, is the only sure and lasting
remedy. Loans in Europe will be very difficult to obtain. The powers
at war, or at the eve of war, have such vast demands, and offer terms
so much better than ours, that nothing but sheer benevolence to our
cause can induce any person to lend us. Besides a large foreign debt
would be a greater evil, for what I know, than a paper currency.
Moreover, your large drafts upon the Commissioners here, from various
quarters, are like to consume more money than we can borrow. We shall
do however all we can.
I have hitherto had the good fortune to preserve a good understanding
with the gentleman you mention, and shall endeavor to continue it. I
have long known him to be employed very ably and usefully for our
country, and his merits and services, his integrity and abilities,
will induce me to cultivate his friendship, as far as I can,
consistently with the public service. I wish I could converse with you
freely upon this subject, but it would lead me into too long a detail.
It has given me much grief, since my arrival here, to find so little
harmony among many respectable characters; so many mutual jealousies,
and so much distrust of one another. As soon as I perceived it, I
determined neither to quarrel with any man here, because he had
quarrelled with another, or because another had quarrelled with him;
nor to make any man my bosom friend, because he was the bosom friend
of any other; but to attend solely to the public service, and give my
voice upon all occasions, as I should think that justice and policy
required, whether it agreed with the opinion of one man or another. I
cannot be more particular. If I were to take every man's word, I
should think there was not one disinterested American here, because it
is very certain, that there is nobody here, that everybody speaks well
of. There is no doubt to be made, that private interest has some
influence here upon some minds, and that our mercantile affairs and
competitions have occasioned some altercation. But there is, I think,
rather more of mutual reproaches of interested views and designs,
rather more of animosity among the Americans here, than I remember to
have seen anywhere else. I will have nothing to do with any of these
things. I will have nothing to do with designs and endeavors to run
down characters, to paint in odious colors indifferent actions, to
excite or propagate suspicions without evidence, or to foment or
entertain prejudices of any kind, if I can possibly avoid it. I am
really ashamed to write to you in this enigmatical manner, which is
not natural to me; but I know not how to write clearer at present. I
sometimes differ in sentiment from each of my colleagues, and
sometimes agree with each; yet I do not trim, or at least I think I do
not. It has been and shall be my endeavor to heal and reconcile, to
the utmost of my power, Yet I fear, that some gentlemen are gone over
to America, heated with altercation and inflamed with prejudice.
Others still remain here, it is to be feared, in the same temper of
mind, and probably many letters are gone over loaded. These things
will probably make you uncomfortable, as they have and will make us. I
really wish, however, that you would remove the cause of this, and
appoint consuls to do the mercantile business. If you do not, however,
I am determined to go on, giving my voice clearly and without
equivocation, and at the same time without wrangling or ill will.
We expect on Sunday, the 9th, the English accounts of the sea fight
between d'Orvilliers and Keppel, which happened on the 27th ult. in
which the former obtained the laurels, whatever representation the
latter may make of it. There are so many facts, attested by so many
respectable witnesses, that there is no room to doubt, but that the
Britons lost the day; a terrible loss indeed to a nation, who have the
empire of the sea to maintain, in order almost to preserve their
existence. It is not being equal to France at sea; they must support a
clear and decided superiority, not only to France, but to France and
Spain in conjunction, not to mention our States, in order to preserve
their rank among the powers of Europe. My tenderest respects to all
good men.
I am, dear Sir, affectionately yours,
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO HENRY LAURENS, PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Passy, August 27th, 1778.
Sir,
I have the honor to enclose the last gazettes, by which Congress will
see the dearth of news in Europe at present. We expect an abundance of
it at once soon, as we have nothing from America since the 4th of
July.
The French fleet went out again from Brest the 17th, but we have not
yet heard that the English fleet is out. While the two fleets were in
the harbor, the British East India fleet, and another small West India
fleet, got in; a misfortune of no small moment, as the British
finances will receive by means of it a fresh supply of money for the
present, and their fleet a considerable reinforcement of seamen.
I have the honor to be, with the highest respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Passy, September 7th, 1778.
Sir,
I have the honor to enclose to Congress all the newspapers I have by
me, enough to show that we have nothing very important here at
present. The French and British fleets are again at sea, and we hourly
expect intelligence of a second battle; but our expectations from
America are still more interesting and anxious, having nothing from
them since the 3d of July, except what is contained in the English
gazettes.
Events have probably already passed in America, although not known in
Europe, which will determine the great question, whether we shall
have a long war or a short one. The eyes of all Europe are fixed upon
Spain, whose armaments by sea and land are vastly expensive and
extremely formidable, but whose designs are a profound, impenetrable
secret; time, however, will discover them. In the meantime, we have
the satisfaction to be sure, that they are not inimical to America.
For this, we have the word of a King, signified by his Ministers, a
King, who they say never breaks his word, but, on the contrary, has
given many striking proofs of his sacred regard to it.
I have the honor to be, with the greatest esteem, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Passy, September 11th, 1778.
Sir,
I have the honor to enclose to Congress the latest gazettes. We have
no other intelligence, than is contained in them.
Since the 11th of July, the date of Lord Howe's announcing the arrival
of the Count d'Estaing off Sandy Hook, we have not a syllable from
America, by the way of England. In France, we have nothing from
America since July 3d. This long interval leaves a vast scope for
imagination to play, and, accordingly, there is no end to the
speculations prompted by the hopes and fears of the nations of Europe.
We are weary of conjectures, and must patiently wait for time to end
them.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO M. RAY DE CHAUMONT.
Passy, September 15th, 1778.
Sir,
As our finances are, at present, in a situation seriously critical,
and as I hold myself accountable to Congress for every part of my
conduct, even to the smallest article of my expenses, I must beg the
favor of you to consider what rent we ought to pay you for this house
and furniture, both for the time past and to come. Every part of your
conduct towards me, and towards our Americans in general, and in all
our affairs, has been polite and obliging, as far as I have had an
opportunity of observing, and I have no doubt it will continue so; yet
it is not reasonable, that the United States should be under so great
an obligation to a private gentleman, as that two of their
representatives should occupy, for so long a time, so elegant a seat,
with so much furniture and so fine accommodations without any
compensation; and in order to avoid the danger of the disapprobation
of our constituents on the one hand, for living here at too great or
at too uncertain an expense, and on the other, the censure of the
world for not making sufficient compensation to a gentleman, who has
done so much for our convenience, it seems to me necessary that we
should come to an eclaircissement upon this head.
As you have an account against the Commissioners, or against the
United States, for several other matters, I should also be obliged to
you, if you would send it in as soon as possible, as every day renders
it more and more necessary for us to look into our affairs with the
utmost precision.
I am, Sir, with much esteem and respect, your most obedient, humble
servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
M. RAY DE CHAUMONT TO JOHN ADAMS.
Translation.
Passy, September 18th, 1778.
Sir,
I have received the letter, which you did me the honor to write to me
on the 15th inst, making inquiry as to the rent of my house, in which
you live, for the past and the future. When I consecrated my house to
Dr Franklin, and his associates, who might live with him, I made it
fully understood that I should expect no compensation, because I
perceived that you had need of all your means to send to the succor of
your country, or to relieve the distresses of your countrymen escaping
from the chains of their enemies. I pray you, Sir, to permit this
arrangement to remain, which I made when the fate of your country was
doubtful. When she shall enjoy all her splendor, such sacrifices on my
part will be superfluous, or unworthy of her, but, at present, they
may be useful, and I am most happy in offering them to you.
There is no occasion for strangers to be informed of my proceeding in
this respect. It is so much the worse for those, who would not do the
same if they had the opportunity, and so much the better for me, to
have immortalized my house by receiving into it Dr Franklin and his
associates.
I have the honor to be, Sir, with the most perfect respect, &c.
LE RAY DE CHAUMONT.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Passy, September 20th, 1778.
Sir,
I have the honor to enclose the latest gazettes, which contain all the
news of Europe. The news from America by the way of London, which are
contained in the _Courier de l'Europe_ of the 15th instant, have
raised our expectations and increased our anxiety. We are not without
apprehensions, that the Count d'Estaing may fall in with the combined
fleets of Howe and Byron.
The English are beginning to elevate their heads a little, and to
renew their old insolent language, both in coffee houses and in daily
papers. The refugees from America, unable to bear the thought of being
excluded forever from that country, and still less that of soliciting
for pardon from their injured countrymen, and returning to see
established principles, which they detest, and forms of government,
against which they have ever combated, are said to be indefatigable in
instilling hopes into the King and Ministers, that by persevering
another campaign, and sending twenty thousand more men to America, the
people will be worn out, and glad to petition for dependence upon
them.