benefit of your men. Upon a representation from you of the quantity of
slops necessary for them, we should order M. Schweighauser to furnish
your ship with them; not more however than one suit of clothes for
each man, that you may take them on board of your ship, and deliver
them out to the men as they shall be wanted, charging each man upon
the ship's books with what he shall receive, that it may be deducted
out of his pay.
Lieutenant Simpson has stated to us your having put him under arrest
for disobeying orders. As a court martial must, by order of Congress,
consist of three captains, three lieutenants, and three captains of
marines, and these cannot be had here, it is our desire that he may
have a passage procured for him by the first opportunity to America,
allowing him whatever may be necessary for his defence. As the
consequences of an arrest in foreign countries are thus extremely
troublesome, they should be well considered before they are made. If
you are in possession of any resolution of Congress, giving the whole
of ships of war when made prizes to the captors, we should be obliged
to you for a copy of it. We should also be obliged to you for a
particular account in whose hands the prizes made by you are, and in
what forwardness is the sale of them. We have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN,
ARTHUR LEE,
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
THE COMMISSIONERS TO JOHN PAUL JONES.
Passy, June 3d, 1778.
Sir,
We have received sundry letters from Lieutenant Simpson, and sundry
certificates from officers and others, concerning his behavior in
general, and particularly upon that occasion in which he is charged
with disobedience of orders. Without giving or forming any decided
opinion concerning his guilt or innocence of the crime laid to his
charge, we may venture to say, that the certificates we have received
are very favorable to his character, and at least afford reason to
hope, that he did not mean to disobey his orders. Be this however as
it may, we are constrained to say, that his confinement on board of
any other ship than the Ranger, and much more his confinement in a
prison on shore, appears to us to carry in it a degree of severity,
which cannot be justified by reason or law. We therefore desire you
would release Mr Simpson from his imprisonment, and permit him to go
at large upon his parole to go to Nantes, there to take his passage to
America by the first favorable opportunity, in order to take his trial
by a court martial.
We request you to transmit to us as soon as possible, an account of
what is due to Lieutenant Simpson, according to the ship's books, for
wages.
An application has been made to us in behalf of Mr Andrew Fallen, one
of the prisoners lately made by you, and his case represented with
such circumstances as have induced us to request you to let Mr Fallen
go where he will, after taking his parole in writing, that he will not
communicate any intelligence, which may be prejudicial to the United
States, that he will not take arms against them during the war, and
that he will surrender himself prisoner of war, whenever called upon
by Congress, or their Ministers at Paris. We are, Sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN,
ARTHUR LEE,
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
THE COMMISSIONERS TO LIEUT. SIMPSON, OF THE RANGER.
Passy, June 3d, 1778.
Sir,
We have received several letters from you, and several certificates
from officers and others, respecting your behavior in general, as well
as particularly relative to the charge of disobedience of orders, for
which you have been confined. It would be improper for us to give any
opinion concerning this charge, which is to be determined only by a
court martial. But we have requested Captain Jones to set you at
liberty upon your parole to go to Nantes, there to take your passage
to America by the first favorable opportunity, in order to take your
trial by a court martial.[40]
We are, Sir, your humble servants,
B. FRANKLIN,
ARTHUR LEE,
JOHN ADAMS.
FOOTNOTE:
[40] See a letter from Paul Jones on this subject in the
Commissioners' Correspondence, Vol. I. p. 399.
* * * * *
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Passy, February 1st, 1779.
Gentlemen,
I had yesterday the honor of your favor of the 28th of October,
enclosing a resolution of Congress, of the 22d of the same month, to
which I shall give all the attention in my power.[41] I have much
satisfaction in the reflection, that I have hitherto endeavored with
much sincerity to conform to the spirit of it. What you recommend to
me, viz. to communicate to the Ministers of other Courts such
intelligence as I may receive, will not in future be so much in my
power; but as far as I can, while I stay in Europe, I shall endeavor
to comply. Indeed, it is a long time that we have had no intelligence
to communicate. Three vessels we know have been taken, each of which
had many letters, and two of them public despatches; one that sailed
from Philadelphia the 4th of November, another that sailed from the
same port the 24th, and another that sailed from Boston on the 20th.
These letters and despatches were all sunk, and we fear that others
are lost.
It would be agreeable to me, indeed, if I were able to throw any light
on the subject of finances. As to a loan in Europe, all has been done
that was in our power to this end, but without the desired effect.
Taxation and economy comprehend all the resources that I can think of.
We expect the honor of a visit from the Marquis de Lafayette this
morning, whom we shall receive with gratitude for his gallant and
glorious exertions in one of the best causes in which a hero ever
fought.
Be pleased to accept my thanks for your kind wishes for my happiness,
and believe me to be your affectionate friend,
JOHN ADAMS.
FOOTNOTE:
[41] See the proceedings of Congress on Foreign Affairs, October 22d,
1778, in the Secret Journals, Vol. II. p. 107.
* * * * *
TO SAMUEL ADAMS.
Passy, February 14th, 1779.
My Dear Sir,
The Marquis de Lafayette did me the honor of a visit yesterday, and
delivered me your favor of the 25th of October. I am not sorry, as
things have been ordered, that mine of May 24th did not reach you till
the 24th of October, because, as the new arrangement[42] was
previously made, it cannot be said that I had any hand in
accomplishing it. Yet I am glad the letter has arrived, because it
will show that the new system is quite agreeable to me, that is, the
appointment of a single Minister here. Believe me, Sir, it was become
very necessary.
FOOTNOTE:
[42] Dissolving the commission in Paris, and appointing Dr Franklin
Minister Plenipotentiary.
How Congress will dispose of me, I do not know. If it is intended that
I shall return, this will be very agreeable to me; and I think that
this is the most probable opinion, because Mr Deane's "Address" was on
the 5th of December. Congress soon after resolved to enter on foreign
affairs and go through them. The Alliance sailed on the 14th of
January, and there is no resolution arrived here respecting me. I
think, therefore, that it is my duty to return, and that is my present
determination; but whether I shall go to Amsterdam, and from thence to
St Eustatia, or to Spain, and thence home, or in a French man-of-war
to Martinique, or an American frigate to America, I have not decided.
Some hint that I am to go to Holland, others to Spain. This last
implies the removal of Mr Lee, which would give me much pain on many
accounts. I think him a faithful man and able. Yet what the
determination will be upon the complaint of Mr Deane, I cannot say.
This is a subject which I cannot write or talk about; I would not feel
such another sensation to be made a prince. I confess I expected the
most dismal consequences from it, because I thought it would render
business and confidence between us three totally impracticable; that
it would destroy all confidence between this Court and us, and that it
would startle Spain; that it would alienate many in Holland from us,
and that it would encourage the Ministry in England and disconcert
opposition so much, that they would even make another vigorous
campaign, besides all the evils it would produce among you. But the
arrival of Dr Franklin's commission has relieved me from many of these
fears. This Court have confidence in him alone. But I think they were
cautious, even of him, when he had two colleagues, to whom he was
obliged to communicate everything, one of whom was upon as bad terms
with him as with Mr Deane. I have had a kind of a task here, as Mr
Lovell expresses himself; determined to be the partizan of neither,
yet to be the friend of both, as far as the service would admit. I am
fixed in these two opinions, that leaving the Doctor here alone is
right, and that Mr Lee is a very honest and faithful man.
You say that France should be our polar star in case war should take
place. I was, I confess, surprised at this expression. Was not war
sufficiently declared in the King of England's speech, and in the
answers of both Houses, and in the recall of his Ambassador? Has it
not been sufficiently declared by actual hostilities in most parts of
the world? I suspect there will never be any other declaration of war.
Yet, there is in fact as complete a war as ever existed, and it will
continue, for you may depend upon it, the King of France is immovably
fixed in your support, and so are his Ministers. Every suspicion of a
wavering disposition in this Court concerning the support of American
independence is groundless, is ridiculous, is impossible. You may
remember, that several years ago, several gentlemen were obliged to
reason, to show that American independence was the interest of France.
Since my arrival in this Kingdom, I never yet found one man, nor heard
of more than one, who doubted it. If the voice of popularity is
anything, I assure you that this voice was never so unanimous in
America in favor of our independence as it is here. It is so much so,
that if the Court were to depart from its present system in this
respect, it is my clear opinion it would make this nation very
unhappy, and the Court too; but I again repeat, that the Court is as
fixed as the nation. And this union of sentiment arises out of such
principles in nature, as, without a miracle, cannot alter. Common
sense in America supported independence; common sense in France
supports the alliance, and will support it to the last. Nay, the
common sense of Europe supports the common sense of France.
By the way, my regards to Mr Paine, and tell him, that I do not agree
with him in his ideas about natural enemies. It is because England is
the natural enemy of France, that America in her present situation is
her natural friend; at least, this is one cause, although there are
many others. Some of them are more glorious, for human nature.
France scarcely ever made a war before, that was popular in Europe.
There is not a State, that I can hear of, but applauds her, and wishes
her success. And in point of finance and naval strength, and in skill
and bravery of officers, she seems to be superior to England. You may
be surprised to hear me say naval strength, yet if you consider the
wretched state of the British Navy, as to masts, yards, rigging, and
men, you will not wonder, although their number of ships may be
superior. I therefore think, that all is safe. We may have further
trouble, and trials of our faith and patience. But trouble is to you
and me familiar, and I begin to think it necessary for my health.
There is one thing in my letter to you exaggerated; the expenses of
the Commissioners. I had been here but a short time, and wrote
according to the best guess I could make, from what I had heard; but I
now think I put it much too high, yet I cannot say exactly.[43]
_February 20th._ There is not the least appearance of the embarkation
of troops for America, nor any intelligence of transports taken up.
The national discontent is great, and tumults have arisen in Edinburgh
and London. According to present appearances, they will have occasion
for so many of their troops to keep their populace in order, as to be
able to spare few for America. Their proclamations are all alike from
Burgoyne's to those of the Commissioners. The weaker they are, the
more they puff.
I am, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
FOOTNOTE:
[43] See the statement here referred to, in a letter dated May 21st,
1778, p. 245, of the present volume.
* * * * *
TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Passy, February 16th, 1779.
Sir,
Last evening I had the honor of your letter of the 13th of this month,
in answer to mine of the 11th.[44]
I thank your Excellency for the politeness with which you have agreed
to my proposition, of a conference upon the subject of Mr Deane's
"Address to the People of the United States."
At the time when my letter of the 11th was written and sent to your
Excellency, there were three Commissioners here, representatives of
Congress, between whom it appeared to me Mr Deane's Address had a
tendency to destroy all confidence, as well as between your Excellency
and them, for which reason I thought it my duty to endeavor, by a
conference with your Excellency, to lessen those evils as far as
should be in my power.
But within a few hours after my letter of the 11th was sent, the
Aid-de-Camp of the Marquis de Lafayette arrived, with despatches from
Congress to Dr Franklin, and from their Committee of Foreign Affairs
to me, informing me of the new arrangement by which Dr Franklin is
constituted Minister Plenipotentiary here, and I am restored to the
character of a private citizen; by which, so wholly changed are the
scene and the characters here, that I now think I have no right to do
what, if I had continued in the character of a Commissioner, I should
have thought it my indispensable duty to do.
This masterly measure of Congress, which has my most hearty
approbation, and of the necessity of which I was fully convinced
before I had been two months in Europe, has taken away the
possibilities of those dissensions, which I so much apprehended. I
shall not, therefore, give your Excellency any further trouble, than
to take an opportunity of paying my respects in order to take leave,
and to assure you, that I shall leave this kingdom with the most
entire confidence in his Majesty's benevolence to the United States,
and inviolable adherence to the treaties between the two powers, with
a similar confidence in the good disposition of his Majesty's
Ministers of State and of this nation towards us, and with a heart
impressed with gratitude for the many civilities which I have
received, in the short space I have resided here, at Brest, in the
city, and in the country, and particularly from your Excellency.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
FOOTNOTE:
[44] These letters relate to Silas Deane and Arthur Lee, and may be
found in Arthur Lee's Correspondence, Vol. II, pp. 224, 227.
* * * * *
TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE.
Passy, February 21st, 1779.
My dear Marquis,
The conversation with which you honored me last evening, has induced
me to give you the trouble of this letter upon the same subject.
It is certain that a loan of money is very much needed to redeem the
redundancy of our paper bills, and without it, it is impossible to
foresee what will be the consequence to their credit, and therefore
every service, that may be rendered in order to obtain it from this
kingdom, from Spain, or Holland, will be a most acceptable service.
But without some other exertions, even a loan perhaps would be but a
temporary relief; with them a smaller loan might suffice. You know
perfectly well, that the enemy in America are at present very weak,
and in great distress in every part. They are weak in Canada, weak in
Halifax, weak in Rhode Island, weak in New York, weak in the Floridas,
and weak in every one of the West India Islands. A strong armament of
ships of the line, with five thousand troops, directed against
Halifax, Rhode Island, or New York, must infallibly succeed. So it
must against the Floridas, so it must against Canada, or any one of
the West India Islands.
You are very sensible, that in this state of weakness, the British
possessions in America depend upon each other for reciprocal support.
The troops and ships derive such supplies of provisions from Canada
and Nova Scotia, that if these places or either of them were lost, it
would be difficult, if not impossible, for the other to subsist. The
West India Islands derive such supplies from the Floridas, that if
they were lost the others could hardly subsist. Their fleets and
armies in Canada, Halifax, Rhode Island, New York, and the Floridas,
receive supplies of rum, sugar, molasses, &c. from the West India
Islands, without which they could scarcely subsist. Every part of
their possessions in America, both on the continent and in the
islands, receives constant supplies from Europe, from England,
Scotland, and Ireland, without which they must fall. You perceive,
therefore, that their dominions in America at present form such a
chain, that the links mutually support each other in such a manner,
that if one or two were taken away, the whole, or at least the greater
part, must fall. In this state of things then, the obvious policy is
to send a strong squadron of ships of the line to co-operate with the
Count d'Estaing and the American army, in some expedition directed
against New York, Rhode Island, Halifax or perhaps all of them in
course. Five or six thousand troops would be quite enough. Above all,
it is indispensably necessary to keep a clear naval superiority, both
on the coast of the continent, and in the West Islands. This together
with French and American privateers would make such havoc among the
enemy's transports, passing from one of their possessions to another,
as must ruin their affairs. The French have a great advantage in
carrying on this kind of war in America, at present. The British ships
are badly manned and in bad repair. They cannot send them into the
American seas, without the utmost terror for their own coasts. And
when they are in America, they have not such advantages for supplies
of provisions, naval stores, &c. as the French.
The devastation, which was made among their ships of the line,
frigates, transports, and traders, in the American seas the last
summer, shows how much might be done, if a stronger force were sent
there. As long as the enemy have possession of New York and Rhode
Island, so long it will be necessary for us to keep up large armies,
to watch their motions, and defend the country against them, which
will oblige us to emit more paper, and still further to increase the
depreciation. Now as long as they maintain the dominion of those seas,
their troops will be protected by the cannon of their ships, and we
could not dislodge them with an army, however large, at least we could
not keep possession of those places. But if their force was captivated
in those seas, as it might easily be by a sea force, co-operating with
the land forces, we might reduce our army and innumerable other
articles of expense. We need not emit any more paper, and that already
out would depreciate no further. I should be happy to have further
conversation with you, Sir, upon these subjects, or to explain
anything by letter, which may be in my power.
With the highest sentiments of esteem and respect, I have the honor to
be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
COUNT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS.
Translation.
Versailles, February 21st, 1779.
Sir,
I have received the letter, which you have done me the honor to write
me on the 16th of this month. Although you are to be henceforth
without a public character in France, be persuaded that the esteem and
consideration, which you have justly acquired, are by no means
diminished, and I flatter myself, Sir, that you will not deprive me of
the pleasure of assuring you of it by word of mouth, and being at the
same time the interpreter of the favorable sentiments with which the
King honors you. They are the consequence of the particular
satisfaction, which his Majesty has received from the wise conduct you
have held during the whole time of your commission, as well as the
zeal you have constantly displayed, both for the cause of your
country, and for the support of the alliance which attaches it to his
Majesty.
I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, &c.
DE VERGENNES.
* * * * *
TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Passy, February 27th, 1779.
Sir,
I have received the letter, which your Excellency did me the honor to
write me on the 21st of this month. This testimony from your
Excellency of those indulgent sentiments, with which his Majesty is
pleased to honor my sincere intentions, cannot fail to be preserved by
me and my posterity as a most precious monument; and what is of
infinitely more importance, it cannot fail to give great satisfaction
to my country, to find that a servant of theirs, who has been honored
with no small share of their confidence in the most dangerous of
times, and most critical circumstances, has been so happy as not to
forfeit the confidence of their illustrious ally.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO JOHN JAY, PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Passy, February 27th, 1779.
Sir,
By the new arrangement, which was brought by the Marquis de Lafayette,
I find myself restored to the character of a private citizen.
The appointment of a single Minister at the Court of Versailles was
not unexpected to me, because I had not been two months in Europe
before I was convinced of the policy, and indeed of the necessity, of
such a measure. But I ever entertained hopes, that when the news of
such an alteration should arrive, the path of my own duty would have
been made plain to me by the directions of Congress, either to return
home or go elsewhere. But as no information that we have received from
Congress has expressed their intentions concerning me, I am obliged to
collect them by implication, according to the best of my
understanding, and as the election of the new Minister Plenipotentiary
was on the fourteenth of September, and the Alliance sailed from
Boston the fourteenth of January, and in this space of four months no
notice appears to have been taken of me, I think the only inference
that can be made is, that Congress have no further service for me on
this side the water, and that all my duties are on the other. I have
accordingly given notice to his Excellency, M. de Sartine, and to his
Excellency the Minister Plenipotentiary here, of my intentions to
return, which I shall do by the first frigate that sails for any part
of the United States, unless I should receive counter orders in the
meantime. In a matter of so much uncertainty, I hope I shall not incur
the disapprobation of Congress, even if I should not judge aright of
their intentions, which it is my desire as well as my duty to observe,
as far as I can know them.
By the papers enclosed with this, Congress will perceive the
discontented and tumultuous state of the three kingdoms of England,
Scotland, and Ireland, which is so great and so rapidly increasing,
that the United States will have little to fear from reinforcements of
their enemies the ensuing campaign. All their forces will be necessary
to keep in order their own riotous populace, and to replace those
which are daily consuming in the West Indies. There is, however, no
prospect of their evacuating either New York or Rhode Island. The
possession of those places is so indispensable for the preservation of
their West India and other trade, as well as of their other dominions
in America, that nothing but the last necessity will induce them to
give them up.
The greatest source of danger and unhappiness to the States then
probably will be a depreciating currency. The prospect of a loan in
Europe, after every measure that has been or could be taken, I think
it my duty to say frankly to Congress, is very unpromising. The causes
of this are very obvious, and cannot be removed; the state of our
country itself, and the course of exchange, would be sufficient to
discourage such a loan, if there were no other obstruction, but there
are many others. There are more borrowers in Europe than lenders, and
the British loan itself will not be made this year at a less interest
than seven and a half per cent.