to you your commission for representing these United States at the
Court of France. We are by no means willing to admit a thought of your
declining this important service, and therefore we send duplicates of
the commission, and the late resolves, in order that you may take one
set with you, and send the other by another vessel.
These are important papers, and therefore we wish they may be put into
the hands of a particular and careful person, with directions to
deliver them himself into the hands of the Commissioners. Mr Hancock,
before he left this place, said that he intended to send a gentleman
to France on some particular business. Cannot we prevail to get this
gentleman to undertake the delivery of our packet to the
Commissioners, they paying the expense of travel to Paris, and back
again to his place of business?
It is unnecessary to mention the propriety of directing these
despatches to be bagged with weight proper for sinking them, on any
immediate prospect of their otherwise falling into the enemy's hands.
We sincerely wish you a quick and pleasant voyage, being truly your
affectionate friends,
R. H. LEE,
JAMES LOVELL.
* * * * *
TO HENRY LAURENS, PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Braintree, December 23d, 1777.
Sir,
Having been absent on a journey, I had not the honor of receiving your
letters until yesterday, when one, of the 28th of November, enclosing
a resolution of Congress of the same day, and another of the 3d of
December, enclosing a commission for Dr Franklin, Dr Lee, and myself,
to represent the United States at the Court of France, were delivered
to me in Boston.
As I am deeply penetrated with a sense of the high honor, which has
been done me in this appointment, I cannot but wish I were better
qualified for the important trust, but as Congress are perfectly
acquainted with all my deficiencies, I conclude it is their
determination to make the necessary allowances; in the humble hope of
which, I shall submit my own judgment to theirs, and devote all the
faculties I have, and all that I can acquire, to their service.
You will be pleased to accept of my sincere thanks, for the polite
manner in which you have communicated to me the commands of Congress,
and believe me to be, with the most perfect respect and esteem, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Braintree, December 24th, 1777.
Gentlemen,
Having been absent from this State, I had not the honor of your favor
of December 3d, until the 22d, when it was delivered to me with its
enclosures, viz. a letter from the President to the Navy Board at
Boston, and a private letter of December 8th, from Mr Lovell. At the
same time, I received a packet directed to Benjamin Franklin, Arthur
Lee, and John Adams, Commissioners of the United States of America, in
France, under seal. I also received a packet unsealed, containing
1. Copy of a letter dated the 2d of December, from the Committee of
Foreign Affairs to the Commissioners.
2. A duplicate of a commission of the 27th of November, to the
Commissioners.
3. A duplicate of a resolve of December 3d; duplicates of resolves of
November 20th and 21st, and duplicates of resolves of November 10th
and 22d.
4. Two letters unsealed, to Silas Deane, Paris.
5. Two printed handbills, one containing messages, &c. between the
Generals Bourgoyne and Gates; the other, a copy of a letter, &c. from
Mr Strickland. The packet under seal, I shall do myself the honor to
forward by the first conveyance, and the other shall be conveyed, God
willing, with my own hand.
I have the honor to be, with the greatest esteem, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO SAMUEL ADAMS.
Passy, May 21st, 1778.
Dear Sir,
I have never yet paid my respects to you since my arrival in Europe,
for which seeming neglect of duty, the total novelty of the scenes
about me, and the incessant avocations of business, and ceremony, and
pleasure, (for this last, I find in Europe, makes an essential part of
both the other two,) must plead my excuse.
The situation of the general affairs of Europe is still critical and
of dubious tendency. It is still uncertain whether there will be war
between the Turks and the Russians, between the Emperor and the King
of Prussia, and indeed between England and France, in the opinion of
many people. My own conjecture, however, is that a war will commence,
and that soon.
Before this reaches you, you will be informed that a strong squadron
of thirteen capital ships and several frigates has sailed from Toulon,
and that another squadron is ordered to sail from Spithead. Whatever I
may have heard of the destination of the first, I am not at liberty to
mention it. We have no intelligence that the latter has sailed.
Chatham the great is no more, but there is so much of his wild spirit
in his last speech yet left in the nation, that I have no doubt but
the administration will put all to the hazard.
We are happy to hear by the frigate, La Sensible, which has returned
to Brest, that the treaty arrived safe at Casco Bay. We hope to have
the earliest intelligence of the ratification of it. The Commissioners
from England, of the 22d of April, will meet, as we suppose, with
nothing but ridicule. The King of Prussia is yet upon the reserve
concerning America, or rather forgetting his promise, has determined
not to acknowledge our independence at present. His reason is obvious;
he wants the aid of those very German princes, who are most
subservient to Great Britain, who have furnished her with troops to
carry on the war against us, and, therefore, he does not choose to
offend them by an alliance with us at present. Spain is on the reserve
too, but there is not the least doubt entertained here of her
intention to support America. In Holland there is more friendship for
us than I was aware of before I came here; at least, they will take no
part against us.
Our affairs in this kingdom I find in a state of confusion and
darkness, that surprises me. Prodigious sums of money have been
expended, and large sums are yet due; but there are no books of
account, nor any documents from whence I have been able to learn what
the United States have received as an equivalent.
There is one subject which lies heavily on my mind, and that is the
expense of the Commissioners. You have three Commissioners at this
Court, each of whom lives at an expense of at least three thousand
pounds sterling a year, I fear at a greater expense; few men in the
world are capable of living at a less expense than I am. But I find
the other gentlemen have expended from three to four thousand a year
each, and one of them from five to six. And by all the inquiries I
have been able to make, I cannot find any article of expense which can
be retrenched.[36]
The truth is, in my humble opinion, our system is wrong in many
particulars.
1. In having three Commissioners at this Court; one in the character
of Envoy is enough. At present, each of the three is considered in the
character of a public Minister Plenipotentiary, which lays him under
an absolute necessity of living up to this character, whereas, one
alone would be obliged to incur no greater expense, and would be quite
sufficient for all the business of a public Minister.
2. In leaving the salaries of these Ministers at an uncertainty, you
will never be able to obtain a satisfactory account of the public
monies while this system continues; it is a temptation to live at too
great an expense, and gentlemen will feel an aversion to demanding a
vigorous account.
3. In blending the business of a public Minister with that of a
commercial agent. The business of various departments is by this means
so blended, and the public and private expenses so confounded with
each other, that I am sure no satisfaction can ever be given to the
public of the disposition of their interests, and I am very confident,
that jealousies and suspicions will hereafter arise against the
characters of gentlemen, who may, perhaps, have acted with perfect
integrity and the fairest intentions for the public good.
My idea is this; separate the offices of public Ministers from those
of commercial agents;[37] recall, or send to some other Court, all
the public Ministers but one at this Court; determine with precision
the sum that shall be allowed to the remaining one for his expenses,
for his salary, and for his time, risk, trouble, &c.; and when this is
done, see that he receives no more than his allowance. The
inconveniences arising from the multiplicity of Ministers and the
complication of business are infinite.
Remember me with the most tender affection to my worthy colleagues,
and to all others to whom you know they are due.
I am your friend and servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
FOOTNOTES:
[36] In another letter, which Mr Adams afterwards wrote to Mr Samuel
Adams, he says the account of the Commissioners' expenses here given
is "exaggerated," and "put much too high," owing to his having been
but a short time in Paris, and not being accurately informed on the
subject. See this letter hereafter, dated February 14th, 1779, in the
present volume.
By a letter from Mr Arthur Lee, dated May 9th, 1778, containing a
transcript from the banker's books, it appears, that from December,
1776, to March, 1778, a period of fifteen months, Silas Deane received
on his private account, $20,926; Arthur Lee, $12,749; and Dr Franklin,
$12,214. _See Arthur Lee's Correspondence_, Vol. II. p. 159, where the
above sums are stated in livres, and they are here reduced to dollars
by the rule practised at that time, of allowing five livres and eight
sols to the dollar. The fractions are omitted in the reduction. It
must be observed, that the above payments are not a specification of
the amounts actually received for the period in question, because the
Commissioners may have had other expenses for which they afterwards
drew on the banker, but these sums may serve as a tolerably correct
indication of their expenses, and were probably intended as such by Mr
Lee. At this time no fixed salary was allowed, but Congress resolved
that all expenses should be paid, and that such an additional
compensation should be granted, as might afterwards be deemed
expedient by Congress.
On the 1st of June, 1778, Mr Lee wrote to Congress; "I am of opinion,
with our colleague, Mr Adams, that it would be better for the public,
that the appointment of your public Ministers were fixed, instead of
being left at large, and their expenses indefinite. From experience, I
find the expense of living in that character cannot well be less than
three thousand pounds sterling a year, ($13,333) which I believe is as
little as is allowed to any public Minister beyond the rank of
consul." _Arthur Lee's Correspondence_, Vol. II. p. 165.
The original mode of paying Ministers abroad continued, however, till
October 4th, 1779, when Congress,
_Resolved_, That each of the Ministers Plenipotentiary, be allowed at
the rate of two thousand five hundred pounds sterling ($11,111) per
annum; and each of their Secretaries at the rate of one thousand
pounds sterling ($4,444) per annum, in full for their services and
expenses respectively.
"That the salary of each of the said officers be computed from the
time of leaving his place of abode to enter on the duties of his
office, and be continued three months after notice of his recall."
_Secret Journals_, Vol. II. p. 272.
The salaries continued fixed at the above sums during the remainder of
the revolution, and till May 7th, 1784, when the salary of Ministers
was reduced to $9000, and that of Secretaries to $3000 per annum.
[37] Dr Franklin expresses this opinion very strongly on several
occasions; and after he was appointed Minister Plenipotentiary, with
the duties of commercial agent attached to his office, he repeatedly
solicited Congress to separate these duties, and to leave him in
charge only of those branches of business, which pertained to him in
the character of Minister. See _Franklin's Correspondence_, Vol. III.
pp. 90, 108, 119, 131.
* * * * *
TO THE COMMERCIAL COMMITTEE.
Passy, May 24th, 1778.
Gentlemen,
I find that the American affairs on this side of the Atlantic are in a
state of disorder, very much resembling that which is so much to be
regretted on the other, and arising, as I suppose, from the same
general causes, the novelty of the scenes, the inexperience of the
actors, and the rapidity with which great events have succeeded each
other. Our resources are very inadequate to the demands made upon us,
which are perhaps unnecessarily increased by several irregularities of
proceeding.
We have in some places two or three persons, who claim the character
of American agents, agent for commercial affairs, and continental
agent, for they are called by all these different appellations. In one
quarter, one gentleman claims the character from the appointment of
Mr William Lee, another claims it from the appointment of the
Commissioners at Passy, and a third from the appointment of the
Commercial Committee of Congress. This introduces a triple expense,
and much confusion and delay. These evils have been accidental, I
believe, and unavoidable, but they are evils still, and ought to be
removed.
One person at Bordeaux, another at Nantes, and a third perhaps at
Havre de Grace, or Dunkirk, would be amply sufficient for all public
purposes, and to these persons all orders from Congress, or the
Commercial Committee, or the Commissioners at Paris, ought to be
addressed. To the same persons all public ships of war, and all other
ships belonging to the United States, and their prizes, ought to be
addressed; and all orders for the supplies of provisions, clothing,
repairs of vessels, &c. as well as all orders for shipping of
merchandises, or warlike stores for the United States, ought to go
through their hands. We have such abuses and irregularities every day
occurring, as are very alarming. Agents of various sorts are drawing
bills upon us, and the commanders of vessels of war are drawing upon
us for expenses and supplies, which we never ordered, so that our
resources will soon fail, if a speedy stop is not put to this career.
And we find it so difficult to obtain accounts from agents of the
expenditure of monies, and of the goods and merchandises shipped by
them, that we can never know the true state of our finances, or when
and in what degree we have executed the orders of Congress for sending
them arms, clothes, medicines, or other things.
In order to correct some of the abuses, and to bring our affairs into
a little better order, I have constantly given my voice against
paying for things we never ordered, against paying persons who have
never been authorised, and against throwing our affairs into a
multiplicity of hands in the same place. But the consequence has been
so many refusals of demands and requests, that I expect much
discontent will arise from it, and many clamors. Whether the
appointment by Congress of one or more consuls for this kingdom would
remedy these inconveniences, I must submit to their wisdom.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS
* * * * *
TO JAMES LOVELL.
Passy, July 9th, 1778.
My Dear Friend,
I had yesterday the honor of receiving the despatches from Congress,
which were sent by the Saratoga from Baltimore, arrived at Nantes,
convoyed in by the Boston, Captain Tucker, (who was returning from a
short cruise, and who has sent in four prizes,) and those by the Spy,
from New London, arrived at Brest, and the inexpressible pleasure of
your private letters by the same vessels. You acquaint me, that you
had written to me eight or nine times, which has given me some
anxiety, as these letters are the first I have received from you or
from any member of Congress, since my arrival in France.
The ratification of the treaty gives universal joy to this Court and
nation, who seem to be sincerely and deeply rejoiced at this connexion
between the two countries.
There is no declaration of war as yet at London or Versailles, but the
ships of the two nations are often fighting at sea, and there is not
the smallest doubt but war will be declared, unless Britain should
miraculously have wisdom given her to make a treaty with the Congress
like that which France has made. Spain has not made a treaty, but be
not deceived nor intimidated, all is safe in that quarter.
The unforeseen dispute in Bavaria has made the Empress Queen and King
of Prussia cautious of quarrelling with Great Britain, because her
connexion with a number of the German Princes, whose aid each of those
potentates is soliciting, makes her friendship, or at least her
neutrality in the German war, of importance to each. But this will do
no hurt to America.
You have drawn so many bills of exchange upon us, and sent us so many
frigates, every one of which costs us a large sum of money, so many
merchandises and munitions of war have been sent, whether arrived or
not, and we expect so many more drafts upon us, that I assure you I am
very uneasy concerning our finances here. We are laboring to hire
money, and have some prospect of success, but I am afraid not for such
sums as will be wanted.
Let me entreat you to omit no opportunity of writing me; send me all
the newspapers, journals, &c. and believe me your friend and servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO JAMES LOVELL.
Passy, July 26th, 1778.
My Dear Friend,
Your favors of May 16th and 25th, by Captain Barnes reached me
yesterday. These, with those by Niles from Connecticut, and those by
the Saratoga from Baltimore, are all that I have received from you, or
from anybody at Congress; which gives me pain, because your other
letters must have miscarried, and I hold your letters in so high
esteem, that I cannot be willing to lose one.
The robbery of Folger's packet, by all that I can learn, must have
been committed by a traitor, who made his escape to England. But Dr
Franklin and Mr Lee, who were acquainted with this transaction, will,
I suppose, develope the mystery as far as they are able. One of these
gentlemen has some other suspicions, but I believe the fugitive to
England was the only thief.
Mr Deane, whom you mention, is no doubt with you before now, but if
the Count d'Estaing has not been able to strike a decisive blow before
the arrival of Byron, I should fear that some misfortune has befallen
him since the junction of Byron and Howe. We are, however, anxious to
know the naval manoeuvres in America, as well as those of the armies.
Mr Deane complains of ill treatment, and claims great merit for his
services. I shall not add to the ill treatment, nor depreciate the
merit, but it will never do for Congress to dread the resentment of
their servants. I have heard a great deal in this country concerning
his conduct; great panegyrics and harsh censures. But I believe he has
neither the extravagant merit that some persons ascribe to him, nor
the gross faults to answer for, which some others impute or suspect. I
believe he was a diligent servant of the public, and rendered it
useful service. His living was expensive, but whether he made the vast
profit to himself that some persons suspect, I know not, or whether
any profit at all. One thing I know, that my family will feel that I
shall not imitate him in this faculty, if it really was his; for which
reason I wish Congress would determine, what allowance we shall have
for our time, that I might know whether my family can live upon it or
not.
Extravagant claims to merit are always to be suspected. General Gates
was the ablest negotiator you ever had in Europe,[38] and next to him,
General Washington's attack upon the enemy at Germantown. I do not
know, indeed, whether this last affair had not more influence upon the
European mind than that of Saratoga. Although the attempt was
unsuccessful, the military gentlemen in Europe considered it as the
most decisive proof that America would finally succeed.
And you may depend upon it, although your agents in Europe were to
plead with the tongues of men and angels, although they had the
talents and the experience of Mazarin, or the integrity of d'Asset,
your army in America will have more success than they.
I foresee there will be diversities of sentiment concerning this
gentleman, (Deane,) and perhaps warm debates. Perhaps there will be as
much as there has been about a General in the northern department. All
that I request is, that I may not be drawn into the dispute. Europe
has not charms enough for me to wish to stay here to the exclusion of
abler negotiators, much less at the expense of heat and divisions in
Congress. How well united you were in the choice of me I never was
informed, and how soon attempts may be made to displace me I know not.
But one thing I beg of my friends, and one only, that if any attempt
of that kind should be made, they would give me up, rather than
continue my residence at the expense of debates in Congress, and by
the favor of small majorities.
If I were capable of speculating in English funds, or of conducting
private trade, I might find opportunities here to make a private
profit, and might have inducements from private considerations to
continue here; but this will never be my case, and I am very well
persuaded that Congress will never grant me so much for my services
here, as I could earn by my profession in Boston, to which I will
return with submission to old ocean, old Boreas, and British men of
war, the moment I am released from this station. I wish however that
Congress would determine what allowance they will grant, that honest
men may not be made or suspected otherwise. As to the public, I am
fully persuaded that its interests are not at all concerned in my
residence here, as there is a great plenty of persons quite as well
qualified.
I am, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
FOOTNOTE:
[38] The capture of Burgoyne was the immediate cause of the treaty of
alliance between France and the United States.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Passy, July 27th, 1778.
Sir,
I thank you for your kind congratulations on the favorable appearances
in our American concerns, and for so politely particularizing one of
the most inconsiderable of them, my safe arrival in France, which was
after a very inconvenient passage of fortyfive days.
Your letter to Mr Izard I had the pleasure to send to him immediately
in Paris, where he resides, the Court of Tuscany being so connected
with that of Vienna, as to discourage hitherto his departure for
Italy. He did me the honor of a visit yesterday, when we had much
conversation upon American affairs.
Your other letter to your daughter-in-law, I have forwarded by a safe
opportunity. You may depend upon my conveying your letters to any of
your friends by the best opportunities, and with despatch. The more of
your commands you send me, the more pleasure you will give me.
War is not declared, that is, no manifesto has been published, but
each nation is daily manufacturing materials for the other's
manifesto, by open hostilities. In short, Sir, the two nations have
been at war ever since the recall of the Ambassadors. The King of
France has given orders to all his ships to attack the English, and
has given vast encouragement to privateers.
The King of Great Britain and his council have determined to send
instructions to their Commissioners in America to offer us
independency, provided we will make peace with them, separate from
France. This appears to me to be the last effort to seduce, deceive,
and divide. They know that every man of honor in America must receive
this proposition with indignation. But they think they can get the men
of no honor to join them by such a proposal, and they think the men of
honor are not a majority. What has America done to give occasion to
that King and council to think so unworthily of her.