CHAPTER XIX. THERMOPYLÆ

Everything among the Spartans conduced to plant in their hearts

the most heroic courage, by the remembrance of their ancestors,

whose principles and sentiments were the spur to the noblest

actions. The lowest Spartans were exalted to a level with their

greatest chiefs by a glorious death; their memory was renewed

by the most solemn offering to the latest posterity, and their

images were placed next to those of the gods.--_Adapted from_

BONNY.

THE FAMOUS STORY AS TOLD BY HERODOTUS

[Sidenote: [480 B.C.]]

Xerxes encamped in Trachinia at Melis; the Greeks, in the straits.

These straits the Greeks in general call Thermopylæ; the people of the

country Pylæ only. Here then were the two armies stationed, Xerxes

occupying all the northern region as far as Trachinia, the Greeks that

of the south. The Grecian army, which here waited the approach of the

Persian, was composed of three hundred Spartans in complete armour; five

hundred Tegeatæ, and as many Mantineans; one hundred and twenty men from

Orchomenos of Arcadia, a thousand men from the rest of Arcadia, four

hundred Corinthians, two hundred from Phlius, and eighty from Mycenæ. The

above came from the Peloponnesus: from Bœotia there were seven hundred

Thespians and four hundred Thebans.

In addition to the above, the aid of all the Opuntian Locrians had been

solicited, together with a thousand Phocians. To obtain the assistance of

these the Greeks had previously sent emissaries among them, saying, that

they were the forerunners only of another and more numerous body, whose

arrival was every day expected. They added, that the defence of the sea

was confided to the people of Athens and Ægina, in conjunction with the

rest of the fleet; that there was no occasion for alarm, as the invader

of Greece was not a god, but a mere human being; that there never was nor

could be any mortal superior to the vicissitudes of fortune; that the

most exalted characters were exposed to the greatest evils; he therefore,

a mortal, now advancing to attack them, would suffer for his temerity.

These arguments proved effectual, and they accordingly marched to Trachis

to join their allies.

_Leonidas and His Allies_

These troops were commanded by different officers of their respective

countries: but the man most regarded, and entrusted with the chief

command, was Leonidas of Sparta. His ancestors were traced back to

Hercules. An accident had placed him on the throne of Sparta; for,

as he had two brothers older than himself, Cleomenes and Dorieus, he

had entertained no thoughts of the government; but Cleomenes dying

without male issue, and Dorieus not surviving (for he ended his days in

Sicily) the crown came to Leonidas, who was older than Cleombrotus, the

youngest of the sons of Anaxandrides, and who had married the daughter

of Cleomenes. On the present occasion he took with him to Thermopylæ a

body of three hundred chosen men, all of whom had children. To these

he added the Theban troops who were conducted by Leontiades, son of

Eurymachus.[26] Leonidas had selected the Thebans to accompany him,

because a suspicion generally prevailed that they were secretly attached

to the Medes. These therefore he summoned to attend him, to ascertain

whether they would actually contribute their aid, or openly withdraw

themselves from the Grecian league. With hostile sentiments they

nevertheless sent the assistance required.[27]

The march of this body under Leonidas was accelerated by the Spartans,

that their example might stimulate their allies to action, and that they

might not make their delay a pretence for going over to the Medes. The

celebration of the Carnean festival[28] protracted the march of their

main body; but it was their intention to follow with all imaginable

expedition, leaving only a small detachment for the defence of Sparta.

The rest of the allies were actuated by similar motives, for the Olympic

games happened to recur at this period; and as they did not expect an

engagement would immediately take place at Thermopylæ, they sent only a

detachment before them.

Such were the motives of the confederate body. The Greeks who were

already assembled at Thermopylæ were seized with so much terror on the

approach of the Persians that they consulted about a retreat. Those of

the Peloponnesus were in general of opinion that they should return and

guard the isthmus; but as the Phocians and Locrians were exceedingly

averse to this measure, Leonidas prevailed on them to continue on their

post. He resolved however to send messengers round to all the states,

requiring supplies, stating that their number was much too small to

oppose the Medes with any effect.

Whilst they thus deliberated, Xerxes sent a horseman to examine their

number and their motions. He had before heard, in Thessaly, that a small

band was collected at this passage, that they were led by Lacedæmonians,

and by Leonidas of the race of Hercules. The person employed performed

his duty: all those who were without the entrenchment he was able to

reconnoitre; those who were within for the purpose of defending it,

eluded his observation. The Lacedæmonians were at that period stationed

without; of these some were performing gymnastic exercises, whilst others

were employed in combing their hair. He was greatly astonished, but he

leisurely surveyed their number and employments, and returned without

molestation, for they despised him too much to pursue him. He related to

Xerxes all that he had seen.

Xerxes, on hearing the above, was little aware of what was really the

case, that this people were preparing themselves either to conquer or to

die. The thing appeared to him so ridiculous, that he sent for Demaratus

the son of Ariston, who was then with the army. On his appearing, the

king questioned him on this behaviour of the Spartans, expressing his

desire to know what it might intimate. “I have before, Sir,” said

Demaratus, “spoken to you of this people, at the commencement of this

expedition; and as I remember, when I related to you what I knew you

would have occasion to observe, you treated me with contempt. I am

conscious of the danger of declaring the truth, in opposition to your

prejudices; but I will nevertheless do so. It is the determination of

these men to dispute this pass with us, and they are preparing themselves

accordingly. It is their custom before any enterprise of danger to adorn

their hair. Of this you may be assured, that if you vanquish these, and

their countrymen in Sparta, no other nation will presume to take up arms

against you: you are now advancing to attack a people whose realms and

city are the fairest, and whose troops are the bravest of Greece.” These

words seemed to Xerxes preposterous enough; but he demanded a second

time, how so small a number could contend with his army. “Sir,” said

Demaratus, “I will submit to suffer the punishment of falsehood, if what

I say does not happen.”

_Xerxes Assails the Pass_

Xerxes was still incredulous; he accordingly kept his position without

any movement for four days, in expectation of seeing them retreat. On

the fifth day, observing that they continued on their post, merely as he

supposed from the most impudent rashness, he became much exasperated,

and sent against them a detachment of Medes and Cissians, with a command

to bring them alive to his presence. The Medes in consequence attacked

them, and lost a considerable number. A reinforcement arrived; but though

the onset was severe, no impression was made. It now became universally

conspicuous, and no less so to the king himself, that he had many troops,

but few men.[29] The above engagement continued all day.

The Medes, after being very roughly treated, retired, and were succeeded

by the band of Persians called by the king “the Immortal,” and commanded

by Hydarnes. These it was supposed would succeed without the smallest

difficulty. They commenced the attack, but made no greater impression

than the Medes: their superior numbers were of no advantage, on account

of the narrowness of the place; and their spears also were shorter than

those of the Greeks. The Lacedæmonians fought in a manner which deserves

to be recorded; their own excellent discipline, and the unskilfulness

of their adversaries, were in many instances remarkable, and not the

least so when in close ranks they affected to retreat. The barbarians

seeing them retire, pursued them with a great and clamorous shout; but

on their near approach the Greeks faced about to receive them. The loss

of the Persians was prodigious, and a few also of the Spartans fell. The

Persians, after successive efforts made with great bodies of their troops

to gain the pass, were unable to accomplish it and obliged to retire.

It is said of Xerxes himself that, being a spectator of the contest, he

was so greatly alarmed for the safety of his men, that he leaped thrice

from his throne. On the following day, the barbarians succeeded no better

than before. They went to the onset as against a contemptible number,

whose wounds they supposed would hardly permit them to renew the combat:

but the Greeks, drawn up in regular divisions, fought each nation on its

respective post, except the Phocians, who were stationed on the summit of

the mountain to defend the pass. The Persians, experiencing a repetition

of the same treatment, a second time retired.

_The Treachery of Ephialtes_

Whilst the king was exceedingly perplexed what conduct to pursue in the

present emergence, Ephialtes, the son of Eurydemus, a Malian, demanded

an audience: he expected to receive some great recompense for showing

him the path which led over the mountain to Thermopylæ: and he indeed

it was who thus rendered ineffectual the valour of those Greeks who

perished on this station. This man, through fear of the Lacedæmonians,

fled afterwards into Thessaly; but the Pylagoræ, calling a council of the

Amphictyons at Pylæ for this express purpose, set a price upon his head,

and he was afterwards slain by Athenades, a Trachinian, at Anticyra, to

which place he had returned.

The intelligence of Ephialtes gave the king infinite satisfaction, and

he instantly detached Hydarnes, with the forces under his command, to

avail himself of it. They left the camp at the first approach of evening;

the Malians, the natives of the country, discovered this path, and by it

conducted the Thessalians against the Phocians, who had defended it by an

entrenchment, and deemed themselves secure. It had never, however, proved

of any advantage to the Malians.

The path of which we are speaking commences at the river Asopus. This

stream flows through an aperture of the mountain called Anopæa, which is

also the name of the path. This is continued through the whole length

of the mountain, and terminates near the town of Alpenus. Following the

track which has been described, the Persians passed the Asopus, and

marched all night, keeping the Œtean Mountains on the right, and the

Trachinian on the left. At the dawn of morning they found themselves at

the summit, where a band of a thousand Phocians in arms was stationed,

both to defend their own country and this pass.

[Illustration: THE PASS OF THERMOPYLÆ]

The approach of the Persians was discovered to the Phocians in this

manner: whilst they were ascending the mountain they were totally

concealed by the thick groves of oak; but from the stillness of the air

they were discovered by the noise they made by trampling on the leaves,

a thing which might naturally happen. The Phocians ran to arms, and in a

moment the barbarians appeared, who, seeing a number of men precipitately

arming themselves, were at first struck with astonishment. They did not

expect an adversary; and they had fallen in among armed troops. Hydarnes,

apprehending that the Phocians might prove to be Lacedæmonians, inquired

of Ephialtes who they were. When he was informed, he drew up the Persians

in order of battle. The Phocians, not able to sustain the heavy flight

of arrows, retreated up the mountain, imagining themselves the objects

of this attack, and expecting certain destruction: but the troops with

Hydarnes and Ephialtes did not think it worth their while to pursue them,

and descended rapidly down the opposite side of the mountain.

[Illustration: LEONIDAS (BY DAVID)]

To those Greeks stationed in the straits of Thermopylæ, Megistias the

soothsayer had previously, from inspection of the entrails, predicted

that death awaited them in the morning. Some deserters had also informed

them of the circuit the Persians had taken; and this intelligence was

in the course of the night circulated through the camp. All this was

confirmed by their sentinels, who early in the morning fled down the

sides of the mountain. In this predicament, the Greeks called a council,

who were greatly divided in their opinions: some were for remaining on

their station, others advised a retreat. In consequence of their not

agreeing, many of them dispersed to their respective cities; a part

resolved to continue with Leonidas.

It is said, that those who retired only did so in compliance with the

wishes of Leonidas, who was desirous to preserve them: but he thought

that he himself, with his Spartans, could not without the greatest

ignominy forsake the post they had come to defend. Obedient to the

direction of their leader, the confederates retired. The Thespians

and Thebans[30] alone remained with the Spartans, the Thebans indeed

very reluctantly, but they were detained by Leonidas as hostages. The

Thespians were very zealous in the cause, and refusing to abandon their

friends, perished with them. The leader of the Thespians was Demophilus,

son of Diadromas.

_The Final Assault_

Xerxes early in the morning offered a solemn libation, then waiting

till the hour of full forum, he advanced from his camp: to the above

measure he had been advised by Ephialtes. The descent from the mountain

is much shorter than the circuitous ascent. The barbarians with Xerxes

approached; Leonidas and his Greeks proceeded, as to inevitable death, a

much greater space from the defile than they had yet done. Till now they

had defended themselves behind their entrenchment, fighting in the most

contracted part of the passage; but on this day they engaged on a wider

space, and a multitude of their opponents fell. Behind each troop of

Persians, officers were stationed with whips in their hands, compelling

with blows their men to advance. Many of them fell into the sea, where

they perished; many were trodden under foot by their own troops, without

exciting the smallest pity or regard. The Greeks, conscious that their

destruction was at hand from those who had taken the circuit of the

mountain, exerted themselves with the most desperate valour against their

barbarian assailants.

Their spears being broken in pieces, they had recourse to their swords.

Leonidas fell in the engagement, having greatly signalised himself; and

with him, many Spartans of distinction, as well as others of inferior

note. Many illustrious Persians also were slain, among whom were

Abrocomes and Hyperanthes, sons of Darius.

These two brothers of Xerxes fell as they were contending for the body

of Leonidas: here the conflict was the most severe, till at length the

Greeks by their superior valour four times repelled the Persians, and

drew aside the body of their prince. In this situation they continued

till Ephialtes and his party approached. As soon as the Greeks perceived

them at hand, the scene was changed, and they retreated to the narrowest

part of the pass. Having repassed their entrenchment, they posted

themselves, all except the Thebans, in a compact body, upon a hill, which

is at the entrance of the straits, and where a lion of stone has been

erected in honour of Leonidas. In this situation, they who had swords

left, used them against the enemy, the rest exerted themselves with their

hands and their teeth. The barbarians rushing upon them, some in front,

after overturning their wall, others surrounding and pressing them in all

directions, finally overpowered them.

Such was the conduct of the Lacedæmonians and Thespians; but none of

them distinguished themselves so much as Dieneces the Spartan. A speech

of his is recorded, which he made before they came to any engagement. A

certain Trachinian having observed that the barbarians would send forth

such a shower of arrows that their multitude would obscure the sun;

he replied, like a man ignorant of fear, and despising the numbers of

the Medes, “our Trachinian friend promises us great advantages; if the

Medes obscure the sun’s light, we shall fight them in the shade, and

be protected from the heat.” Many other sayings have been handed down

as monuments of this man’s fame. Next to him, the most distinguished

of the Spartans were, Alpheus and Maron, two brothers, the sons of

Orisiphantus; of the Thespians, the most conspicuous was Dithyrambus,

son of Harmatidas. All these were interred in the place where they

fell, together with such of the confederates as were slain before

the separation of the forces by Leonidas. Upon their tomb was this

inscription:

“Here once, from Pelops’ seagirt region brought,

Four thousand men three hostile millions fought.”

This was applied to them all collectively. The Spartans were thus

distinguished:

“Go, stranger, and to list’ning Spartans tell,

That here, obedient to their laws, we fell.”

There was one also appropriated to the prophet Megistias:

“By Medes cut off beside Sperchius’ wave,

The seer Megistias fills this glorious grave:

Who stood the fate he well foresaw to meet,

And, link’d with Sparta’s leaders, scorn’d retreat.”

All these ornaments and inscriptions, that of Megistias alone excepted,

were here placed by the Amphictyons.

Of these three hundred, there were two named Eurytus and Aristodemus;

both of them, consistently with the discipline of their country,

might have secured themselves by retiring to Sparta, for Leonidas had

permitted them to leave the camp; but they continued at Alpenus, being

both afflicted by a violent disorder of the eyes: or, if they had not

thought proper to return home, they had the alternative of meeting

death in the field with their fellow-soldiers. In this situation, they

differed in opinion what conduct to pursue. Eurytus having heard of the

circuit made by the Persians, called for his arms, and putting them

on, commanded his helot to conduct him to the battle. The slave did

so, and immediately fled, whilst his master died fighting valiantly.

Aristodemus pusillanimously stayed where he was. If either Aristodemus,

being individually diseased, had retired home, or if they had returned

together, we cannot think that the Spartans could have shown any

resentment against them; but as one of them died in the field, which the

other, who was precisely in the same circumstances, refused to do, it was

impossible not to be greatly incensed against Aristodemus.

Aristodemus, on his return, was branded with disgrace and infamy; no

one would speak with him; no one would supply him with fire; and the

opprobrious term of trembler was annexed to his name; but he afterwards,

at the battle of Platæa, effectually atoned for his former conduct. It

is also said that another of the three hundred survived; his name was

Pantites, and he had been sent on some business to Thessaly. Returning to

Sparta, he felt himself in disgrace, and put an end to his life.

The Thebans, under the command of Leontiades, hitherto constrained by

force, had fought with the Greeks against the Persians; but as soon

as they saw that the Persians were victorious, when Leonidas and his

party retired to the hill, they separated themselves from the Greeks.

In the attitude of suppliants they approached the barbarians, assuring

them, what was really the truth, that they were attached to the Medes;

that they had been among the first to render earth and water; that they

had only come to Thermopylæ on compulsion, and could not be considered

as accessory to the slaughter of the king’s troops. The Thessalians

confirming the truth of what they had asserted, their lives were

preserved. Some of them however were slain; for as they approached,

the barbarians put several to the sword; but the greater part, by the

order of Xerxes, had the royal marks impressed upon them, beginning

with Leontiades himself. Eurymachus his son was afterwards slain at the

head of four hundred Thebans, by the people of Platæa, whilst he was

making an attempt upon their city. In this manner the Greeks fought at

Thermopylæ.[b]

DISCREPANT ACCOUNTS OF THE DEATH OF LEONIDAS

Such is the story of this memorable contest as Herodotus tells it. He

is our most important source by far, and his simple words give a more

realistic picture than is conveyed by any modern paraphrase. It is well

to recall, however, that there are discrepant accounts of the death

of Leonidas. None of these is so plausible as the description just

given, but two of them are worth citing, to illustrate the historical

uncertainties that attach to the subject.[a] Plutarch, in his parallels

between the Romans and Greeks, thus describes the death of Leonidas:

“Whilst they were at dinner, the barbarians fell upon them: upon which

Leonidas desired them to eat heartily, for they were to sup with Pluto.

Leonidas charged at the head of his troops, and after receiving a

multitude of wounds, got up to Xerxes himself, and snatched the crown

from his head. He lost his life in the attempt; and Xerxes, causing his

body to be opened, found his heart hairy. So says Aristides, in his first

book of his Persian History.” This fiction seems to have been taken from

the λασιόν κῆρ of Homer.

Diodorus Siculus tells us that Leonidas, when he knew that he was

circumvented, made a bold attempt by night to penetrate to the tent of

Xerxes; but this the Persian king had forsaken on the first alarm. The

Greeks however proceeded in search of him from one side to the other,

and slew a prodigious multitude. When morning approached, the Persians

perceiving the Greeks so few in number, held them in contempt; but they

still did not dare to attack them in front; encompassing them on both

sides, and behind, they slew them all with their spears. Such was the end

of Leonidas and his party.[c]

AFTER THERMOPYLÆ

Where the Spartans fell, they were afterwards buried: their tomb, as

Simonides sang, was an altar; a sanctuary, in which Greece revered the

memory of her second founders.

The inscription of the monument raised over the slain, who died from

first to last in defence of the pass, recorded that four thousand men

from the Peloponnesus had fought at Thermopylæ with three hundred

myriads. We ought not to expect accuracy in these numbers: the list in

Herodotus, if the Locrian force is only supposed equal to the Phocian,

exceeds six thousand men: the Phocians, it must be remembered, were

not engaged. But it is not easy to reconcile either account with the

historian’s statement, that the Grecian dead amounted to four thousand,

unless we suppose that the helots, though not numbered, formed a large

part of the army of Leonidas. The lustre of his achievement is not

diminished by their presence. He himself and his Spartans no doubt

considered their persevering stand in the post entrusted to them, not as

an act of high and heroic devotion, but of simple and indispensable duty.

Their spirit spoke in the lines inscribed upon their monument, which bade

the passenger tell their countrymen, that they had fallen in obedience to

their laws.

The Persians are said to have lost twenty thousand men: among them were

several of royal blood. To console himself for this loss, and to reap the

utmost advantage from his victory, Xerxes sent over to the fleet, which,

having heard of the departure of the Greeks, was now stationed on the

north coast of Eubœa, and by public notice invited all who were curious,

to see the chastisement he had inflicted on the men who had dared to defy

his power. That he had previously buried the greater part of his own dead

seems natural enough, and such an artifice, so slightly differing from

the universal practice of both ancient and modern belligerents, scarcely

deserved the name of a stratagem. He is said also to have mutilated the

body of Leonidas, and as this was one of the foremost he found on a field

which had cost him so dear, we are not at liberty to reject the tradition

on the ground that such ferocity was not consistent with the respect

usually paid by the Persians to a gallant enemy.

At Thermopylæ Xerxes learnt a lesson which he had refused to receive from

the warnings of Demaratus; and he inquired, with altered spirit, whether

he had to expect many such obstacles in the conquest of Greece. The

Spartan told him that there were eight thousand of his countrymen, who

would all be ready to do what Leonidas had done, and that at the isthmus

he would meet with a resistance more powerful and obstinate than at

Thermopylæ. But if, instead of attacking the Peloponnesus on this side,

where he would find its whole force collected to withstand him, he sent a

detachment of his fleet to seize the island of Cythera, and to infest the

coast of Laconia, the confederacy would be distracted, and its members,

deprived of their head and perhaps disunited, would successively yield to

his arms. The plan, whether Demaratus or Herodotus was the author, found

no supporters in the Persian council.

He had now the key of northern Greece in his hands, and it only remained

to determine towards which side he should first turn his arms. The

Thessalians, who ever since his arrival in their country had been zealous

in his service, now resolved to make use of their influence, and to

direct the course of the storm to their own advantage. These Thessalians,

who are mentioned on this occasion by Herodotus without any more precise

description, were probably the same nobles who, against the wishes of

their nation, had invited and forwarded the invasion. They had now an

opportunity of gratifying either their cupidity or their revenge; and

they sent to the Phocians to demand a bribe of fifty talents, as the

price at which they would consent to avert the destruction which was

impending over Phocis. The Phocians however either did not trust their

faith, or would not buy their safety of a hated rival. The Thessalians

then persuaded Xerxes to cross that part of the Œtean chain which

separates the vale of the Sperchius from the little valley of Doris.

The Dorians were spared, as friends. Those of the Phocians who had the

means of escaping took refuge on the high plains that lie under the

topmost peaks of Parnassus, or at Amphissa. But on all that remained in

their homes, on the fields, the cities, the temples of the devoted land,

the fury of the invader, directed and stimulated by the malice of the

Thessalians, poured undistinguishing ruin. Fire and sword, the cruelty

and the lust of irritated spoilers, ravaged the vale of the Cephisus

down to the borders of Bœotia. The rich sanctuary of Apollo at Abæ was

sacked and burnt, and fourteen towns shared its fate. At Panopeus, Xerxes

divided his forces; or rather detached a small body round the foot of

Parnassus to Delphi, with orders to strip the temple of its treasures,

and lay them at his feet. He had learnt their value from the best

authority at Sardis. The great army turned off toward the lower vale of

the Cephisus, to pursue its march through Bœotia to Athens.[h]

FOOTNOTES

[26] Beneath is the number of Greeks who appeared on this occasion,

according to the different representations of Herodotus, Pausanias, and

Diodorus Siculus:

HERODOTUS. PAUSANIAS. DIODORUS.

Spartans 300 300 300

Tegeatæ 500 500 Lacedæmonians 700

Mantineans 500 500 The other

Orchomenians 120 120 nations of the

Arcadians 1,000 1,000 Peloponnesus 3,000

Corinthians 400 400

Phliasians 200 200

Mycenæans 80 80

----- ----- -----

Totals 3,100 3,100 4,000

The above came from the Peloponnesus; those who came from the other parts

of Greece were, according to the authors above mentioned:

Thespians 700 700 Milesians 1,000

Thebans 400 400 400

Phocians 1,000 1,000 1,000

Opuntian Locrians 6,000 7,400

----- ------ -----

Totals 5,200 11,200 7,400[c]

[27] [Plutarch upbraids Herodotus for thus slandering the Thebans; and

Diodorus says, that Thebes was divided into two parties, one of which

sent four hundred men to Thermopylæ.[c]] [Bury[d] thinks it is certain

that this tale was invented in the light of Thebes’ later Median policy.]

[28] [This was continued for seven days at Sparta. Various reasons

are assigned for its institution; Theocritus says it commemorated the

cessation of a pestilence.[c]]

[29] [According to Plutarch, Leonidas being asked how he dared to

encounter so prodigious a multitude with so few men, replied: “If you

reckon by number, all Greece is not able to oppose a small part of that

army; but if by courage, the number I have with me is sufficient.”]

[30] [Diodorus Siculus speaks only of the Thespians. Pausanias says that

the people of Mycenæ sent eighty men to Thermopylæ, who had part in this

glorious day; and in another place he says that all the allies retired

before the battle, except the Thespians and people of Mycenæ.[e]]

[Illustration: REMAINS OF THE TOMB OF LEONIDAS OF SPARTA]

[Illustration: ELEUSIS, PART OF THE ISLAND OF SALAMIS]

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