XX. APPEAL TO THE CONVENTION.(1)

Citizens Representatives: If I should not express myself with the energy

I used formerly to do, you will attribute it to the very dangerous

illness I have suffered in the prison of the Luxembourg. For several

days I was insensible of my own existence; and though I am much

recovered, it is with exceeding great difficulty that I find power to

write you this letter.

1 Written in Luxembourg prison, August 7, 1794. Robespierre

having fallen July 29th, those who had been imprisoned under

his authority were nearly all at once released, but Paine

remained. There were still three conspirators against him on

the Committee of Public Safety, and to that Committee this

appeal was unfortunately confided; consequently it never

reached the Convention. The circumstances are related at

length infra, in the introduction to the Memorial to Monroe

(XXI.). It will also be seen that Paine was mistaken in his

belief that his imprisonment was due to the enmity of

Robespierre, and this he vaguely suspected when his

imprisonment was prolonged three months after Robespierre's

death.--_Editor._.

But before I proceed further, I request the Convention to observe: that

this is the first line that has come from me, either to the Convention

or to any of the Committees, since my imprisonment,--which is

approaching to eight months. --Ah, my friends, eight months' loss of

liberty seems almost a life-time to a man who has been, as I have been,

the unceasing defender of Liberty for twenty years.

I have now to inform the Convention of the reason of my not having

written before. It is a year ago that I had strong reason to believe

that Robespierre was my inveterate enemy, as he was the enemy of every

man of virtue and humanity. The address that was sent to the Convention

some time about last August from Arras, the native town of Robespierre,

I have always been informed was the work of that hypocrite and the

partizans he had in the place. The intention of that address was to

prepare the way for destroying me, by making the people declare (though

without assigning any reason) that I had lost their confidence; the

Address, however, failed of success, as it was immediately opposed by a

counter-address from St. Omer, which declared the direct contrary. But

the strange power that Robespierre, by the most consummate hypocrisy and

the most hardened cruelties, had obtained, rendered any attempt on my

part to obtain justice not only useless but dangerous; for it is the

nature of Tyranny always to strike a deeper blow when any attempt has

been made to repel a former one. This being my situation, I submitted

with patience to the hardness of my fate and waited the event of

brighter days. I hope they are now arrived to the nation and to me.

Citizens, when I left the United States in the year 1787 I promised to

all my friends that I would return to them the next year; but the hope

of seeing a revolution happily established in France, that might serve

as a model to the rest of Europe,(1) and the earnest and disinterested

desire of rendering every service in my power to promote it, induced me

to defer my return to that country, and to the society of my friends,

for more than seven years. This long sacrifice of private tranquillity,

especially after having gone through the fatigues and dangers of the

American Revolution which continued almost eight years, deserved a

better fate than the long imprisonment I have silently suffered. But it

is not the nation but a faction that has done me this injustice. Parties

and Factions, various and numerous as they have been, I have always

avoided. My heart was devoted to all France, and the object to which I

applied myself was the Constitution. The Plan which I proposed to the

Committee, of which I was a member, is now in the hands of Barere, and

it will speak for itself.

1 Revolutions have now acquired such sanguinary associations

that it is important to bear in mind that by "revolution"

Paine always means simply a change or reformation of

government, which might be and ought to be bloodless. See

"Rights of Man" Part II., vol. ii. of this work, pp. 513,

523.--:_Editor_.

It is perhaps proper that I inform you of the cause as-assigned in the

order for my imprisonment. It is that I am 'a Foreigner'; whereas, the

_Foreigner_ thus imprisoned was invited into France by a decree of the

late National Assembly, and that in the hour of her greatest danger,

when invaded by Austrians and Prussians. He was, moreover, a citizen of

the United States of America, an ally of France, and not a subject of

any country in Europe, and consequently not within the intentions of any

decree concerning Foreigners. But any excuse can be made to serve the

purpose of malignity when in power.

I will not intrude on your time by offering any apology for the broken

and imperfect manner in which I have expressed myself. I request you to

accept it with the sincerity with which it comes from my heart; and I

conclude with wishing Fraternity and prosperity to France, and union and

happiness to her representatives.

Citizens, I have now stated to you my situation, and I can have no doubt

but your justice will restore me to the Liberty of which I have been

deprived.

Thomas Paine.

Luxembourg, Thermidor 19, 2nd Year of the French Republic, one and

indivisible.

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