EDITOR'S historical introduction:
The Memorial is here printed from the manuscript of Paine now among the
Morrison Papers, in the British Museum,--no doubt the identical document
penned in Luxembourg prison. The paper in the United States State
Department (vol. vii., Monroe Papers) is accompanied by a note by
Monroe: "Mr. Paine, Luxembourg, on my arrival in France, 1794. My answer
was after the receipt of his second letter. It is thought necessary to
print only those parts of his that relate directly to his confinement,
and to omit all between the parentheses in each." The paper thus
inscribed seems to have been a wrapper for all of Paine's letters.
An examination of the MS. at Washington does not show any such
"parentheses," indicating omissions, whereas that in the British Museum
has such marks, and has evidently been prepared for the press,--being
indeed accompanied by the long title of the French pamphlet. There are
other indications that the British Museum MS. is the original Memorial
from which was printed in Paris the pamphlet entitled:
"Memoire de Thomas Payne, autographe et signe de sa main: addresse a
M. Monroe, ministre des Etats-unis en france, pour reclamer sa mise en
liberte comme citoyen Americain, 10 Sept 1794. Robespierre avait fait
arreter Th. Payne, en 1793--il fut conduit au Luxembourg ou le glaive
fut longtemps suspendu sur sa tete. Apres onze mois de captivite, il
recouvra la liberte, sur la reclamation du ministre Americain--c'etait
apres la chute de Robespierre--il reprit sa place a la convention, le 8
decembre 1794. (18 frimaire an iii.) Ce Memoire contient des renseigne
mens curieux sur la conduite politique de Th. Payne en france, pendant
la Revolution, et a l'epoque du proces de Louis XVI. Ce n'est point, dit
il, comme Quaker, qu'il ne vota pas La Mort du Roi mais par un sentiment
d'humanite, qui ne tenait point a ses principes religieux. Villenave."
No date is given, but the pamphlet probably appeared early in 1795.
Matthieu Gillaume Therese Villenave (b. 1762, d. 1846) was a journalist,
and it will be noticed that he, or the translator, modifies Paine's
answer to Marat about his Quakerism. There are some loose translations
in the cheap French pamphlet, but it is the only publication which
has given Paine's Memorial with any fulness. Nearly ten pages of
the manuscript were omitted from the Memorial when it appeared as
an Appendix to the pamphlet entitled "Letter to George Washington,
President of the United States of America, on Affairs public and
private." By Thomas Paine, Author of the Works entitled, Common Sense,
Rights of Man, Age of Reason, &c. Philadelphia: Printed by Benj.
Franklin Bache, No. 112 Market Street. 1796. [Entered according to
law.] This much-abridged copy of the Memorial has been followed in
all subsequent editions, so that the real document has not hitherto
appeared.(1)
In appending the Memorial to his "Letter to Washington," Paine would
naturally omit passages rendered unimportant by his release, but his
friend Bache may have suppressed others that might have embarrassed
American partisans of France, such as the scene at the king's trial.
1 Bache's pamphlet reproduces the portrait engraved in
Villenave, where it is underlined: "Peint par Ped [Peale] a
Philadelphie, Dessine par F. Bonneville, Grave par Sandoz."
In Bache it is: "Bolt sc. 1793 "; and beneath this the
curious inscription: "Thomas Paine. Secretair d. Americ:
Congr: 1780. Mitgl: d. fr. Nat. Convents. 1793." The
portrait is a variant of that now in Independence Hall, and
one of two painted by C. W. Peale. The other (in which the
chin is supported by the hand) was for religious reasons
refused by the Boston Museum when it purchased the
collection of "American Heroes" from Rembrandt Peale. It was
bought by John McDonough, whose brother sold it to Mr.
Joseph Jefferson, the eminent actor, and perished when his
house was burned at Buzzard's Bay. Mr. Jefferson writes me
that he meant to give the portrait to the Paine Memorial
Society, Boston; "but the cruel fire roasted the splendid
_Infidel_, so I presume the saints are satisfied."
This description, however, and a large proportion of the suppressed
pages, are historically among the most interesting parts of the
Memorial, and their restoration renders it necessary to transfer the
document from its place as an appendix to that of a preliminary to the
"Letter to Washington."
Paine's Letter to Washington burdens his reputation today more,
probably, than any other production of his pen. The traditional judgment
was formed in the absence of many materials necessary for a just
verdict. The editor feels under the necessity of introducing at this
point an historical episode; he cannot regard it as fair to the memory
of either Paine or Washington that these two chapters should be printed
without a full statement of the circumstances, the most important of
which, but recently discovered, were unknown to either of those men. In
the editor's "Life of Thomas Paine" (ii., pp. 77-180) newly discovered
facts and documents bearing on the subject are given, which may
be referred to by those who desire to investigate critically such
statements as may here appear insufficiently supported. Considerations
of space require that the history in that work should be only summarized
here, especially as important new details must be added.
Paine was imprisoned (December 28, 1793) through the hostility of
Gouverneur Morris, the American Minister in Paris. The fact that the
United States, after kindling revolution in France by its example, was
then represented in that country by a Minister of vehement royalist
opinions, and one who literally entered into the service of the King to
defeat the Republic, has been shown by that Minister's own biographers.
Some light is cast on the events that led to this strange situation by
a letter written to M. de Mont-morin, Minister of Foreign Affairs, by
a French Charge d'Affaires, Louis Otto, dated Philadelphia, 10 March,
1792. Otto, a nobleman who married into the Livingston family, was an
astute diplomatist, and enjoyed the intimacy of the Secretary of
State, Jefferson, and of his friends. At the close of a long interview
Jefferson tells him that "The secresy with which the Senate covers its
deliberations serves to veil personal interest, which reigns therein in
all its strength." Otto explains this as referring to the speculative
operations of Senators, and to the commercial connections some of them
have with England, making them unfriendly to French interests.
"Among the latter the most remarkable is Mr. Robert Morris, of English
birth, formerly Superintendent of Finance, a man of greatest talent,
whose mercantile speculations are as unlimited as his ambition. He
directs the Senate as he once did the American finances in making it
keep step with his policy and his business.... About two years ago Mr.
Robert Morris sent to France Mr. Gouverneur Morris to negotiate a loan
in his name, and for different other personal matters.... During his
sojourn in France, Mr. Rob. Morris thought he could make him more useful
for his aims by inducing the President of the United States to entrust
him with a negotiation with England relative to the Commerce of the two
countries. M. Gouv. Morris acquitted himself in this as an adroit man,
and with his customary zeal, but despite his address (insinuation)
obtained only the vague hope of an advantageous commercial treaty on
condition of an _Alliance resembling that between France and the United
States_.... [Mr. Robert Morris] is himself English, and interested in
all the large speculations founded in this country for Great Britain....
His great services as Superintendent of Finance during the Revolution
have assured him the esteem and consideration of General Washington,
who, however, is far from adopting his views about France. The warmth
with which Mr. Rob. Morris opposed in the Senate the exemption of French
_armateurs_ from tonnage, demanded by His Majesty, undoubtedly had
for its object to induce the king, by this bad behavior, to break the
treaty, in order to facilitate hereafter the negotiations begun with
England to form an alliance. As for Mr. Gouv. Morris he is entirely
devoted to his correspondent, with whom he has been constantly connected
in business and opinion. His great talents are recognized, and his
extreme quickness in conceiving new schemes and gaining others to them.
He is perhaps the most eloquent and ingenious man of his country, but
his countrymen themselves distrust his talents. They admire but fear
him." (1)
1 Archives of the State Department, Paris, Etats Unis.,
vol. 35, fol. 301.
The Commission given to Gouverneur Morris by Washington, to which
Otto refers, was in his own handwriting, dated October 13, 1789, and
authorized him "in the capacity of private agent, and in the credit of
this letter, to converse with His Britannic Majesty's ministers on these
points, viz. whether there be any, and what objection to performing
those articles of the treaty which remained to be performed on his part;
and whether they incline to a treaty of commerce on any and what terms.
This communication ought regularly to be made to you by the Secretary
of State; but, that office not being at present filled, my desire of
avoiding delays induces me to make it under my own hand."(1)
The President could hardly have assumed the authority of secretly
appointing a virtual ambassador had there not been a tremendous object
in view: this, as he explains in an accompanying letter, was to
secure the evacuation by Great Britain of the frontier posts. This
all-absorbing purpose of Washington is the key to his administration.
Gouverneur Morris paved the way for Jay's treaty, and he was paid for
it with the French mission. The Senate would not have tolerated his
appointment to England, and only by a majority of four could the
President secure his confirmation as Minister to France (January 12,
1792). The President wrote Gouverneur Morris (January 28th) a friendly
lecture about the objections made to him, chiefly that he favored the
aristocracy and was unfriendly to the revolution, and expressed "the
fullest confidence" that, supposing the allegations founded, he would
"effect a change." But Gouverneur Morris remained the agent of Senator
Robert Morris, and still held Washington's mission to England, and he
knew only as "conspirators" the rulers who succeeded Louis XVI. Even
while utilizing them, he was an agent of Great Britain in its war
against the country to which he was officially commissioned.