In the afternoon the ships sailed by a beautiful port on the coast of

Celebes, the view of which land is delightfully variegated by mountains,

hills, and vallies, and clothed with an exuberance of verdure. In a few

hours afterwards the island of Pangasani was in sight, to the northward

of which appeared the highest mountains of Celebes. Pangasani is a flat

island, abounding in trees, and our author conjectures, that it produces

spices; it is, however, certain, that it is well inhabited, from the

number of fires that were seen on it during the night.

On the morning of the 13th the ships were surrounded with Indian boats,

bringing parroquets, cockatoes, fowls, eggs, and bananas, which the

natives sold for Dutch money, or exchanged for knives. These people were

inhabitants of a considerable district on the mountains of Button,

opposite the place where the ships lay at anchor. On this spot the land

is cleared and cultivated, the property of different persons, being

divided by ditches. Some of the fields are enclosed by hedges, and there

are houses in these fields; besides which there are several villages.

The produce of the country consists in potatoes, yams, rice, maize, &c.

and the bananas are deemed as good as in any part of the world.

Pine-apples, mangle apples, cocoa-nuts, and citrons, are very plentiful.

The natives are of a brown complexion, ordinary features, and of low

stature. They profess the Mahometan faith, and speak the language common

in the Molucca isles. They are very honest, though expert traders.--They

offered Mons. Bougainville some pieces of coarse cotton cloth; but he

does not say whether he dealt with them or not; he asked them for some

nutmegs, which they said they procured from the island of Ceram, and in

the neighbourhood of Banda; and his remark is, that the Dutch cannot

supply them from those places.

Our author describes the coast of Pangasani as rising in the form of an

amphitheatre, from the level of the coast, which he imagines is

frequently overflowed, because the dwellings of the natives were

observed to be situated on the slope of the hills. The people of Button

consider the inhabitants of Pangasani as pirates, and each party is

provided against the attacks of the other by a dagger, which is always

worn, stuck in the girdle.

The ships sailed on the morning of the 14th, but coming to an anchor in

a few hours afterwards, a number of periaguas surrounded the Boudeuse,

one of which hoisting Dutch colours, the rest retreated, that she might

come along side. It appeared, that in this boat was one of the Chiefs of

the country, to whom alone the Dutch permit the distinction of carrying

their colours.

Our Commodore sailed again on the 15th, and in the afternoon of that day

dispatched his barge after a boat which was seen in a large bay, with a

view to procure a pilot; and the boat readily came, having an Indian on

board, who, for thirteen shillings, readily engaged in the pilotage: but

his intended services were rendered unnecessary, by the sun happening to

shine with great lustre on a spot which directed their passing out of

the channel.

As opposing winds and tides now obliged the ships to come to an anchor,

the periaguas came off in great numbers, bringing pieces of cotton,

articles of curiosity, and variety of refreshments. At the approach of

evening the ships got clear of the narrow pass, and anchored in Bouton

Bay.

Mons. Bougainville gives an animated description of the passage he had

just cleared. The coast of Button abounds in enclosures proper for the

catching fish, while the rising grounds are bespread with habitations.

The opposite shore is perpendicular; and after passing the galley, both

sides are steep, hanging in some places over the channel. “One would

think (says our author,) that the god of the sea had opened a passage

here for the swelled waters, by a stroke of his trident.”--Might he not

as well have said, that the great God of Nature is equally wise and

wonderful in all his works?--The coast of Pangasani has two or three

houses on it, though it is little else than a solid rock, yet well

cloathed with trees.

The Indian pilot above-mentioned gave the best instructions in his

power, respecting the mode of passing this gut; but he appeared totally

unskilled in the European art of navigation. Another Indian, supposed to

be the pilot’s father, went on board the Boudeuse in the morning, and

remained till the evening. They both drank plentifully of brandy, but

would eat only bananas and chew betel, absolutely refusing to taste of

the ship’s provisions.

On the morning of the 17th, while the ships were under sail, the Indians

came off in great numbers, bringing fruit, poultry, and eggs, which they

sold so reasonably, that even the common seamen could possess themselves

of those refreshments, in very great abundance, so that both the ships

had the appearance of large poulterers shops, and capital fruiterers

warehouses on a market day.

This morning five of the _Orencaies_, or Chiefs of Button, came off in a

boat of the European form, with Dutch colours hoisted at its poop. These

people were dressed in jackets and long breeches, with turbans, and each

of them had a silver-headed cane, with the Company’s marks on it. They

gave Mons. Bougainville a Roe-buck, and received in return, each a

quantity of silk stuffs. They paid many compliments to the French

nation, freely drinking the health of his most Christian Majesty, and

the king of Button, so freely, indeed, that they were, at length,

obliged to be helped down the ship’s side into their boats.

The Commodore enquired of the Orencaies, whether any spices grew on the

island of Button; to which they replied in the negative, and were easily

credited, on account of the weakness of the Dutch settlement, which is

nothing more than a few huts, built of the Bamboo cane, and enclosed

with pallisadoes. The whole guard, on the part of the company, consists

only of a Serjeant and three men. The coast opposite Button is enclosed,

cultivated, and well-peopled; nor is the island itself less populous, or

less fruitful.

In the morning the Indian pilot visited the Commodore, and informed him,

that the south-east wind would blow freshest exactly at noon. This

proved to be strictly true, and was a circumstance so well known to the

natives, that all the boats which had surrounded the ship retired before

the sun had gained his meridian altitude.

Mons. Bougainville, taking advantage of the pilot’s advice, got out to

sea with a fair wind, steering for the island of Saleyor, which he

discovered on the 18th.--On this island the Dutch have a small

settlement, the principal Resident at which is the book-keeper. This day

at noon three islands were discovered, which were called _North Island_,

_South Island_, and _Isle of Passage_; which last was so denominated

from the ships passing near it, for the advantage of a safe navigation.

By day-light on the 19th they were within about a league of the coast of

Celebes, which, in this part is described as one of the finest countries

in the world. Immense herds of cattle graze on the plains, which are

adorned with groves, while the coast is one continued plantation of the

cocoa-nut tree. The plains are in most places cultivated and covered

with houses, while the mountains behind them add dignity and ornament to

the whole picture.

On this day Mons. Bougainville chased a Malayan boat, in the hope of

obtaining a pilot acquainted with the coast; but she fled at his

approach, nor even brought to, after he had fired several guns at her.

He conjectures, that the Boudeuse was mistaken for a Dutch ship, and

observes, that the generality of people on this coast are pirates, who

are always made slaves of when they are taken by the Dutch.

The ships having, during the evening, steered between an island named

Tanakeka, and three smaller isles, orders were given at midnight to

carry all the sail possible, in order to come within sight of the isles

of Alambai.

At midnight, between the 21st and 22d, a boat was observed advancing

towards the ships; but, though guns were repeatedly fired she bore off,

in the apprehension, as conjectured, that they were Dutch

vessels.--Mons. Bougainville’s observation is, that “these people are

more afraid of the Dutch, than of the firing of guns.”--And, indeed,

this observation seems to be verified by another boat being equally

studious to avoid them, a few hours afterwards.

In the afternoon of the 22d the north coast of Madura was seen from the

mast-head, and a number of fishing boats were observed, some at anchor,

and some employed in their business.--On the following morning four

ships were seen, two of which hoisted Dutch colours, and one of them was

spoke with by the Boudeuse, which proved to be a snow from Malacca,

bound for Japara.

Mons. Bougainville now coasted the land of Java, the shore of which is

level, but the interior country abounds in lofty mountains.

On the morning of the 26th the coast of Java appeared with the rising

sun. In the afternoon the Commodore spoke with a Dutchman, who commanded

a boat bound for the isles of Amboina and Ternate, who said that,

according to his reckoning, he was then twenty-six leagues from Batavia.

Having come to an anchor for the night, the ships sailed early in the

morning of the 27th, and, on the following night, came to an anchor, in

the fear of having even past the port of Batavia; but having sight of

the church of that town in the morning, they sailed into, and soon

anchored in the road, happy to have, after so many toils, difficulties

and dangers, reached a spot which they conceived would soon put a period

to all their misfortunes, by ensuring them a safe arrival in Europe.

Mons. Bougainville now proceeds to recite such incidents as happened

during the time he was at Batavia, and gives some particulars respecting

the Molucca islands.

We scarce know how to treat this subject with the delicacy with which it

ought to be touched, as the readers of these volumes are already

apprized of almost every interesting particular respecting Batavia; but

we shall, with the utmost diligence, select such circumstances as our

French historian has recorded, which have been either unknown to, or not

treated of by the English navigators.

Mons. Bougainville, for reasons which would operate on every prudent

Commander, resolved to make his stay at Batavia as short as possible;

but the want of biscuit, a sufficient quantity of which was not baked,

compelled him to stay longer than he had intended.

A Dutch officer came on board with a written paper, of which our

Frenchman understood not a word: but the Cockswain having enquired who

their visitants were, demanded a certificate, written and signed by the

commanding officer. Mons. Bougainville, who had sent an officer on shore

to wait on the Governor, declined to give any answer till his return.

This Officer came back late in the evening with an account, that his

Excellency was at his country-house, but that he had been with the

_Shebander_, who promised to introduce the Commodore to the Dutch

General, on the following day.

The heat of this climate requires, that visits should be made early in

the morning: Mons. Bougainville therefore set out soon after day-break,

and, after waiting on the Shebander, was by him conducted to the

Governor General, who was then at one of his country residences about

nine miles from the town.

The behaviour of this Chief of an important district was equally sincere

and obliging: he approved of the conduct of the Resident at Boero, in

his treatment of the French during the hour of their distress. He gave

permission for the sick to be lodged in the hospital, and issued the

proper orders for their being received. The furnishing of the necessary

supplies was left to the Shebander, and when all matters of business

were ended, the Governor asked the Commodore if he would salute the

citadel. To this it was answered in the affirmative, on the condition

that the salute should be properly returned. These preliminaries being

adjusted, Mons. Bougainville went on board his ship, saluted with

fifteen guns, and was complimented with the same number.

Considering the matter seriously, is not all this most egregious

nonsense?--A Frenchman agrees to waste a certain quantity of his

Master’s powder, provided a Dutchman will blow into the air, an equal

quantity of the powder of their High Mightinesses, the States General!

The sick people were now sent to the hospital, twenty-eight in number,

most of whom were troubled with the bloody flux, and the rest with the

scurvy.

The officers having taken lodgings in the town, fixed a day for paying a

visit of ceremony to the Governor, at his country-seat, called Jacatra;

after which they visited, in form, an officer called _Schout-by-Nacht_,

or _Rear Admiral_, who is a member of the Regency, and has a vote in

every matter respecting maritime affairs. This gentleman lives with a

degree of splendor that would not disgrace a Prince.

Mons. Bougainville mentions the theatre of Batavia, as an elegant

building; but of the performances he was not qualified to judge, from a

total ignorance of the language. His curiosity impelled him to take a

view of the Chinese comedies, but of these, also, he could form no

judgment but from sight. Exclusive of the exhibitions on the regular

theatres, he says, that a kind of pantomine is daily performed, on

scaffolds erected in the Chinese quarter of the city. It is a

singularity of the Chinese comedy, that the characters of men are

represented by women; nor is it unfrequent to see the actors entertain

the spectators with a boxing-match.

Our ingenious voyager represents the neighbourhood of Batavia as elegant

beyond description.--The neatness is all Dutch; the magnificence truly

Parisian.--A clergyman of Batavia, Mr. Mohr, distinguished for his

immense riches, and his extensive knowledge, has erected, in the garden

of one of his country-houses, one of the most superb observatories in

the world, and has furnished it with great variety of instruments of the

construction of European artists. Our author observes, that he “is

doubtless the richest of all the children of Urania.”

The water of Batavia is of so bad a quality, that the people of fortune

import Seltzer water from Holland, for their common drinking, at a most

enormous expence. The houses of this city are built only one story high,

on account of the frequent earthquakes, which would be of pernicious

consequence to buildings of a lofty construction.

The riches of the Batavians are marked by the magnificent taste in which

their houses are furnished; yet is the city said to be much inferior to

what it was some years ago; and it is certain, that the rent of houses

is not half as much as it was: yet will this place always be rich,

through the refined policy of the Dutch, which makes it difficult for

any man, after he has amassed a fortune, to transmit it to Europe: for

any money intended to be sent to Holland, must pass through the hands of

the Company, who charge eight per cent. for the care of sending it to

Europe; exclusive of which, the current-money of Batavia would sustain a

loss of no less than twenty-eight per cent. even if it could be smuggled

out of the country.

The distinction of rank is observed in the strictest degree at Batavia.

What the French call the _Etiquette_ is never dispensed with. The

gradation of rank is as follows, viz. the high Regency, the Court of

Justice, the Ecclesiastics, the Company’s servants, the sea officers,

and those of the military.

There is no appeal from the decisions of the Court of Justice. This

court, about twenty years since, sentenced to death the Governor of

Ceylon, who had been convicted of most infamous oppressions in his

government; and he was executed opposite the citadel at Batavia.

If any of the respective sovereigns of the island of Java offend against

the established Dutch policy, they are put to death in the most inhuman

manner. On these melancholy occasions, the unhappy sufferers are dressed

in white drawers, and are never beheaded, from a conviction prevalent

among them, that appearing in any other dress, or visiting the other

world without their heads, would be productive of the most fatal

consequences: nor do the Dutch dare to controvert these opinions, as the

immediate consequence of such a procedure on their part would be a

revolt of that of the Javanese.

The Dutch Company have an exclusive right to a large part of the island

of Java.--The island of Madura did formerly belong to them, but the

Chief of it revolted from their authority, and the son of this revolting

king is at present the Governor of that very island, of which his father

had been the Sovereign.

The Dutch, equally deep in every stroke of their politics, have seized

the province of Balimburan, in consequence of the Sovereign of that

district having revolted from their authority. It is asserted, that the

English erected him a fort, and supplied him with arms and ammunition to

combat that slavery, which he thought the more an indignity, because it

was impelled by the mercantile world. After a war of two years, and

after repeated battles, in the last of which the Javanese Prince and his

family were made prisoners, the Dutch became final conquerors, and the

routed Sovereign being lodged in the citadel of Batavia, soon fell a

sacrifice to the grief that preyed on his mind. When Mons. Bougainville

arrived at Batavia, it was in agitation to send the son and the other

branches of this unhappy family to the Cape of Good Hope, in order that

they might spend the remains of a wretched existence on the island of

Roben. The several Chiefs of the different districts of the island of

Java are surrounded with Dutch guards, so that they are Kings only in

name. From these, however, the Dutch receive arrac, rice, sugar, coffee

and tin; in return for which they supply opium, the sale of which is

very profitable, from the great quantities consumed by the Javanese.

Our Commodore now proceeds to a description of the commerce of Batavia,

and a recital of many particulars respecting the Molucca islands; but

these particulars, or others so exceedingly resembling them, being

recorded in many volumes of voyages, we shall pass them over in search

of something really new, and respecting which our author appears to have

been well informed.

Before the crews of the Boudeuse and Etoile had been ten days at

Batavia, the diseases common to that climate began to attack them with

all their fury. From a vigorous state of health the people were, in a

few days, reduced to the brink of the grave; nor could the Commodore’s

utmost diligence enable him to transact his affairs with a proper degree

of dispatch, as the illness of the Shebander himself prevented the

acceleration of his business.

Every officer on board the Boudeuse began to feel the fatal effects of

the climate; and, at length, Aotourou felt the direful influence of this

pestiferous clime; and it is supposed, that nothing but the readiness

with which he took the prescriptions offered him, could have saved him

from the most fatal consequences of the contagion. For a long time after

he left Batavia, he distinguished it by the name of _Enoua Matè_, the

land which kills.

Mons. Bougainville now proceeds to a description of his leaving Batavia,

his touching at the isle of France, and his return to his native

country, of which we shall have occasion to say but little, as the run

from Batavia to Europe is universally well known, and has been

previously described in the course of these volumes.

The ships sailed on the 16th of October, 1768, and cleared the streights

of Sunda on the 19th in the afternoon. By this time the crew were all

perfectly recovered of the scurvy, but a few of them remained ill of the

bloody-flux. On the 20th the ships were in sight of the isle of France,

and on the 8th of November, the Boudeuse anchored in the port of that

island; the Etoile, which had been unavoidably left behind, anchoring in

the same port on the following day.

At this place the ships were repaired, and the Commodore left behind him

on the island several persons, who desired to add to the numbers already

in that colony.

The Commodore expresses his happiness that he was enabled, after so

tedious a voyage, to enrich this colony with inhabitants and

necessaries; but he laments in the most pathetic terms the death of the

Chevalier du Bouchage, an Ensign on board the King’s ship, whose

abilities as an officer could be surpassed only by his virtues and

accomplishments as a man.

Our author speaks, in the most lavish terms, of the forges for making

iron, which are established on this island, and he even prefers them to

those of Europe; how far he is justified in this preference, must be

left to future navigators, or future artificers to determine.

Mons. Bougainville sailed from this place the 12th of December, 1768,

leaving the Etoile behind him, to undergo some necessary repairs; and

this ship did not arrive in France till a month after the Boudeuse.

Without encountering any singular accident, our adventurers had sight of

the Cape of Good Hope on the 18th of January, and came to an anchor in

Table Bay on the following morning.

Our author very judiciously omits a description of the Cape, which has

been so often and so accurately described by our circumnavigators, and

other voyagers: one circumstance, however, he fails not to mention, that

they killed a quadrupede, named the _Giraffe_, which was seventeen feet

in height, and that they took the young one alive, which measured seven

feet. “None of these (says our author) had been seen after that which

was brought to Rome in the time of Cæsar, and shewn there in the

amphitheatre.”

Mons. Bougainville sailed from the Cape on the 17th, and came to an

anchor off the island of St. Helena on the 4th of February, where he

remained till the 6th, and then got under sail in pursuance of his

voyage to France.

On the 25th of this month the Commodore joined the Swallow, commanded by

Captain Carteret: what passed in consequence of this junction the

readers of these volumes are already acquainted with.

Nothing material happened from this time till they had sight of the isle

of Ushant, when a violent squall of wind had nearly blasted all the

blooming hopes of so fine a voyage. On the 15th the Commodore bore away

for St. Maloes, which he entered on the following day, after an absence

of two years and four months from his native country; during all which

time he had buried only seven of his crew, a circumstance that will be

deemed truly astonishing, when we reflect on the variety of dangers they

had encountered; the amazing changes of climate they had experienced;

the _hair breadth_ perils they had escaped, and the estimated proportion

of time that any man may be supposed to live, at any given age, when in

full health, and breathing his native air. To what then shall we ascribe

the unexampled success of Mons. Bougainville’s circumnavigation, but to

the benevolent interposition of that _particular providence_, the

existence of which hath been lately so boldly, and with such apparent

weight of argument, denied.

Thus have we traced, with the pen of fidelity, this ingenious historian,

from the milder climate of France to the frozen regions of the

Magellanic streights; and from those streights through the intense

burnings of the torrid zone, back again to the benevolent influence of

the European sun; and abating that vanity peculiar to the French, and

that nationality, which, if criminal, is a crime arising from a noble

and praise-worthy cause, we must confess, that his narrative is as much

more philosophical and ingenious, as it is more pert and flippant than

the narratives of our English adventurers! Mons. Bougainville has

introduced, in the body of his volume, a narrative of the establishment

of the Spaniards in Rio de la Plata; and also an account of the missions

in Paraguay, and the expulsion of the Jesuits from that province: but as

these recitals seemed to have no immediate connection with the

Commodore’s circumnavigation, we have not interrupted the narrative,

thinking they would come in with more propriety immediately after the

close of the voyage.

The river de la Plata takes a southerly course to the 34th degree

latitude, where it is united with the river Uraguai, making one stream,

which runs still southerly to the ocean. The Jesuits have advanced a

false principle of geography, and other authors have fell into their

errors, by supposing the river de la Plata to spring from the lake of

Xaragés. This lake, which has been the subject of much enquiry, is now

supposed to have no existence.

By order of the courts of Spain and Portugal, the Marquis of Valdelirais

and Don George Menezés, undertook to determine the limits of possession

of these two powers; and accordingly several Spanish and Portuguese

officers, traveled this large district of America between the years 1751

and 1755. The Spaniards embarked on the river Paraguai, and the

Portuguese proceeded from a settlement belonging to the Crown of

Portugal, called Maragosso, situated on the interior boundaries of the

Brazils, at about 12 degrees south latitude, and proceeded up the river

Caourou, which, according to the maps of the Jesuits, is described as

falling into the lake Xaragés. But how great was their surprize and

disappointment at meeting in the 14th degree of south latitude, in the

river Paraguai, without finding any thing to justify the supposition of

the existence of the lake! Hence it was concluded, that the periodical

inundations of the river over a considerable tract of the adjacent

country, having been received in the low grounds, formed a body of

water, which, by former navigators, was taken for the ideal lake.

The source of the Paraguai, or Rio de la Plata, is among the mountains,

between the two oceans, and between five and six degrees south latitude,

and it empties itself into the river of Amazons. The Uraguai arises in

the Captainship of St. Vincent’s, in the Brazils; and the Parana in the

mountains to the east north-east of Rio Janeiro, whence it flows to the

westward, and then changes its course to the south.

It appears, from the account of the Abbé Prevost, that Diaz de Solis

first discovered the Parana in 1515, and called it after himself, but

that in 1526 Sebastian Cabot named it la Plata, or of silver, on account

of the many pieces of silver which he observed in the possession of the

natives of the adjacent country. The fort of Espirutu Santo was erected

by Cabot, who had scarcely time to see it completed before it was

levelled with the earth.

In 1535, Don Pedro de Mendoza, great Cup-bearer to the Emperor, sailed

for the river de la Plata, and founded Buenos Ayres; but this

undertaking proved extremely unsuccessful; and after Mendoza’s death,

the inhabitants of Buenos Ayres, unable to defend themselves against the

depredations of the Indians, and living in perpetual dread of famine,

fled for sanctuary to Assumption, now the capital of Paraguai, which was

built by the followers of Mendoza, soon became well inhabited, and, of

course, considerably enlarged. Don Pedro Artiz de Zarara, Governor of

Paraguai, rebuilt Buenos Ayres, upon an improved plan, in the year 1580,

and it soon became the principal resort of ships navigating the South

Seas; soon after which it was an episcopal see, and the place of

residence of the chief magistrate. The situation of Buenos Ayres is

computed to be in 34 deg. 55 min. south latitude, and 61 deg. 5 min.

west longitude from Paris. The inhabitants, including negroes, do not

exceed twenty thousand, notwithstanding which, the town covers a very

large space of ground, owing to the generality of the habitations having

no more than a ground floor, with spacious courtyards and extensive

gardens. The public market is held in a grand square, the angles of

which are formed by the Governor’s palace, the town hall, the cathedral

and the episcopal palace. There is no harbour at Buenos Ayres, so that

ships of any considerable burden are obliged to sail to Encenada de

Baragon, about ten leagues east south-east of the town, or else receive

and deliver their freights by means of small boats.

Adjoining to the Jesuit’s convent, there is a building, called the house

for the exercises of women, where married and unmarried people, without

the consent of their husbands or friends, sequester themselves for the

space of twelve days, during which time various religious exercises are

practiced, almost without intermission. There are holy ceremonies

appointed for the slaves; and such of the negroes, as pay four reals per

annum to the Dominicans, are admitted members of some religious

community, are intitled to certain holidays, to hear mass, and a decent

interment at the expence of the friars.

This community of negroes acknowledge St. Benedict of Palermo, and the

Virgin for their patrons; and on the days dedicated to these saints they

select two persons to represent the kings of Spain and Portugal, who are

followed by all the negroes of the order, parading through the streets

from the rising to the sitting of the sun, singing, dancing,

representing battles, and repeating religious incantations.

The grounds near Buenos Ayres are extremely fruitful, producing all the

real necessaries of life; but it is entirely uncultivated at only three

leagues distance; and in crossing the plains scarce a hovel is to be met

with; so that passengers are frequently under the necessity of sleeping

in their carriages, and those who go on horseback are often, for many

successive nights, exposed to the inclemency of the weather. Horses and

black cattle abound in these plains, and the latter are frequently

killed by travellers, who take away sufficient for a few meals, and

leave the rest for the birds and beasts of prey. The only furious

animals known here are wild dogs and tygers: the former, which are said

to have been originally brought from Europe, are both fierce and

numerous; and perhaps owing to their food, and the climate seem, as it

were, greatly to have altered their species; the latter are of the usual

kind, but are not very frequently met with.

In the neighbourhood of Buenos Ayres wood is so extremely scarce, that

very little is to be found that will even serve for fuel, and what is

used in erecting and repairing houses, or in refitting vessels, is

transported from Paraguai.

The Indians inhabiting this part of America are of a copper complexion,

seldom exceeding five feet in stature, and of a very forbidding aspect.

Their Chief is distinguished by a thong of leather tied round his

forehead, to which are fastened several plates of copper. The arms they

use are bows and arrows, nooses and balls. These balls are about the

circumference of a two pound cannon ball, and being received in leathern

cups at the end of cords of about six or seven feet long, they throw

them when on horseback, with such amazing force and dexterity, as to be

almost at a certainty of killing an animal at the distance of three

hundred yards.

Some years ago a number of delinquents, escaping the punishment they

were sentenced to, retreated to the north of the Maldonadoes, where

being joined by some deserters and Indian women, they have formed a

community of desperadoes. They frequently plunder the Spanish

settlements, and carry their spoils to the boundaries of the Brazils,

where they receive, in exchange for them, fire-arms and clothes, from

the Paulists, another desperate race of robbers, supposed to be between

six and seven hundred in number, who removed from Brazil farther to the

north-west about the sixteenth century; since which time they have

continually traversed the adjacent country in parties; and such

travellers as are so unfortunate as to meet with them, generally fall

victims to their cruelty and rapine.

The governments of Tucuman and Paraguai, with the missions of the

Jesuits, are dependent upon the Governor-general of la Plata, who, in

all matters relating to the silver mines of Potosi, is under the

jurisdiction of the Viceroy of Peru. A mint having been lately

established at Potosi, the silver will not in future be brought from

thence in the ore, but refined on the spot.

Two hundred carts, attended by three hundred men, go annually from

Buenos Ayres to fetch salt from the lakes adjacent to the sea in

forty-three degrees latitude; and the necessity of obtaining salt is the

only motive that induces the Spaniards to travel so far south of Buenos

Ayres, where the country exhibits a melancholy prospect of dreary and

uncultivated wilds.

The principal commerce of Buenos Ayres is with Peru and Chili, to which

province they send cotton, mules, some skins, and about four hundred

thousand Spanish pounds weight of the Paraguai herb, or South Sea tea

every year; great part of this last article is consumed by the labourers

in the Peruvian mines; it being esteemed a most excellent preventative

against the effects of the noxious vapours arising from those

inexhaustible funds of treasure.

Notwithstanding there is but little trade at Buenos Ayres, it is a place

of such great riches, that the register ships frequently carry away a

million of dollars each; and if they were inclined to extend their skin

and fur trade, those articles alone would, undoubtedly, acquire them

immense wealth.

Montevideo was built between forty and fifty years since, upon a

peninsula, to the north of the river, and about ninety miles above its

mouth. The town has a bay, affording safe anchorage, but in boisterous

weather some skill must be exerted, to keep clear of a chain of hidden

rocks off the east point of the bay, which are called Punta de las

Carretas. The town of Montevideo affords every refreshment; and the air

being particularly salubrious, renders it still more inviting to the

sons of Neptune, who here find a happy renewal of that health and

vigour, which, from various causes, must inevitably be impaired by a

long residence on the stormy element.

The Jesuits took up their residence at Paraguay in the year 1580, and in

the time of Philip the Third founded their celebrated missions, called

indifferently by the Europeans Paraguai or Uraguai. These missions are

thirty-seven in number; twenty-nine being on one side of the river

Uraguai, and eight on the opposite shore.

The Jesuits undertook to convert the natives of this tract of America to

the Roman Catholic religion, and in order to encourage them to pursue

this very difficult task with a proper degree of spirit, they were

rendered independent of the Governor’s authority, and allowed an annual

stipend of sixty thousand piastres for their necessary expences. And in

order to indemnify the Crown for this expence, a tax of one piastre per

head was levied upon all the Indians between the age of eighteen and

sixty.

Notwithstanding the many and great obstacles which would have dispirited

less determined men, the Jesuits, by a steady perseverance, the most

ardent zeal, and a strict attention to the genius and disposition of

these savages, at length, civilized their manners, implanted in their

minds the principles of the Christian religion, and made them happy

within themselves and useful to the community.

In the year 1757 the Spanish monarch having given up the colonies on the

left shore of the river to the Portuguese, in exchange for Santo

Sacramento, with a view to suppress the smuggling trade, the Indians of

the ceded colonies, disgusted at being driven from their cultivated

lands, took up arms against the Spaniards. Don Joseph Andonaighi,

Governor-general of the province de la Plata, and Don Joachim de Viana,

Governor of Montevideo, marched against, and entirely defeated them.

Soon after this battle the insurrections being quelled, Viana left

Buenos Ayres, and was accompanied as far as the Maldonados by seven

Indian families, where they settled, leading a life of exemplary

prudence and industry. The situation of these reclaimed people gives an

idea of what the poets call the golden age: they knew no distinction of

rank, were neither incumbered with riches, nor oppressed with poverty;

and as all their wants were supplied from the warehouses appointed to

receive the produce of the common labour, they had no incitement to use

sinister and clandestine means to obtain private property.

The country in which the missions are situated, reaches about four

hundred and fifty miles east and west, and about six hundred miles north

and south; and the number of the inhabitants is computed to be three

hundred thousand. There are immense forests of all kinds of wood, and

extensive meadows, watered by innumerable small rivers and brooks, which

produce pasture sufficient for upwards of two millions of cattle.

The country was divided into districts, over each of which two Jesuits

were appointed to preside; one of whom acted as Rector, and the other as

his Curate. The Indians lived in the most abject state of submission to

their Rectors, who severely chastised them for misdemeanours, and

annually appointed a number of inferior officers, called Corregidors, to

take cognizance of petty offences.

Near the church are two large buildings; one of which was inhabited by a

great number of girls, who were instructed in various occupations. The

other building was occupied by young negroe men, who were brought up to

various handicraft professions; and one department of this building was

appointed to the teaching of music, sculpture, architecture, &c. The

Rector’s house stood between these buildings, and had communications

with each, which he visited every day to see the provisions justly

distributed, and the proper decorum in other respects strictly observed.

The entire expulsion of the Jesuits from the Spanish dominions having

been resolved upon, Don Francis Buccarelli was appointed to carry this

design into execution; and he accordingly sailed for Buenos Ayres,

arrived there in the beginning of 1767, and immediately sent the

dispatches with which he was charged, to the Governors of Peru and

Chili, and the commanders of Cordoua, Mendoza, Corrientes, Santa-Fe,

Salta, Montevideo, and Paraguay. These dispatches were accompanied by

letters, strictly enjoining the persons, to whom the dispatches from the

Court were directed, not to open them till an appointed day. As it was a

matter of doubt, whether the Indians would tamely submit to see Jesuits

arrested in the colonies, all the preparations for carrying the King’s

orders into execution were conducted with the most profound secrecy. The

time for accomplishing this grand design at length arrived, and the

different Governors being previously instructed to open their letters,

and to proceed according to their contents, with all imaginable

dispatch.

The general execution began about two o’clock in the morning, when the

Jesuits, with equal horror and astonishment, found their habitations

invested by the Spanish troops.

They evinced a high degree of philosophical resignation and humility in

quietly submitting to their fate, which they confessed was not so severe

as their crimes deserved.

On the thirteenth of September a Cacique belonging to each colony, and

all the corregidors, arrived at Buenos Ayres. These people were

politically detached from their companions by the following stratagem,

with a design of securing them as hostages, in case any resistance had

been made. The Governor-general sent for them, under pretence of

communicating the substance of the King’s letters; and these deluded

people were not informed of the events that had happened, till they

received the account from the mouth of the Governor, who gave them a

general audience, immediately upon their arrival; when the Governor

informed them, that he came to free them from the slavery they had long

groaned under, and directing them to one of the houses formerly occupied

by the Jesuits, they were there properly provided for at the King’s

expence. The Jesuits had established other missions than those

abovementioned to the south of Uraguay, and were making great progress

southward of Chili, towards the island of Chiloé; but the unexpected

turn of affairs in Europe utterly destroyed the work, the completion of

which had been an object of great attention for a long series of years.

VOCABULARY of the Language of TAITI ISLAND.

Abobo, _To-morrow_.

Aibou, _Come_.

Ainé, _Girl_ (_fille_)

Aiouta, _There is some_.

Aouererê, _Black_.

Aouero, _Egg_.

Aouri, _Iron, gold, silver, every metal, or instrument of

metal_.

Aoutti, _Flying fish_.

Aouira, _Lightning_.

Apalari, _To break or destroy_.

Ari, _Cocoa-nut_.

Ateatea, _White_.

Ea, _Root_.

Eai, _Fire_.

Eame, _Drink made of cocoa-nuts_.

Eani, _All manner of fighting_.

Eivi, _Little_.

Eite, _To understand_.

Elao, _A fly_.

Emaa, _A sling_.

Emeitai, _To give_.

Emoe, _To sleep_.

Enapo, _Yesterday_.

Enoanoa, _To smell well_.

Enoo-te-papa, _Sit down_.

Enoua-Taiti, _The country of Taiti_.

Enoua-Paris, _The country of Paris_.

Eo, _To sweat_.

Eoe-tea, _An arrow_.

Eoe-pai, _A paddle or oar_.

Eonou, _Turtle_.

Eouai, _Rain_.

Eouri, _A dancer_.

Eouriaye, _A dancing-girl_.

Epouré, _To pray_.

Era, _The sun_.

Eraï, _Heaven_.

Ero, _Ant_.

Eri, _King_.

Erie, _Royal_.

Etai, _Sea_.

Eteina, _Elder brother or sister_.

Etouana, _Younger brother or sister_.

Etio, _Oyster_.

Etoi, _A butcher_.

THE BOOKSELLER’S ADVERTISEMENT.

TO THE READER.

Having in the former part of this Collection given an authentic account

of the proceedings and discoveries of the English navigators who have

lately surrounded the globe; and also a copious detail of the voyage of

a cotemporary navigator of another nation, who, jealous of the English

designs, was commissioned to follow the same track. That the present

undertaking may not want novelty to recommend it, I have procured, at a

considerable expence, the journal of a new voyage to the northern part

of the globe; a voyage which his Majesty, in a particular manner, has

thought fit to patronize, and which was equipped with such care and

circumspection, that nothing was found wanting during the course of it.

This voyage I have added by way of Supplement, without any additional

expence to the subscribers; and have prefixed to it a brief

recapitulation of the many attempts that have been made for the

discovery of a north-east passage to China and Japan, and also have

subjoined a like summary of the enterprizes set on foot by government,

or undertaken by private adventurers, for discovering a communication

with the great pacific ocean by a passage from the north-west.

These accounts are full of astonishing events, and wonderful

descriptions of uncommon phenomena. In them we read of rivers and lakes

of ice, bursting with imprisoned vapours; and of rocks, forests, beams

of houses and buildings, splitting with a noise not less terrible than

the loudest thunder.--Of brandy, Brine, and even spirits of wine,

exposed to the open air, only for a few hours, freezing into a solid

mass.--Of mountains of ice frozen in the sea one hundred fathom

deep.--Of snow hills that never thaw.--And of winds that blister the

flesh, and shrivel the skin like red-hot iron.

In this Supplement the distresses, dangers, providential deliverances,

and unspeakable sufferings of those who have wintered in the dark and

dreary regions of the north, are recounted with clearness and brevity;

and, in the small compass of a few sheets, the contents of many volumes

are comprized.

SUPPLEMENT,

CONTAINING THE

JOURNAL OF A VOYAGE

UNDERTAKEN BY ORDER OF

HIS PRESENT MAJESTY,

For making DISCOVERIES towards the

NORTH POLE,

BY THE

HON. COMMODORE PHIPPS,

AND

CAPTAIN LUTWIDGE,

IN HIS

MAJESTY’s SLOOPS

RACEHORSE AND CARCASE.

To which is prefixed,

An Account of the several VOYAGES undertaken for the Discovery of a

North-East Passage to China and Japan.

[Illustration: _A Map_ of the ICY SEA in which the several

Communications with the _Land Waters_ and other new _Discoveries_ are

exhibited.

_J. Gibson Sculp._]

THE

INTRODUCTION.

It is fortunate for commerce, and the intercourse of nations, that there

is implanted in man’s nature a desire of novelty, which no present

gratification can satisfy; that when he has visited one region of the

earth, he is still, like Alexander, sighing for another to explore; and

that, after having escaped one danger in his progress, he is no less

eager to encounter others, that may chance to obstruct him in the course

of his pursuits.

If the history of former hardships could have deterred men from engaging

in new adventures, the Voyage, the particulars of which we are now about

to relate, would probably never have been undertaken. The dreary regions

that surround the poles are so little accustomed to feel the kindly

influences of the enlivening sun, and are so destitute of the ordinary

productions of the earth in happier climates, that little less than one

whole quarter of the globe is, by its sterility, rendered uninhabitable

by human beings, and but thinly occupied by a very inconsiderable number

of the race of quadrupedes. The many and almost insuperable difficulties

that must therefore be expected in traversing these forlorn desarts,

where no relief is to be expected, but from the favourable interposition

of that power, whose merciful providence extends to the remotest corners

of the earth, are, upon reflection, enough to cool the ardour of the

most enterprising, and to stagger the resolution of the most intrepid.

In the contention between powers, equally formed by nature to meet an

opposition, it may be glorious to overcome; but to encounter raging

seas, tremendous rocks, and bulwarks of solid ice, and desperately to

persist in attempts to prevail against such formidable enemies; as the

conflict is hopeless, so the event is certain. The hardiest and most

skilful navigator, after exposing himself and his companions to the most

perilous dangers, and suffering in proportion to his hardiness the most

complicated distresses, must at last submit to return home without

success, or perish by his perseverance.

This observation will be sufficiently justified, by a brief

recapitulation of the Voyages that have been undertaken, with a view to

the discovery of a North-east Passage to China and Japan.

The first who attempted this discovery was Sir Hugh Willoughby, with

three ships, so early as the year 1553, the æra of perilous enterprizes.

This gentleman sailed to the latitude of 75 degrees north, within sight,

as it is imagined, of New Greenland, now called Spitsbergen; but by a

storm was driven back, and obliged to winter in the river Arzena, in

Lapland, where he was frozen to death with all his company. He left upon

his table a concise account of all his discoveries, in which he

mentions, having sailed within sight of a country in a very high

latitude, about which geographers are divided; some affirming, as has

been said, that it could be no other than New Greenland, afterwards

discovered, and named by the Dutch Spitsbergen; others, that what he saw

was only a fog-bank; and of this latter opinion is Capt. Wood, an able

navigator, of whom we shall have occasion to speak hereafter.

To Sir Hugh Willoughby succeeded Capt. Burroughs, afterwards Comptroller

of the Navy to Queen Elizabeth. This gentleman attempted the passage

with better fortune, and returned full of hope, but without success. He

passed the North cape in 1556, advanced as far north as the 78th degree,

discovered the Wygate, or strait that divides Nova Zembla from the

country of the Sammoyds, now subject to Russia: and having passed the

easternmost point of that strait, arrived at an open sea, from whence he

returned, having, as he imagined, discovered the passage so painfully

sought, and so ardently desired. Some affirm, his discoveries extended

beyond the 80th degree of latitude, to a country altogether desolate,

where the mountains were blue and the valleys snow.

Be that as it may, the favourable report of Capt. Burroughs encouraged

Queen Elizabeth to fit out two stout vessels to perfect the discovery.

The command of these ships was given to the Captains Jackman and Pett,

who, in 1580, sailed through the same strait, that had been discovered

by Burroughs, and entered the eastern sea; where the ice poured in so

fast upon them, and the weather became so tempestuous, that after

enduring incredible hardships, and sustaining the most dreadful shocks

of ice and seas, terrible even in the relation, they were driven back

and separated; and neither Pett nor his ship or crew were ever heard of

afterwards.

After this disaster and disappointment, the desire of visiting the

frozen seas to the north-east began to abate among the English, but was

assumed by the Dutch with an obstinate perseverance, peculiar to that

phlegmatic nation. The first Dutchman we read of who made the attempt

was John Cornelius, of whose voyage, in 1595, we have but a very

imperfect account; he was followed however in 1606 by William Barrans,

or, as some write, Barents, an able and experienced seaman and

mathematician, who being supplied with every necessary for so hazardous

a voyage, by the generosity and patronage of Prince Maurice, proceeded

in the same course which had been pointed out to him by the English

navigators; but having passed the Wygate, found the like incumbrances,

and the like tempests which the English had experienced; and not being

able to bear up against them, returned thoroughly convinced, that the

wished-for passage was not to be attained in that direction. However, he

traversed the coast of Nova Zembla, gave names to several promontories

and head-lands, and planned to himself a new course to steer, by which

he hoped to accomplish what he had failed in discovering, by following

the steps of those who had gone before him.

In 1607, animated rather than discouraged by disappointment, he entered

upon his second voyage, with the spirit of a man fully prepossessed with

success. He had heard, that some of the whalers, who had now begun to

frequent the North Seas, had, either by design or accident, advanced

much farther to the northward than those who had been purposely fitted

out upon discoveries; he therefore determined to steer to the northward

of Nova Zembla, till he should arrive at the height of the pole, under

which he was persuaded he should find an open sea; and, by changing his

course to the southward, avoid those obstructions which had retarded his

passage to the north-east.

In this hope he continued till he arrived on the coast of Nova Zembla,

where, before he had reached the 77th degree, he was so rudely attacked

by the mountains of ice, that every where assailed him, that not being

able to withstand their fury, he was driven against the rocks, and his

ship dashed to pieces. Barents and the greatest part of his crew got

safe to land, but it was to experience greater misery than those

underwent who perished in the attempt. They were obliged to winter in a

country, where no living creature besides themselves appeared to have

existence; and where, notwithstanding their utmost efforts to preserve

their bodies from the cold, the flesh perished upon the bones of some of

them, and others died of the most excruciating pains.

In this extremity, and notwithstanding the anguish they endured, those

who survived had still the fortitude and ingenuity to frame a pinnace

from the wreck of their broken ship, in which, at the approach of

summer, they made sail for Lapland; but before they arrived at Colu,

their Captain died, and with him the hopes of perfecting his discovery.

It was now the active season for naval enterprizes. Private adventurers

began to fit out ships for the North Seas. Innumerable sea animals had

been observed to bask upon the ice; the tusks of whose jaws were found

to excel, in whiteness, the finest ivory, and their carcases to yield

plenty of excellent oil. In the infancy of the whale fishery, these were

pursued with the same eagerness, with which both the English and Dutch

endeavour at this day to make the whales their prey, and perhaps with no

less profit. In following these, many islands were discovered to which

they resorted, and, in course of time, the seas that were so formidable

to the first discoverers, became frequented at the proper seasons by the

ships of every nation.

Foreign navigators, however, were more sanguine in their notions of a

north-west passage, than of the existence of a passage to the

north-east; and it was not till many unsuccessful trials had been made

to discover the former, that the latter was again attempted. The

celebrated Hudson, who discovered the straits that leads to the great

western bay, which still bears his name; after he had exerted his skill

in vain to find a passage westward, was persuaded at last to undertake a

voyage in search of a passage to the north-east. This he performed in

1610, but being discouraged by the miscarriages of others, and the fatal

issue that had attended their obstinate perseverance, on viewing the

face of the country, examining the currents, and traversing an immense

continent of ice, that stretched along the ocean, in a direction from

east south-east to west north-west, he concluded, that no passage could

be practicable in that direction, and therefore returned without making

any other material discovery.

From this time till the year 1676, the prosecution of this discovery was

totally neglected by the English; and though the Dutch whalers amused

the world with wonderful relations of their near approach to the pole,

yet little credit was given to their reports till the arrival of one

John Wood, who had accompanied Sir John Narborough in his voyage to the

South Sea, with a view to establish a new trade with the Chilians, and

natives of that vast tract of country, reaching from the Straits of

Magellan to the confines of Peru.

This able and enterprizing navigator, being himself an excellent

mathematician and geographer, and reading in the Philosophical

Transactions a paper, by which the existence of a north-east passage to

the eastern or Indian ocean was plausibly asserted, and this exactly

coinciding with his own notions of the construction of the globe, he was

induced, by this and other reasons, to apply to King Charles the Second

for a commission to prosecute the discovery; the accomplishment whereof,

it was said, would add to the glory of his Majesty’s reign, and

immensely to the wealth and prosperity of his kingdoms.

Many about the Court of that needy Prince, hoping to share in the

profits of the voyage, were earnest in prevailing with his Majesty to

forward the design, who being himself fond of novelty, ordered the

Speedwell Frigate to be fitted out at his own charge, manned,

victualled, and provided with every necessary; while the Duke, his

brother, and seven other courtiers, joined in the purchase of a Pink of

one hundred and twenty tons, to accompany her, which they likewise

manned and victualled, and furnished with merchandizes, such as were

thought marketable on the coasts of Tartary or Japan; the countries they

most probably would first fall in with after their passage through the

North Sea.

These ships being in readiness, and commissions made out for their

Commanders, Captain Wood was appointed to direct the expedition, on

board the Speedwell, and Captain Flawes to bear him company on board the

Prosperous.

On the 28th of May 1676, they sailed from the Buoy of the Nore, with the

wind at south-west; and on the 4th of June cast anchor off Lerwick, in

Brassey Sound, where they continued six days, to take in water and

recruit their stores.

On Saturday the 10th they weighed anchor and continued their voyage; and

on the 15th they entered the Polar circle, where the sun at that season

of the year never sets. At noon the Speedwell broke her

main-top-sail-yard in the slings, the first disaster that had happened,

which, however, was easily repaired. The weather now began to grow

hazey, a circumstance that frequently happens in the Polar regions, and

darkens the air with the obscurity of night.

From this time till June 22, when they fell in with the ice in latitude

75 degrees 59 minutes north, nothing material occurred. On that day, at

noon, they observed a continent of ice stretching to an imperceptible

distance, in a direction from east-south-east and west-north-west. They

bore away along the ice till the 28th, when they found it join to the

land of Nova Zembla.

On the 29th they stood away to the south, to get clear of the ice; but

unfortunately found themselves embayed in it. At 11 at night the

Prosperous bore down upon the Speedwell, crying out, ice upon the

weather-bow, on which the Speedwell clapt the helm hard a weather, and

veered out the main-sail to ware the ship; but before she could be

brought too on the other tack, she struck on a ledge of rocks, and stuck

fast. They fired guns of distress, but were not heard, and the fog being

so thick, that land could not be discerned, though close to the stern of

their ship; no relief was now to be expected, but from Providence and

their own endeavours. In such a situation, no description can equal the

relation of the Captain himself, who, in the language of the times, has

given the following full and pathetic account.

“Here, says he, we lay beating upon the rock in a most frightful manner,

for the space of three or four hours, using all possible means to save

the ship, but in vain; for it blew so hard, that it was wholly out of

our power to carry out an anchor capable to do us any service. At length

we saw land close under our stern, to the great amazement of us all,

which before we could not see for the foggy weather; so I commanded the

men to get out the boats before our mast came by the board, which was

done. I sent the boatswain towards the shore in the pinnace, to see if

there was any possibility of landing, which I much feared, because the

sea ran so high. In half an hour he returned with this answer, that it

was impossible to land a man, the snow being in high cliffs, the shore

was inaccessible. This was bad tidings; so then it was high time to

think on the safety of our souls, and we went all together to prayers,

to beseech God to have mercy on us, for now nothing but individual ruin

appeared before our eyes. After prayers, the weather cleared up a

little, and looking over the stern, I saw a small beach directly with

the stern of the ship, where I thought there might be some chance of

getting on shore. I therefore sent off the pinnace a second time, with

some men in her to be first landed, but she durst not venture to attempt

the beach. I then ordered out the long-boat with twenty men to land, who

attempted it, and got safe on shore. They in the pinnace seeing that,

followed, and landed their men likewise, and both vessels returned to

the ship without any accident. The men on shore desired some fire-arms

and ammunition, for there were many bears in sight. I therefore ordered

two barrels of powder, some small arms, some provisions, with my own

papers and money, to be put on board the pinnace; but as she put off

from the ship’s side, a sea overset her, so that all was lost, with the

life of one man, and several others taken up for dead. The pinnace

likewise was dashed to pieces, to our great sorrow, as by that disaster,

one means of escaping from this dismal country, in case the Prosperous

deserted us was cut off. The long-boat being on board, and the sea

running high, the boatswain and some others would compel me and the

Lieutenant to leave the ship, saying it was impossible for her to live

long in that sea, and that they had rather be drowned than I; but

desiring me when I came on shore, if it were possible, to send the boat

again for them. Before we got half way to shore the ship overset, so

making all possible haste to land the men we had on board, I went off to

the ship again, to save those poor men who had been so kind to me

before. With great hazard I got to the quarter of the ship, and they

came down the ladder into the boat, only one man was left behind for

dead, who had before been cast away in the pinnace; so I returned to the

shore, though very wet and cold. We then hauled up the boat, and went up

the land about a flight shot, where our men were making a fire and a

tent with canvass and oars, which we had saved for that purpose, in

which we all lay that night wet and weary. The next morning the man we

left on board having recovered, got upon the mizzen-mast, and prayed to

be taken on shore, but it blew so hard, and the sea ran so high, that

tho’ he was a very pretty sailor, none would venture to bring him off.

The weather continuing blowing with extreme fogs, and with frost and

snow, and all the ill-compacted weather that could be imagined put

together, we built more tents to preserve ourselves; and the ship

breaking in pieces, came all on shore to the same place where we landed,

which served us for shelter and firing. Besides, there came to us some

hogsheads of flour, and brandy in good store, which was no little

comfort in our great extremity. We now lay between hope and despair,

praying for fair weather, that Captain Flawes might find us, which it

was impossible for him ever to do while the weather continued foggy; but

fearing at the same time that he might be cast away as well as we.

But supposing we never were to see him again, I was resolved to try the

utmost to save as many as I could in the long-boat. In order thereunto

we raised her two feet, and laid a deck upon her to keep the sea out as

much as possible; and with this boat, and thirty men, for she would

carry no more, I intended to row and sail to Russia, but the crew not

being satisfied who should be the men, began to be very unruly in their

mind and behaviour, every one having as much reason to save himself as

another, some holding consultation to save the boat, and all to run the

like fortune; but here brandy was our best friend, for it kept the men

always fox’d, so that in all their designs I could prevent them. Some

were in the mind to go by land, but that I knew was impossible to any

man; neither had we provisions nor ammunition to defend us from the wild

beasts; so the passage by land being impracticable, and no passage by

sea to be attempted till forty men were destroyed, I will leave it to

the consideration of any, whether we were not in a most deplorable

condition, without the interposition of divine providence.

The weather continued still very bad, with fogs, snow, rain, and frost,

till the 9th day of our being on shore, which was the 8th day of July,

when in the morning it cleared up, and to our great joy one of our

people cried out a sail, which proved Captain Flawes; so we set fire to

our town, that he might see where we were, which he presently

discovered, so came up, and sent his boat to us; but before I went off,

I wrote a brief relation of the intention of the voyage, with the

accident that had befallen us, and put it into a glass bottle, and left

it in the fortification I had there built; so by twelve o’clock we all

got safe on board, but left all on shore that we had saved from the

ship; for we much feared it would prove foggy again, and that we should

be driven once more on this miserable country; a country, for the most

part, covered perpetually with snow, and what is bare being like bogs,

on whose surface grows a kind of moss, bearing a blue and yellow flour,

the whole product of the earth in this desolate region. Under the

surface, about two feet deep, we came to a firm body of ice, a thing

never heard of before; and against the ice-cliffs, which are as high as

either of the forelands in Kent, the sea has washed underneath, and the

arch overhanging, most fearful to behold, supports mountains of snow,

which, I believe, hath lain there ever since the creation.”

Thus far in Captain Wood’s own words. He adds, that by the tides setting

directly in upon the shore, it may be affirmed with certainty, that

there is no passage to the northward. One thing remarkable in his

relation, and which seems to contradict the report of former navigators,

is, that the sea is there salter than he had yet tasted it elsewhere,

and the clearest in the world, for that he could see the shells at the

bottom, though the sea was four hundred and eighty feet deep.

Being all embarked on board the Prosperous, on the 9th of July they

changed their course, and steered for England; and, on the 23d of

August, they arrived safe in the Thames, without any remarkable accident

intervening.

After the miscarriage of this voyage, on which the highest expectations

had been formed, the most experienced navigators in England seemed to

agree, that a passage by the north, or north-east, had no existence.

They were the more confirmed in this error, for an error it is, by the

reasons assigned by Capt. Wood, for changing his opinion on this matter;

for, before he went upon the discovery, he was fully persuaded himself,

and likewise persuaded many others, that nothing was more certain. When,

however, he first saw the ice, he imagined it was only that which joined

to Greenland, and that no solid body of ice extended farther from land

than twenty leagues; in this persuasion he altered his course, and

coasted along in the direction in which the ice lay, expecting, at every

cape or head-land of ice, after running a certain distance, to find an

opening into the Polar ocean; but after running two or three glasses to

the northward in one bay, he found himself entangled in another; and

thus it continued till his ship was wrecked. By this experiment, he

found the opinion of Barents confuted, namely, “that by stearing the

middle course between Spitsbergen and Nova Zembla, an open sea might be

attained, in which a ship might safely sail as far as the pole.” From

his own experience, he therefore pronounced, that all the Dutch

relations were forgeries which asserted, that any man had ever been

under the pole; verily believing, that if there be no land to the

northward of 80 degrees, that the sea is there frozen, and always

continues so; and grounding his opinion upon this remark, that if the

body of ice which he saw were to be conveyed ten degrees more to the

southward, many centuries of years would elapse before it would be

melted.

To this positive assertion, however, may be opposed, the testimony of

many credible persons, some of whom have themselves sailed beyond the

80th degree of north latitude, and others, upon evidence, whose veracity

there is no reasonable cause to bring in question.

Among the latter, the testimony of Mr. Joseph Moxon, member of the Royal

Society of London, must have considerable weight. In a paper which this

gentleman caused to be printed in the Philosophical Transactions, is

this remarkable relation.

“Being about twenty years ago in Amsterdam, I went into a public house

to drink a cup of beer for my thirst; and sitting by the public fire,

among several people, there happened a seaman to come in, who seeing a

friend of his there, who he knew went the Greenland voyage, wondered to

see him, because it was not yet time for the Greenland fleet to come

home, and asked him, what accident had brought him home so soon? His

friend (who was the steersman) answered, that their ships went not out

to fish, but only to take in the lading of the fleet, to bring it to an

early market. But, said he, before the fleet had caught fish enough to

lade us, we, by order of the Greenland Company, sailed unto the north

pole, and came back again. Whereupon, says Moxon, I entered into

discourse with him, and seemed to question the truth of what he said;

but he did assure me it was true, and that the ship was then in

Amsterdam, and many of the seamen belonging to her ready to justify the

truth of it; and told me, moreover, that they had sailed two degrees

beyond the pole. I asked him, if they found no land or islands about the

pole? He answered, no; there was a free and open sea. I asked him, if

they did not meet with a great deal of ice? He told me, no; they saw no

ice about the pole. I asked him, what weather they had there? He told

me, fine warm weather, such as was at Amsterdam in the summer-time, and

as hot. I should have asked him more questions, but that he was engaged

in discourse with his friend, and I could not, in modesty, interrupt

them longer. But I believe the steersman spoke truth; for he seemed a

plain, honest, and unaffectatious person, and one who could have no

design upon me.”

To authenticate this relation it has been observed, that under the

poles, the sun in June being 23 degrees high, and having little or no

depression towards the horizon, always, as it were, swimming about in

the same elevation, might invigorate that part of the hemisphere with

more heat than he does our climate; when he is, in the winter, no more

than 15 degrees at the highest, and but eight hours above the horizon;

in which space the earth has time to cool, and to lose, in the night,

the influences of heat which it receives in the day.

Another report upon like evidence was made to King Charles the Second,

by Capt. Goulden, who being a Greenland whaler himself, spoke with two

Hollanders in the North Seas, that had sailed within one degree of the

pole, where they met with no ice, but a hollow grown sea, like that in

the Bay of Biscay.

A still more credible testimony is, that about the year 1670,

application being made to the States General for a charter to

incorporate a company of merchants to trade to Japan and China, by a new

passage to the north east; the then East India Company opposed it, and

that so effectually, that their High Mightinesses refused to grant what

the merchants requested.

At that time it was talked of in Holland, as a matter of no difficulty

to sail to Japan by the way of Greenland; and it was publickly asserted

and believed, that several Dutch ships had actually done it. The

merchants being required to verify this fact, desired that the journals

of the Greenland squadron of 1655 might be produced; in seven of which

there was notice taken of a ship which that year had sailed as high as

the latitude of 89; and three journals of that ship being produced, they

all agreed, as to one observation taken by the master, August 1, 1655,

in 88 degrees 56 minutes north.

But a proof incontestible, is the testimony of Captain Hudson, who

sailed in 1607 to the latitude of 81 degrees 30 minutes north, where he

arrived on the 16th of July, the weather being then pretty warm.

Add to all these, that the Dutch, who were employed in 1670, in

endeavouring to find a north-east passage, advanced within a very few

degrees of that open sea, which is now commonly navigated by the

Russians, and which would infallibly have brought them to the coasts of

China and Japan, had they persevered in the course they were pursuing.

It does not appear, however, from any authentic accounts that we can

collect, that any voyage, professedly for the discovery of a north-east

passage, has been undertaken by either public or private adventurers in

England, since that of Capt. Wood in the year 1670, till the present

year: and it is more than probable, that if the Russian discoveries on

the north of Asia had never taken place, the thoughts of finding a

practicable passage from Europe in that direction, would have lain

dormant for ever.

But the vast and enterprizing genius of Peter the Great, in forcing his

subjects out of that obscurity in which they had long been involved, has

opened to the maritime powers new sources of commerce, and furnished

fresh motives for new enterprizes. From a people unacquainted with a

vessel bigger than a bark, and who knew no navigation but that of their

own rivers, that wonderful Prince not only taught them the use of ships,

but instructed them in the true principles of building and equipping

them. Nay, he did more; for after making himself known and admired

throughout Europe, he conceived the design of opening a communication

with the remotest parts of the globe, and discovering to the world new

countries which no European nation had ever yet explored.

With this design, he planned one of the boldest enterprizes that ever

entered into the heart of man; and though he did not survive to see it

executed, the glory of the atchievement is wholly his.

The country of Kamschatka was as much unknown to his predecessors, as it

was to the rest of the civilized nations of the earth; yet he formed the

design of making that savage country the centre of the most glorious

atchievements.

It was in the last year of this great Monarch’s life, that he

commissioned Capt. Behring to traverse the wild, and then almost

desolate, country of Siberia, and to continue his route to Kamtschatka,

where he was to build one or more vessels, in order to discover whether

the country towards the north, of which at that time they had no

distinct knowledge, was a part of America, or not; and if it was, his

instructions authorized him to endeavour, by every possible means, to

seek and cultivate the acquaintance of some European people, and to

learn from them the state of the country at which he should arrive. If

he failed in this, he was to make such discoveries as circumstances

should present, and commit to writing the result of his observations for

the use of his Imperial master.

To enter minutely into the particulars of Capt. Behring’s journey and

voyage, would carry us beyond the limits prescribed for this

Introduction: let it suffice to say, that after surmounting incredible

difficulties, and suffering hardships which none but a Russian could

have survived, he executed his commission successfully, and returned to

Petersburg in safety, after an absence of five years, in which time,

besides his voyage by sea, he had travelled, in going and returning,

eighteen thousand miles by land.

It is from the second enterprizes of this astonishing man, and from the

subsequent voyages of the Russians, that we are able to ascertain the

existence of a north-east passage; and it is from thence, and from the

late voyage of Capt. Phipps, that, we think, we may fairly infer the

practicability of it.

It was some time about the year 1740, that Capt. Behring embarked on his

second voyage from Kamtschatka, of which all that we know is, that he

sailed southward to the isles of Japan, and from thence eastward about

80 leagues. At that distance from Japan he discovered land, which he

coasted north-west, still approaching to the north-east cape of Asia,

which he doubled, and named Cape Shelvghenski, not daring to land till

he arrived at the mouth of a great river, where, sending his boats with

most of his crew on shore, they never more returned, being either killed

or detained by the inhabitants, which made his discovery incompleat; for

not having men sufficient left to navigate the ship, she went on shore

on an uninhabited island, where the Captain unfortunately died.

From this voyage, however, we learn that the sea, from the north-east

cape of Kamtschatka, is open to the isles of Japan, and from a

subsequent account of Russian voyages, published in the Philosophical

Transactions, from a paper communicated by the celebrated Euler, it

appears, that they passed along in small vessels, coasting between Nova

Zembla and the continent, at divers times in the middle of summer, when

those seas were open. The first expedition was from the river Oby,

latitude 66 degrees north, longitude 65 degrees east from London, and at

the approach of winter, the vessels sheltered themselves by going up the

Janiska, the mouth of which is marked in our maps in latitude 70 degrees

north, and in longitude 82 degrees east; from whence the next summer

they proceeded to the mouth of the Lena in latitude 72 degrees north,

and in longitude 115 degrees, into which they again retired for the

winter season. The third expedition was from the month of this river, to

the farthest north cape of Asia, in 72 degrees of north latitude, and in

172 degrees of east longitude from London. Thus the Russians having

passed between the continent and Nova Zembla, and sailed as far as the

easternmost north cape, and the English and Dutch having repeatedly

sailed through the straits that divide Nova Zembla from the continent,

nothing can be a plainer demonstration of the reality of a north-east

passage, than the sum of the voyages here enumerated, when added

together. The English and Dutch sail to Wygatz, or the strait of Nova

Zembla; the Russians sail from Wygatz to the north cape of Asia; and

Behring from the north cape to Japan. This is an incontrovertible

demonstration; yet it is obvious, that this course can never be

practicable to ships employed in trade. The Russians, by taking the

advantage of an open sea and mild weather, in three years time

accomplished but part of a voyage, which, by the Cape of Good Hope, may

be made in less than one. Who therefore would run the hazard of so

desperate a passage, for the sake of reaping imaginary advantages by an

intercourse with savages, who, for aught we know, have nothing to

exchange for European commodities, but the skins of bears, or the bones

of monsters.

But tho’ the passage to the northern countries of the east was known to

be impracticable to European navigators in this direction, it was worthy

the greatness of a maritime people, to endeavour to determine the

possibility of attaining the same end by another course.

The miscarriage and death of Barentz, and the shipwreck of Capt. Wood,

had left the question undetermined, whether the regions adjoining to the

pole are land or water, frozen or open sea. The advantages from this

discovery, besides the glory resulting from it, had the decision

terminated in favour of navigation, would have been immensely great. To

have opened a new channel of commerce at a time when our trade is

languishing, would have revived the drooping hopes of our manufacturers,

and retained at home the numerous emigrants, who, for want of employment

in their own country, are seeking new habitations, and new means of

living in remote settlements, of the certainty of which they have no

experience.

It must be acknowledged to the lasting honour of the noble Lord who

presides at the head of the admiralty board, and who patronized the

undertaking, that the means to render it successful, was in every

respect proportioned to the importance of the discovery.

The vessels that were made choice of were the properest that could be

devised. Bomb ketches are in the first instance stoutly built, and not

being over large, are best adapted for navigating seas that are known to

abound with shoals and covered rocks: these vessels, besides their

natural strength, were sheathed with plank of seasoned oak three inches

thick, to fortify them against the shocks and pressure of the ice, that,

in their progress, they must infallibly encounter. They were, besides,

furnished with a double set of ice poles, anchors, cables, sails and

rigging, to provide against the terrible effects of the severe and

tempestuous weather, that frequently happens in high latitudes, even in

the middle of the most temperate seasons.

Nor was his Lordship less careful to provide for the comfortable

subsistance of the men, than for the preservation of their lives, by his

wise directions in equipping their ships. His first care was, to issue

orders for killing and curing a sufficient quantity of beef and pork in

the best manner possible, that their provisions might be good and fresh;

and his next, to cause one hundred buts of porter to be brewed with the

best malt and hops, that they might have proper drink to fortify them

against the rigour of the climate they were about to pass. Their pease,

oatmeal, rice and molossus, were all provided with equal care, and when

all things were in readiness, the beer was stowed in the holds, and the

vacancies filled up with coals, which served as ballast, that firing

might not be wanting to warm and dry them when cold, or wet with labour,

or with watching. Add to this, that a double quantity of spirits were

put on board, with a large proportion of wine, vinegar, mustard, &c. &c.

and what, we believe, was never before thought of in the fitting out of

any King’s ships, a considerable quantity of tea and sugar for the sick,

in case any should be seized with that dreadful disorder, which rendered

ship provisions loathsome to Capt. James’s men, who were constrained to

winter in Charlton Island in 1632. These men fell sick and had sore

mouths, and could neither eat beef, pork, fish, nor potage; the Surgeon

was every morning and evening obliged to pick their teeth, and cut away

the pieces of rotten flesh from their gums, yet they could eat nothing

but bread pounded in a mortar, and fried in oil, on which they subsisted

for several months. In case of accidents of this kind, and that tea

should fail to answer the purposes of nourishment, a quantity of

portable soup was likewise provided. And to compleat the whole, a stock

of warm cloathing was laid in, consisting of six fearnought jackets for

each man, two milled caps, two pair of fearnought trowsers, four pair of

milled stockings, and an excellent pair of boots, with a dozen pair of

milled mitts, two cotton shirts, and two handkerchiefs.

Thus equipped and provided, the command of the Race Horse was given to

the Hon. Constantine Phipps, as Commodore, and that of the Carcarse to

Capt. Skiffington Lutwych; the first mounting eight six pounders and

fourteen swivels, burthen three hundred and fifty tons; the latter four

six pounders and fourteen swivels, burthen three hundred tons.

Thus being premised, let us now proceed to the Journal of the Voyage.

JOURNAL OF A VOYAGE

TO DISCOVER THE

NORTH EAST PASSAGE;

UNDER THE COMMAND OF

THE HON. COMMODORE PHIPPS,

AND

CAPT. SKIFFINGTON LUTWYCH,

IN HIS

MAJESTY’S SHIPS RACE HORSE AND CARCASE BOMBS.

All things being now in readiness, the officers on board, and the men

paid their bounty-money of three pounds per man, according to his

Majesty’s royal proclamation, for the encouragement of those who should

voluntarily enter to undertake the voyage. On the 3d of June 1773, the

Commodore made the signal to weigh; but previous to their departure, the

Carcase having been judged too deep to navigate those heavy seas through

which she was to pass, the Captain obtained leave from the board of

Admiralty to re-land ten of her compliment of men, and to put ashore six

of the eight six-pounders with which she was equipped, with a quantity

of provisions, proportioned to the number of men that it had been

thought proper to discharge.

On Friday the 4th being off Sheerness, the wind west by north, and a

fresh breeze, they took their departure, and continued their voyage

without any material occurrence happening till Tuesday the 15th, when

the Commodore made the signal to lie to. They were then off Brassey

Island, and many fishing-boats from Shetland being in sight, the men

were invited on board, and some fish purchased of them at a cheap rate.

On the 17th they took a new departure from Shetland, but the day

following the fog thickened so much, that it almost approached to total

darkness. During the continuance of the fog, the Commodore kept firing

guns and beating drums, to prevent the Carcase from losing company. As

it was impossible that one could see the other at a ship’s length, it

was found the more necessary to repeat and return the firing, lest they

should run foul of each other before they could be apprized of their

danger. About five in the morning the mist cleared up, and about nine

the Commodore being in sight, made the signal to the Carcase to steer

north-east. They were then in latitude 60 degrees 52 minutes north by

observation; the north end of Shetland Island bearing north by west one

half west, seven or eight leagues.

On the 17th they observed a sail to the north-east, which the Commodore

brought to, and spoke with. The breeze fresh, the weather hazy, and the

wind variable, the Carcase carried away her main-top-mast studding sail

yard; which, however, was very soon supplied. Latitude this day by

observation 62 degrees 53 minutes north.

Friday the 18th, being in the latitude of 65 degrees 9 minutes north,

the cloathing allowed by the Government, of which notice has already

been taken in the Introduction, was delivered out, and officers as well

as men received their full proportion. This day the weather continued as

before.

Saturday the 19th the weather varied to every point of the compass, the

Commodore brought to, and spoke with the Carcase. Made sail about three

in the morning, and at nine a large swell. Tacked and stood to the

eastward. Latitude 66 degrees 1 minute north; longitude from London 33

minutes west.

Sunday the 20th they pursued their course to the eastward, with the wind

north-west, but variable; high breezes and clear air. They were now

within the Polar circle, and at midnight had an observation of the sun,

and found their latitude 66 degrees 52 minutes north. Sounded on board

the Commodore with a lead of one hundred weight, and a line of seven

hundred and eighty fathom, to which was fastened a thermometer of Lord

George Cavendish’s construction. They found no bottom, but the water was

eleven degrees colder at that depth than on the surface. The Carcase

sounded with four hundred and fifty fathoms only.

Monday 21, light breezes and cloudy weather. They observed a whale on

the north-east quarter, the first they had yet seen in the north seas.

The weather now began to set in severe; the nights cold and the days

cloudy. The Commodore observing a whaling snow with Hamborough colours

flying, fired a shot, and brought her to. She happened to be homeward

bound with seals, and Mr. Wyndham, a gentleman of fortune, who had

embarked on board the Commodore, with a view to prosecute the voyage,

finding nothing but foul weather and heavy seas, to gratify his

curiosity, and being withal unable to endure the sea sickness, took

passage on board the Hamburgher, in order to return home; and having

taken leave of his friends, by wishing them a happy voyage, the Snow’s

boat took him on board, about seven in the morning, and at eight the

Commodore and Carcase pursued their voyage.

Tuesday 22, the articles of war were read on board the Carcase. The

weather began to be piercing cold; they had reached the 70th degree of

north latitude, in a course nearly north, being only 14 minutes to the

eastward of London; and from their leaving Shetland to this day, they

had seen nothing remarkable; nor had any accident befallen either of the

ships worth relating, except that of now and then snapping a rope, or

breaking a yard; incidents easily repaired. This day it poured with

rain; the air was thick, and the rain froze as it fell. Saw a large ship

to the north-west, standing southward, but wanting no information that

she could give, they pursued their voyage without speaking to her.

[Illustration: SPITSBERGEN or NEW GREENLAND.]

Wednesday 23, the rain continued; the weather hazy; heard three guns

fire at a distance, but saw no ship or other object. The whales are here

in no great plenty, and few ships appear in the open sea in pursuit of

them. They generally at this season frequent the bays and creeks near

the shore, and only break away when they are pursued or wounded.

On Thursday the 24th, the Commodore changed his course to east

north-east; and on the 25th they were in latitude 74 degrees 7 minutes

north, and in 8 degrees 32 minutes east longitude from London. Served

out to the ship’s company plenty of mustard, pepper, vinegar, &c. The

weather extremely cold and variable. At eight in the evening thick fog;

at two in the morning fresh breezes; at eight clear weather; at eleven

squally; and at noon calm, with sleet and snow.

On Saturday the 26th, at midnight, they had an observation, and found

themselves in latitude 74 degrees 17 minutes north; fresh gales,

sometimes rain, sleet, and snow; at seven in the morning clear weather

and an open sea.

Sunday 27, light airs from the southward, and cloudy weather; much

warmer than the preceding day. It is remarkable, that the vicissitudes

of heat and cold are more frequent here than in the more southerly

latitudes. It often changes from temperate to extreme cold; and that

suddenly.

It should seem likewise, that the ice frequently changes its place in

this latitude; or that it is more solid near land than in the open sea;

for, on the 23d of June 1676, Capt. Wood, being more to the eastward,

fell in with ice right a-head, not more than a league distant. He

steered along it, thinking it had openings, but found them to be bays.

He sounded, and found ground at one hundred and fifty-eight fathom, soft

green oar. In some places he found pieces of ice driving off a mile from

the main body in strange shapes, resembling ships, trees, buildings,

beasts, fishes, and even men. The main body of ice being low and craggy,

he could see hills of a blue colour at a distance, and valleys that were

white as snow. In some places he observed drift wood among the ice. Some

of the ice he melted, and found it fresh and good. This navigator never

could advance farther to the north; but in seeking to penetrate the ice

was ship-wrecked, as has been already related in the Introduction. He

therefore judged the ice impenetrable, and that land or ice surrounded

the pole. Our navigators found also much wood in this latitude floating

about the ships, and saw great flocks of birds.

Monday 28, the weather altered; the wind west. Fresh breezes, with rain

and sleet. Latter part thick fog.

Tuesday 29, being in latitude 78 degrees north, and in longitude 6

degrees 29 minutes east from London, came in sight of land, when the

ships brought to, and the Captains held a consultation concerning their

future course. The appearance of the land lay from east south-east to

north-east; and this day they spoke with the Marquis of Rockingham,

Greenlandman, who, by their reckoning, were then in latitude 79 degrees

40 minutes north, though by that of the Commodore, their latitude was

only 78 degrees 3 minutes. This difference, it is probable, arises from

not making the proper allowance for refraction in this high latitude.

The Greenlandman presented each of the Commanders with a deer and a

half, which they found well-flavoured venison, though not over fat. He

likewise informed, that he had just come from the ice, and that the day

before, three whalers had been crushed to pieces by its closing upon

them suddenly.

Wednesday 30, pursued their course. Cloudy weather. Half past four in

the morning sounded, one hundred and twelve fathoms soft blue mud. At

this time Black Point, so called from its dark appearance, bore

north-east by east three quarters east, at the distance of seven or

eight leagues. At half past seven, in the morning, saw two sail in the

north-west quarter. At half past twelve tacked and stood to the east.

Sounded, and found ground at one hundred and fifteen fathom.

Thursday July 1, light breezes and clear weather at midnight: the sun as

bright as at noon day. Black Point east one half south, distant seven

leagues. At three in the morning made Charles’s Island, and at nine saw

a sail to the westward whaleing; they were then in latitude 78 degrees

18 minutes north, by observation. Sounded, and found the same depth as

before.

Friday 2, light airs and moderate weather. Lay to and took the altitude

of a mountain, which they named Mount Parnassus; found it from the level

of the sea to be three thousand nine hundred and sixty feet high,

covered with snow, and at a distance resembling an ancient building,

with something like a turret a-top. The foot of this mountain, with the

hills adjoining, have sometimes a very fiery appearance, and the ice and

snow on their sides resembling trees and shrubs, glissen with a

brilliancy that exceed the splendor of the brightest gems. When this

happens, a violent storm generally succeeds. Here they shot some sea

fowl, but of an oily taste.

Saturday 3, proved a perfect calm. They spoke with a Hollander, who

foretold, that a degree or two farther north was the utmost extent of

their progress this season. Having doubled Cape Cold, they anchored in

fifteen fathom water, about three miles from the land, and sent the

boats ashore for water, which they found in abundance, pouring down in

little streams from the rocks. At five in the afternoon, by the mean of

four azimuths, the variation was found to be 18 degrees 36 minutes west.

Sounded, and found only sixty-five fathoms, soft brown mud. Mount

Parnassus east-north-east three or four leagues.--Among other reasons

which Capt. Wood gave for wishing to be employed on the discovery of the

north-east passage, one was, that he might have an opportunity of

approaching the pole, in order to settle an hypothesis, which he had

long framed, whereby the inclination of the magnetical needle under the

horizon, in all latitudes and in all longitudes, with the variation of

the compass, might be exactly determined. This navigator imagined two

magnetical poles to exist; and that, by approaching the one, he should

be able to determine the action of the other. It does not appear, that

he ever explained his hypothesis; and there never has been but one man,

whose name was Williams, since his time, who pretended to know any thing

of the matter.

Saturday 4, light breezes and hazey weather. Sounded, and only twenty

fathoms deep; rocky ground. Hacluit’s Headland, or the northernmost

point of Spitsbergen, bearing north by east seven leagues. Many whalers

in sight. Latitude by observation 79 degrees 34 minutes north, longitude

from London 8 degrees 10 minutes east. Thermometer forty-seven.

Monday 5, at two in the afternoon sounded, and only fifteen fathom

water; rocky ground. Thick fog. The Race Horse fired guns as signals to

keep company, which were answered by the Carcase. A dreadful crackling

was heard at a distance, which proved the dashing and grinding of the

loose pieces of ice against each other, which is heard at many leagues

distance. Hacluit’s Headland south-east by south, distance six or seven

leagues.

Tuesday 6, proved very foggy, the breezes slight, and islands of ice

beginning to appear. At three in the afternoon the Commodore hauled up

from a large body of packed ice, and the fog thickening, both ships kept

firing volleys of small arms, to prevent their losing company. At half

past ten in the evening, the extremes of the ice stretching from

north-west to east-north-east, the Commodore bore away; and at half past

twelve lost sight of it. At half past one in the morning heard a violent

surf to the south-east. At two tacked and stood to the westward. At half

past five the fog gathering, they began firing volleys of small arms. At

six saw the ice stretching from east by south, to north by east; and at

seven was within sight of land. At ten Cloven Cliff stood

east-south-east, distant about five or six leagues.

Wednesday the 7th, the weather cloudy. They found themselves beset among

the loose ice, which increasing continually, gave them incredible

trouble. Observing that it thickened to the eastward, they hauled up,

and stood to the westward; but in tacking, they were in danger of

running foul. It was with difficulty they could keep any course, for the

driffs of ice came so thick, as to whirl the ships about, as if in a

whirl-pool.

Thursday 8, the weather still remaining cloudy, and the wind variable,

both ships still were entangled in the ice; and the Carcase being driven

to leeward, hoisted out her long-boat to tow up with the Commodore. But

the ice closing very fast, it was impossible for the boats to live.

Orders were then given to tack and stand to the southward; but the ships

not being able to make head against the accumulation of ice that

continually gathered round them, were under a necessity of applying to

their ice-anchors and poles, in order to warp through it. At half past

eight in the evening, the ice beginning to open, they again hoisted out

their boats, and with difficulty towed the ships round a cape of ice

projecting from the main body, and at last got clear. At ten the boats

were hoisted on board. In extricating themselves from this dangerous

situation, the Race Horse had her best bower-anchor snapt in the shank,

close to the stock, and the Carcase lost her starboard bumpkin and

head-rails.

It frequently happens, that ships beset among the ice in the manner

above related, perish by being dashed to pieces against the solid fields

of ice, or crushed by the broken pieces crowding upon one another, and

rising so fast about the ship, as to exceed the height of her sides, and

then there is no escaping. They were told by some experienced seamen,

that the ice rises out of the sea as high sometimes as mountains; and

that several of these mountains, by striking together and coalescing,

form these islands of ice that are frequently seen in the lower

latitudes, driving up and down the sea as the wind and tides direct

them.

The greatest danger to be apprehended, is, however, from the loose ice;

for the whalers often moor their ships to the solid fields of ice, that

at certain seasons seem to rest upon the earth, and appear fixed to it,

and there find the best fishing. In such situations it often happens,

that little or no loose ice is to be seen; yet presently upon a change

of wind, or the blowing of a storm, it shall pour in upon them so

suddenly, that they sometimes perish in it. It is not possible to

account for the astonishing quantity that will gather in this manner in

less than an hour’s time.

[Illustration: _A View of the Whale Fishery._]

Though it seems to be agreed, that many of the largest fields of ice are

frozen to the depth of the sea in which they are found, and that they

are bedded on the solid earth, yet it is equally certain, that they are

often rent asunder by the raging billows; and that in breaking, they

produce the most terrifying noise in nature; nay, it is asserted, that

the clashing of the pieces of loose ice against each other, on any

extraordinary agitation of the waves, is attended with a roaring so

loud, that a man who is near it can hardly hear the sound of his own

voice.

Friday the 9th, they hauled up to the westward, and lost sight one of

the other; but about nine next morning they came in sight, and joined

company. The weather being now piercing cold, the people had an

additional quantity of porter and brandy delivered to them; two quarts

of porter and a pint of brandy being now every man’s daily allowance.

Saturday July the 10th, the breeze fresh, and the weather cloudy. They

sailed between numberless pieces of ice, among which they saw several

whales, but none of the whalers in pursuit of them. The ice now becoming

solid and compact, they found it impracticable to continue their course.

And the discovery of a passage to the pole in that direction (upon

holding a consultation) appearing impracticable to every officer on

board of both ships, the Commodore, at seven in the evening, hauled

close to the wind; and the Carcase, as soon as she could extricate

herself, followed his example. The weather continuing foggy, with rain

and snow, the sailors were almost worn out with turning and winding; and

although they used the utmost precaution in working through the narrows,

yet they could not always avoid striking against the mountains that

every where surrounded them. During this night’s work, they steered a

hundred different courses, to follow the channels.

Sunday 11, having worked out of the ice, they sailed along the main

body, which appeared perfectly solid and compact, without any passage or

inlet. This immense mass of ice extended north-east, as far as they

could see from the mast-head; and, no doubt, might be a continuation of

that in which they were engaged a few days before. The sea was now

tolerably clear, for they met with no more fields, and only a few

detached islands. At half past one in the morning they saw the land from

south by west, to south-south-east. At three in the morning they tacked;

Cloven Cliff bearing south-south-east six miles. At seven tacked again.

At eight the Commodore bore away, and the Carcase stood after him.

Cloven Cliff south one half west, two or three leagues, latitude 79

degrees 56 minutes north.