The people of Rome when informed of the defeat were grieved and

lamented both for themselves and for the lost. They were in sore

straits and tore down the bridges over the Tiber, save one, and

proceeded hurriedly to repair their walls, which were weak in many

places. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^9] WISHING TO HAVE A DICTATOR READY, THEY

HAD PROCLAIMED ONE IN ASSEMBLY. SATISFIED IF THEY THEMSELVES ONLY

SHOULD BE SAVED, THEY HAD DESPATCHED NO AID TO THE ALLIES. BUT NOW,

LEARNING THAT HANNIBAL HAD SET OUT INTO CAMPANIA, THEY DETERMINED TO

ASSIST THE ALLIES ALSO. To Hannibal they opposed the dictator Fabius

and the master of horse Marcus Minucius. These leaders set out in his

direction but did not come into close quarters with him. They followed

and kept him in view in the hope that a favorable opportunity for

battle might possibly befall. Fabius was unwilling to risk a conflict

with cowed and beaten soldiers against a greater number who had been

victorious. Furthermore he hoped that the more his foes should injure

the country, the sooner would they be in want of food. Calculating in

this way he did not defend Campania nor any other district. For these

reasons he confined hostilities entirely within Campania; unknown to

the enemy he had surrounded them on every side and now kept guard over

them. He himself secured an abundance of provisions both from the sea

and from the territory of allies, but the invaders, he knew, had only

the products of the land which they were devastating to depend upon.

Therefore he waited and did not mind the delay. Hence also he was

blamed by his fellow-citizens and was even given the name of The

Delayer.

VIII, 26.--When it came to be nearly winter and Hannibal could not

pass that season where he was owing to a lack of the necessities of

life and had been checked in many attempts to get out of Campania, he

devised a plan of this kind. He first slew all the captives, that no

one of them might escape and acquaint the Romans with what was being

done. Then he gathered the cattle which were in camp, affixed torches

to their horns, and went at nightfall to the mountains forming the

boundary of Samnium, where he lighted the torches and threw the cattle

into a fright. They, maddened by the fire and the driving, set fire to

the forest in many places and consequently rendered it easy for

Hannibal to cross the mountains. The Romans in the plain as well as

those on the heights dreaded an ambuscade and would not budge. Thus

Hannibal got across and made his way into Samnium.

Fabius, ascertaining the next day what had been done, gave chase and

routed those left behind on the road to hinder his men's progress,

afterward defeating also troops that came to the assistance of the

first party. He then encamped not far from the enemy, yet would not

come into conflict with them. However, he prevented them from

scattering and foraging, so that Hannibal in perplexity at first

started for Rome. As Fabius would not fight, but quietly accompanied

him, he again turned back into Samnium. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^10] AND

FABIUS FOLLOWING ON CONTINUED TO BESIEGE HIM FROM A SAFE DISTANCE,

BEING ANXIOUS NOT TO LOSE ANY OF HIS OWN TROOPS, especially since he

could obtain necessities in abundance, whereas he saw that his foe

actually possessed nothing outside of his weapons and that no

assistance was sent to him from home. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^11] FOR THE

CARTHAGINIANS WERE DISPOSED TO MAKE SPORT OF HIM IN THAT HE WROTE OF

HIS SPLENDID PROGRESS AND HIS MANY SUCCESSES AND IN THE SAME BREATH

ASKED SOLDIERS OF THEM AND MONEY. THEY SAID THAT HIS REQUESTS WERE NOT

IN ACCORD WITH HIS SUCCESSES: CONQUERORS OUGHT TO FIND THEIR ARMY

SUFFICIENT, AND TO FORWARD MONEY TO THEIR HOMES INSTEAD OF DEMANDING

MORE.

As long as Fabius was in the field, no disaster happened to the

Romans, but when he started for Rome on some public business, they met

with a setback. Rufus, his master of horse, was only a young man and

therefore full of empty conceit; he was not observant of the errors of

warfare and was wearied by the delays of Fabius: hence, when he once

held the leadership of the army alone, he disregarded the injunctions

of the dictator and hastened to bring on a set battle, in which at

first he seemed to be victorious, but was soon defeated. Indeed, he

would have been utterly destroyed, had not some Samnites arrived by

chance to aid the Romans and impressed the Carthaginians with the idea

that Fabius was approaching. When for this reason they retired he

thought that he had vanquished them and sent messages to Rome

magnifying his exploit and also slandering the dictator; he called

Fabius timorous and hesitating and a sympathizer with the enemy.

The people of Rome believed that Rufus had really conquered, and in

view of this unexpected encouragement they commended and honored him.

They were suspicious of Fabius both because of the outcome and because

he had not ravaged his own land in Campania, and it would have taken

but little to make them depose him from his command. However, as they

believed him useful, [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^14] THEY DID NOT DEPOSE HIM

BUT THEY ASSIGNED EQUAL POWER TO HIS MASTER OF HORSE SO THAT BOTH HELD

COMMAND ON AN EQUAL FOOTING. WHEN THIS HAD BEEN DECREED, FABIUS

HARBORED NO WRATH AGAINST EITHER THE CITIZENS OR RUFUS; BUT RUFUS, WHO

HAD NOT SHOWN THE RIGHT SPIRIT IN THE FIRST PLACE, WAS NOW ESPECIALLY

PUFFED UP AND COULD NOT CONTAIN HIMSELF. HE KEPT ASKING FOR THE RIGHT

TO HOLD SOLE SWAY A DAY AT A TIME, OR FOR SEVERAL DAYS ALTERNATELY.

FABIUS, POSSESSED WITH DREAD THAT HE MIGHT WORK SOME HARM IF HE SHOULD

GET POSSESSION OF THE UNDIVIDED POWER, WOULD NOT CONSENT TO EITHER

PLAN OF HIS, BUT DIVIDED THE ARMY IN SUCH A WAY THAT THEY EACH, THE

SAME AS THE CONSULS, HAD A SEPARATE FORCE. AND IMMEDIATELY RUFUS

ENCAMPED APART, IN ORDER TO ILLUSTRATE THE FACT THAT HE WAS HOLDING

SWAY IN HIS OWN RIGHT AND NOT SUBJECT TO THE DICTATOR. Hannibal,

accordingly, perceiving this came up as if to seize a position, and

drew him into battle. He then encompassed him about by means of an

ambuscade and plunged him into danger, to such an extent, indeed, that

he would have annihilated his entire army, if Fabius had not assailed

Hannibal in the rear and prevented it.

After this experience [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^16] RUFUS ALTERED HIS

ATTITUDE, LED THE REMNANT OF THE ARMY IMMEDIATELY INTO FABIUS'S

QUARTERS AND LAID DOWN HIS COMMAND. HE DID NOT WAIT FOR THE PEOPLE TO

REVOKE IT, BUT VOLUNTARILY GAVE UP THE LEADERSHIP WHICH HE, A MERE

MASTER OF THE HORSE, HAD OBTAINED FROM HIS SUPERIOR. AND FOR THIS ALL

PRAISED HIM. AND FABIUS AT ONCE, NOTHING DOUBTING, ACCEPTED ENTIRE

CONTROL AND THE PEOPLE SANCTIONED IT. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^17]

THEREAFTER AS HEAD OF THE ARMY HE AFFORDED GREATEST SECURITY, AND WHEN

ABOUT TO RETIRE FROM OFFICE SENT FOR THE CONSULS, SURRENDERED THE ARMY

TO THEM, AND ADVISED THEM VERY FULLY REGARDING ALL THE DETAILS OF WHAT

MUST BE DONE. AND THEY WERE NOT UNDULY BOLD, BUT ACTED ENTIRELY ON THE

SUGGESTION OF FABIUS, notwithstanding that Geminus had had some

previous success. He had seen the Carthaginian fleet at anchor off

Italy but not venturing to display any hostility because of the Roman

ability to meet it, and he had started on a retaliatory voyage, first

making sure the good conduct of the Corsicans and Sardinians by a

cruise past their coasts; he had then landed in Libya and plundered

the shore district. In spite of this achievement he was not so puffed

up by it as to risk a decisive engagement with Hannibal, but was

willing to abide by the injunctions of Fabius. One consequence was

that the cities were no longer found siding with the Carthaginians, as

they had done; for they feared that Hannibal would be driven out of

Italy and they themselves suffer some calamity at the hands of the

Romans since they were their kinsmen. The majority were engaged in

trying to read the future, but a few again espoused the Roman cause,

and some sent them offerings. And though Hiero often sent grain (and

also sent a statue of Victory), the Romans accepted it only once. Yet

they were in such hard straits for money that the silver coinage which

was previously unalloyed and pure was now mixed with copper.

IX, 1.--All this is what took place in Italy at that period. Some

slaves also formed a conspiracy against Rome, but were apprehended in

advance. And a spy caught in the city had his hands cut off and was

released that he might tell the Carthaginians his experience with his

own lips.--In Spain in a sea-fight near the mouth of the Iber Scipio

was victorious; for when the struggle proved to be too even, the sails

were cut down in order that the men being placed in a desperate

position might struggle more zealously. He also ravaged the country,

got possession of numerous fortresses and through his brother Publius

Scipio gained control of some Spanish cities. A Spaniard named Habelux

affecting loyalty to the Carthaginians but in reality in the Roman

service persuaded the Carthaginian guardian of the Spanish hostages to

send them to their homes, in order that they might use their influence

to bring their cities into friendly relations. Habelux naturally took

charge of them, inasmuch as he had been the one to suggest the idea,

but first sent to the Scipios and held a discussion about what he

desired; then, while he was secretly taking the hostages away by

night, he of course got captured. In this way it was the Romans who

obtained possession of these men and acquired control of their native

states by returning them to their homes.

_(BOOK 15, BOISSEVAIN.)_

[Sidenote: B.C. 216 (_a.u._ 538)] Though in these matters they were

fortunate, they encountered elsewhere a fearful disaster, than which

they never suffered one more terrible either earlier or subsequently.

It was preceded by certain portents and the solemn verses of the Sibyl

which had prophesied the disaster to them so many years before.

Remarkable was also the prediction of Marcius. He also was a

soothsayer and it was his rede that, inasmuch as they were Trojans of

old, they should be overthrown in the Plain of Diomed. This was in

Daunian Apulia and took its name from the settlement of Diomed, which

he made there in the course of his wanderings. In that plain is also

Cannae, where the present misfortune occurred, close to the Ionian Gulf

and near the mouths of the Aufidus. The Sibyl had urged them to beware

of the spot, yet said it would avail them naught, even if they should

keep it under strictest guard.

Such were the oracular utterances: now what befell the Romans was

this. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^21] THE COMMANDERS WERE AEMILIUS PAULUS AND

TERENTIUS VARRO, MEN NOT OF SIMILAR TEMPERAMENT. FOR THE ONE WAS A

PATRICIAN, POSSESSED OF THE GRACES OF EDUCATION, AND ESTEEMED SAFETY

BEFORE HASTE: BUT TERENTIUS HAD BEEN BROUGHT UP AMONG THE RABBLE, WAS

PRACTICED IN VULGAR BRAVADO, AND SO DISPLAYED LACK OF PRUDENCE IN

NEARLY ALL RESPECTS, THINKING, FOR INSTANCE, THAT HE ALONE SHOULD HAVE

THE LEADERSHIP IN VIEW OF THE QUIET BEHAVIOR OF HIS COLLEAGUE. NOW

THEY BOTH REACHED THE CAMP AT A MOST OPPORTUNE TIME: HANNIBAL HAD NO

LONGER ANY PROVENDER; SPAIN WAS IN TURMOIL; THE AFFECTION OF THE

ALLIES WAS BEING ALIENATED FROM HIM; AND IF THEY HAD WAITED FOR EVEN

THE BRIEFEST POSSIBLE PERIOD, THEY WOULD HAVE CONQUERED. AS MATTERS

WENT, HOWEVER, THE RECKLESSNESS OF TERENTIUS AND THE SUBMISSIVENESS OF

PAULUS COMPASSED THEIR DEFEAT. Hannibal attempted to lead them into a

conflict at once, and with a few followers drew near their stronghold:

then, when a sortie was made, he purposely fell back to create the

impression of being afraid and so drew them the more surely into a set

battle. But, as Paulus restrained his own soldiers from pursuit,

Hannibal simulated terror and that night packed up as if to depart;

and he left behind him numerous articles lying within the palisade and

ordered the rest of the baggage to be escorted with a considerable

show of carelessness so as to make the Romans devote their attention

to plundering it and give him thereby a chance to attack them. He

would have translated his wish into fact, if Paulus had not held back

his soldiers, in spite of their reluctance, and held back Terentius as

well.

So Hannibal, having failed in this essay also, came by night to Cannae,

and since he knew the place as one fit for ambuscades and for a

pitched battle, he encamped there. And first he ploughed the whole

site over, because it had a sandy subsoil and his object was to have a

cloud of dust raised in the conflict; the wind generally springs up

there in summer toward noon, and he contrived to get it behind his

back. The consuls seeing at dawn that his stockade was empty of men at

first waited, apprehending ambush, but later in the broad daylight

came to Cannae. Each of the Roman leaders bivouacked apart beside the

river, for since they were not congenial they avoided association

together. Paulus remained quiet, but Terentius was anxious to force

the issue; when he saw, however, that the soldiers were rather

listless, he gave up the idea. But Hannibal, who was determined to

goad them into battle even against their will, shut them off from

their sources of water, prevented their scattering into small parties,

and threw the bodies of the slain into the stream above their

intrenchments and in plain sight, in order to disgust them with the

drinking supply. Then the Romans started to array themselves for

battle. Hannibal anticipating this movement had planted ambuscades at

the foot of the hills but held the remainder of his army drawn up. He

also ordered some men at a given signal to simulate desertion; they

were to throw away their shields and spears and larger swords but

secretly to retain their daggers, so that after his antagonists had

received them as unarmed, they might attack them unexpectedly.

The Romans having had in view since early morning the troops arrayed

about Hannibal were now arming themselves and taking their places. The

trumpets incited both parties, the signals were raised, and then

ensued the clash of battle and a contest which assumed a variety of

aspects. Until noon the advantage had not fallen distinctly to either

side. Then the wind came up and the false deserters were received as

men destitute of arms and got behind the Romans, alleging the very

natural reason that they wanted to be out of the way of the

Carthaginian attack. At this moment the men rose from ambush on both

sides, Hannibal with his cavalry charged the front ranks, the enemy

confused the Romans on every hand, the wind and the dust cloud

assailed their faces violently, causing perplexity, and interfered

with their breathing, which was already growing quick and labored from

exertion, so that deprived of sight, deprived of voice, they perished

in a wild melee, preserving no semblance of order. So great a

multitude fell that Hannibal did not even try to find out the number

of the common people, and in regard to the number of the knights and

members of the senate he did not write to the Carthaginians at home

but indicated it by the finger-rings; these he measured off by the

quart and sent away. Only the senators and the knights wore

finger-rings. Yet after all a number made good their escape even on

this occasion, among them Terentius; Paulus was killed. Hannibal did

not pursue nor did he hasten to Rome. He might have set out at once

for Rome with either his entire army or at least a portion of it and

have quickly ended the war; yet he did not do so, although Maharbal

urged him to do so. Hence he was censured as being able to win

victories but not understanding how to use them. Since they had

delayed this time, they could never again have an opportunity to make

haste. Therefore Hannibal regretted it, feeling that he had committed

a blunder, and was ever crying out: "Oh Cannae, Cannae!"

IX, 2.--The Romans, who had been in such imminent danger of being

destroyed, won back their superiority through Scipio. He was a son of

the Publius Scipio in Spain, and had saved the life of his father when

the latter was wounded: [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^24] HE WAS AT THIS TIME

SERVING IN THE ARMY, HAD FLED TO CANUSIUM, AND LATER ACHIEVED RENOWN.

BY COMMON CONSENT OF THE FUGITIVES ASSEMBLED AT CANUSIUM HE RECEIVED

THE LEADERSHIP, SET IN ORDER AFFAIRS AT THAT PLACE, SENT GARRISONS TO

THE REGIONS IN PROXIMITY, AND BOTH PLANNED AND EXECUTED ALL MEASURES

WELL.

The people of Rome heard of the defeat but did not believe it. When

they at last came to believe it, they were filled with sorrow and met

in the senate-house, but were ready to break up without accomplishing

anything, when finally Fabius proposed that they send scouts to bring

a report of what had really happened and what Hannibal was doing. He

advised them not to lament but to go about in silence that the

necessary measures might be taken, and furthermore to collect as large

a force as they might and to call upon adjoining settlements for aid.

After this, upon learning that Hannibal was in Apulia and receiving a

letter from Terentius stating that he was alive and what he was doing,

they recovered a little of their courage. Marcus Junius was named

dictator and Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus master of the horse.

Immediately they enrolled not only those of the citizens who were in

their prime but also those even who were past the fighting age; they

added to their forces prisoners on promise of pardon and slaves on

promise of freedom and a brigand here and there; moreover they called

on their allies to help, reminding them of any kindness ever shown

them and promising in addition to give to some of them grain, to

others money, as they had never done before; they also sent emissaries

to Greece to either persuade or hire men to serve as their allies.

Hannibal, learning that the Romans had united their troops and were

engaged in preparations, still delayed at Cannae despairing of a

capture by assault. Of the captives he released the allied contingent

without ransom as before, but the Romans he kept, hoping to dispose of

them by sale, since this would make him better off but the Romans

worse off. When no one came from Rome in quest of the captives, he

ordered them to send some of their number home after ransom, provided

they had first taken oath to return. When even then the Romans refused

to ransom them, he shipped those who were of any value to Carthage,

and of the rest he put some to death after maltreating them and forced

the others to fight as gladiators, pitting friends and relatives

against each other. Those who were sent for ransom returned in order

to be true to their oaths, but later fled. They were disfranchised by

the censors and committed suicide.

Hannibal sent his brother Mago to report the victory to the

Carthaginians and to ask them for money and troops. He on his arrival

counted over the rings and described the success naturally in even

more glowing terms than it deserved; everything that he asked was

voted and they would not listen to Hanno who opposed it and advised

them to end the war while they seemed to have the upper hand. However,

they never put their vote into effect, but delayed. Hannibal

meanwhile had advanced into Campania, had seized a Samnite fortress,

and marched upon Neapolis. He sent before him a few soldiers with the

booty and when the people of the city, thinking them alone, rushed out

upon them, he unexpectedly appeared in person and slew a large number.

He did not capture the city, nor did he lay siege to it for long. The

reason will presently be plain. Of the Campanian inhabitants of Capua

a part clung to Roman friendship, but others favored Hannibal. After

his success at Cannae and when some of their men taken captive had been

released the populace was clamorous to revolt to Hannibal, but the men

of rank waited for some time. Finally the crowd made a rush upon them

as they were assembled in the senate-house and would have made away

with them all but for the action of some one of the crowd who saw how

great a misfortune this would be. This person denounced the senators

as by all means deserving to perish, but said that they ought first to

choose others to fill their places, for the State could not endure

without some men to concert measures for them. Having gained the

assent of the Capuan people he ejected each one of them from the

senate-house, asking the populace, as he did so, whom they chose in

his place. Thus, as they found themselves unable to choose others on

short notice, they let all the old senators go unharmed, because they

appeared to be necessary. Later they became reconciled with one

another and made peace with Hannibal. This is why he quickly retired

from Neapolis and came to Capua. He held a conference with the people

and made many attractive offers, among other things promising to give

them the supreme direction of Italy; for he was anxious that they

should be animated by hope and, feeling that they would be working for

themselves, develop greater zeal in the struggle.

At the revolt of Capua the rest of Campania also became restive, and

the news of the town's secession troubled the Romans. As for Hannibal,

he started on a campaign against the Nucerini. Under stress of siege

and owing to lack of food they thrust out that portion of the

population which was not available for fighting. Hannibal would not

receive them, however, and gave them assurance of safety only in case

they should go back to the city. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^25] THEREFORE THE

REST ALSO AGREED TO LEAVE THE CITY CARRYING ONE CHANGE OF CLOTHING. AS

SOON, HOWEVER, AS HANNIBAL WAS MASTER OF THE SITUATION, HE SHUT THE

SENATORS INTO BATH-HOUSES AND SUFFOCATED THEM, AND IN THE CASE OF THE

OTHERS, ALTHOUGH HE HAD TOLD THEM TO GO AWAY WHERE THEY PLEASED, HE

CUT DOWN ON THE ROAD MANY EVEN OF THEM. A NUMBER OF THEM SAVED THEIR

LIVES ONLY BY TAKING REFUGE IN THE WOODS. THEREUPON THE REST BECAME

AFRAID AND WOULD NO LONGER COME TO TERMS WITH HIM, BUT RESISTED WHILE

THEY WERE ABLE. The people of Nola were planning to range themselves

under his banner, but when they saw what had been done to their

countrymen, they quietly let Marcellus in and later repulsed Hannibal

when he assaulted their city. Repelled from Nola he captured the

people of Acerrae by starving them out. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^29] HE

MADE THE SAME TERMS WITH THEM AS WITH THE DWELLERS IN NUCERIA AND ALSO

ACCORDED THEM THE SAME TREATMENT. After that he directed his forces

against Casilinum in which Romans and about a thousand of the allies

had taken refuge. These put to death the native citizens who were

meditating how to betray them, repulsed Hannibal several times and

held out nobly against hunger. When food was failing them they sent a

man across the river on an inflated skin to inform the dictator. The

latter put jars filled with wheat into the river at night and bade

them keep their eyes on the current in the darkness. For a while he

thus supplied them with nutriment without being discovered, but

eventually a jar was dashed against some obstacle and shattered; then

the Carthaginians became aware of what was going on and put chains

across the river. After a number had perished of hunger and of their

wounds, they abandoned one half of the city, cut down the bridge, and

held out in the other half. They now threw turnip seed from the wall

upon a spot outside, doing this in order to alarm the enemy and make

them believe that they were likely to endure for a long time.

Hannibal, indeed, thinking that they must have plenty of food and

astonished at their endurance invited them to capitulate and released

them for money. The Romans outside were glad to ransom them, and more

than that they showed them honor.

IX, 3.--While these events took place the messengers returned from

Delphi saying that the Pythia admonished them to shake off sloth and

devote themselves to the war. Then they were filled with new

strength. They overtook Hannibal and encamped near him so as to watch

his movements. Junius the dictator ordered the Romans to do exactly as

the Carthaginians were commanded to do. So they took their food and

sleep at the same time, visited the sentries in the same manner, and

were doing everything else in similar fashion. When Hannibal

understood the situation, he waited for a stormy night and announced

to some of his soldiers a skirmish for after nightfall. Junius did the

same thing. Thereupon Hannibal ordered different detachments to attack

him in succession at different times in order that his opponent might

be involved in constant labor as a result of sleeplessness and the

storm. He himself rested with the troops not in action. When day was

about to break, he recalled the army, as was expected, and the Romans

put away their weapons and retired to rest; then all of a sudden he

attacked them, with the result that he killed a number and captured

the entrenchments, which were deserted.

Conditions in Sicily and Sardinia grew unsettled but did not receive

any consideration at the hands of the Romans. [Sidenote: B.C. 215

(_a.u._ 539)] The consuls chosen were Gracchus, previously master of

the horse, and Postumius Albinus. Albinus was ambuscaded and destroyed

with his entire army by the Boii as he was traversing a wooded

mountain. The barbarians cut off his head, scooped out the interior

and after gilding it used it for a bowl in their sacred

ceremonials.--Portents occurred at this time. A cow brought forth a

horse and fire shone out at sea. The consuls Gracchus and Fabius

encamped and kept watch of Hannibal while he stayed in Capua, to see

what he did. They spent their time in sending scouts in every

direction, defending the allies, trying to win back the revolted and

injuring their adversaries' interests. Hannibal, so long as he

obtained a barely sufficient supply of food at the cost of

encountering dangers, led a temperate life, as did his army; but after

they had taken Capua and wintered there in idleness with ample

provisions, they began to lose their physical strength by not laboring

and their intellectual force by tranquillity, and in changing their

ancestral habits they learned an accomplishment new to them,--that of

being defeated in battle.--When the work of war finally became

pressing, Hannibal transferred his quarters to the mountains and gave

the army exercise. But they could not get strong in a short space of

time. He was encouraged by the arrival of reinforcements from home,

especially in the matter of elephants. He now set out against Nola

intending to capture it or else to draw Marcellus, who was ravaging

Samnium, away from that region. As he could accomplish nothing, he

withdrew from the city and laid waste the country, until he suffered a

decisive defeat in battle,--an event which grieved him. Many Spaniards

and even many Libyans now forsook him and deserted to the Romans,--a

new experience for him. Consequently, despairing of his own and the

soldiers' prospects he abandoned that entire region and retired to

Capua. Afterward he left there also to take up a different position.

[Sidenote: B.C. 217 (_a.u._ 537)] The Scipios had crossed the river

Iber and were ravaging the country; they had secured control of

various cities and when Hasdrubal for this reason hastened to oppose

them, they had conquered him in battle. The Carthaginians learning

this thought that Hasdrubal needed more assistance than did Hannibal,

and fearing that the Scipios might attempt to cross into Libya also

they sent only a small body of troops to Hannibal, but despatched the

largest detachment with Mago to Spain with the utmost speed; and they

bade him after the reduction of Spain to remain to guard their

interests there, whereas Hasdrubal was to be sent with a body of

troops against Italy. [Sidenote: B.C. 216 (_a.u._ 538)] The Scipios,

made aware of the plan, no longer gave battle for fear that Hasdrubal

perhaps might win a victory and then hasten to Italy. However, as the

Carthaginians went on injuring the part of the country that was

friendly to the Romans, Publius engaged in a struggle with such of his

opponents as attacked him and won a victory; Gnaeus intercepted the

enemy who were retiring from this battle and annihilated them. As a

result of this disaster and because numerous cities were transferring

their allegiance to the Romans and some of the Libyans had gone over

to their side, Hasdrubal remained there longer than he was intending.

The Scipios sent their accessions at once to Italy, and they

themselves continued to adjust affairs in Spain. They captured the

subjects of Saguntum who had caused them the war and their reverses,

and they tore down the hostile settlement and sold the men. After this

they took possession of Saguntum and restored it to its original

inhabitants. They were so scrupulous in regard to the plunder that

they sent nothing home. They allowed the partners of their campaign to

do so, but for themselves they sent only some jackstones to their

children. Hence the senate upon the request of Gnaeus for leave of

absence that he might go home and borrow a dowry for his daughter, who

was of age to be married, voted that a dowry be given her from the

public funds.

IX, 4.--In the course of the same period both Sicily and Sardinia had

become openly hostile. But the disturbance in these regions soon

subsided. [Sidenote: B.C. 215 (_a.u._ 539)] Hasdrubal, who was aiding

them, was captured and Manlius Torquatus recovered almost the entire

island. For the time being affairs in Sicily were quiet, but afterward

disturbance reigned anew. King Philip of Macedonia showed himself a

most open partisan of the Carthaginians. In his desire to add Greece

to his possessions he made an agreement with Hannibal that they should

conduct the war in common, and that the Carthaginians should get Italy

but he should have Greece and Epirus together with the islands. The

agreement was made on this basis, but through the capture of the

herald who had been sent to Hannibal by Philip the Romans learned what

was taking place and forthwith despatched the praetor Marcus Valerius

Laevinus[30] against him. They intended to make him anxious about

internal affairs, so that he should stay at home. The plan worked.

[Sidenote: B.C. 214 (_a.u._ 540)] Philip had progressed as far as

Corcyca with the intention of sailing to Italy, but on learning that

Laevinus was already at Brundusium he returned home. When Laevinus had

sailed as far as Corcyca, Philip set out against the Roman allies; he

had captured Oricum and was besieging Apollonia. Laevinus made an

expedition against him anew, recovered Oricum and rescued Apollonia.

Then Philip after burning the ships which he had used retired

homewards overland.

[Footnote 30: Zonaras consistently spells this name _Lavinius_.]

The people of Rome chose Fabius and Marcellus consuls. Hannibal was

then traveling about in what is called Calabria and in adjacent

regions, and they assigned the care of him to Gracchus, who had held

office before them. The latter routed Hanno (who had come from

Bruttium and confronted him near Beneventum), and then going on he

watched Hannibal closely, kept ravaging the possessions of rebels and

won some cities safely back. The consuls themselves turned their steps

toward Campania, for they were anxious to subdue it and so leave no

element of hostility behind their backs when they should march against

Hannibal. They then divided forces. Fabius overran the districts of

Campania and Samnium. Marcellus crossed into Sicily and proceeded to

besiege Syracuse. The town had submitted to him, but then had revolted

again through the treachery of some men by the use of a false message.

He would have subdued it very speedily,--for he assaulted the wall by

both land and sea at once,--had not Archimedes with his inventions

enabled the citizens to resist an extremely long time. By his devices

he suspended stones and heavy-armed soldiers in the air whom he would

let down suddenly and soon draw up again. Even ships that carried

towers he would dash one upon another; he would pull them up and

[Sidenote: (FRAG. 56^31?)] LIFTING THEM HIGH WOULD LET GO ALL IN A

MASS so that when they fell into the water they were sunk by the

impact. At last in an incredible manner he destroyed the whole Roman

fleet by conflagration. By tilting a kind of mirror toward the sun he

concentrated the sun's beams on it; and as the thickness and

smoothness of the mirror cooeperated to ignite the air from these beams

he kindled a great flame, all of which he directed upon the ships that

lay at anchor in the path of the fire, and he consumed them all.

Marcellus, therefore, despairing of capturing the city on account of

the inventiveness of Archimedes thought to take it by famine after a

regular investment. This duty he assigned to Pulcher while he himself

turned his attention to those who had participated in the revolt of

Syracuse. Any who yielded were granted pardon, but those who resisted

he treated harshly, and he captured a number of the cities by force,

some also by betrayal. In the meantime Himilco had come from Carthage

with an army, had occupied Agrigentum and Heraclea and had reached

Syracuse. There he was first defeated, then was in turn victorious,

and finally was beaten by a sudden assault on the part of Marcellus.

IX, 5.--Thereafter Marcellus was still investing Syracuse. Hannibal

was passing his time in Calabria. [Sidenote: B.C. 212 (_a.u._ 542)]

The Romans, moreover, had again experienced many and disagreeable

reverses. The consuls had received a setback near Capua, Gracchus had

died in Lucania, Tarentum and other cities had revolted, Hannibal,

previously cowed, remained in Italy and had marched upon Rome, and

both the Scipios had perished. Elated by these events Hannibal

undertook to render assistance to Capua. He went as far as Beneventum,

then, ascertaining that Claudius had returned from Samnium into

Lucania on account of the death of Gracchus, he became afraid that the

Romans might secure control of parts of it, and he advanced no farther

but turned to meet Claudius.--Upon the death of the Scipios the whole

of Spain was thrown into disorder. Some towns voluntarily went over to

the Carthaginians and others under compulsion, even if they did later

swing back to the Roman side.

Marcellus, finding that he was accomplishing naught by assault on

Syracuse, thought of the following scheme. There was a vulnerable spot

in the Syracusans' wall, which they called Galeagra; it had never

before been recognized as such, but the fact was at this time

discovered. He waited till the whole town of Syracuse celebrated an

all night festival to Artemis and then bade some soldiers scale the

wall at that point. After that some gates were opened by them and, as

soon as a few others had gone in, all, both inside and outside, at a

given signal raised a shout and struck their spears upon their

shields, and the trumpeters blew a blast, with the result that utter

panic overwhelmed the Syracusans, who were anyway somewhat the worse

for drink, and the city was captured with the exception of Achradina

and what is called the "island." Marcellus plundered the captured town

and attacked the portions not yet taken, and with time and labor but

after all successfully he conquered the remainder of Syracuse. The

Romans when they became masters of these districts killed many

persons, among them Archimedes. He was constructing a geometrical

figure and hearing that the enemy were at hand he said: [Sidenote:

(FRAG. 56^32?)] "Let them come at my head, but keep their distance

from my figure!" He was little perturbed when a hostile warrior

confronted him, and by his words, "Fellow, stand away from my figure,"

he irritated the man and was cut down.

[Sidenote: B.C. 211 (_a.u._ 543)] Marcellus for his capture of

Syracuse and his conciliation of most of the rest of Sicily received

high praise and was appointed consul. They had nominated Torquatus,

who once had put his son to death. He declined, however, saying:

[Sidenote: cp. FRAG. 32^6] "I could not endure your blunders, nor you

my punctiliousness," whereupon they elected Marcellus and Valerius

Laevinus.

IX, 6.--After Marcellus left Sicily, Hannibal sent a troop of cavalry

there and the Carthaginians despatched another. They won several

battles and acquired some cities. And if the praetor Cornelius

Dolabella had not come upon the scene, they would have subjugated all

Sicily.

Capua was at this time taken by the Romans. It availed nothing that

Hannibal marched upon Rome in order to draw away from Capua the forces

besieging it, although he traversed Latium, came to the Tiber, and

laid waste the suburbs of the city. The people of Rome were

frightened, but still they voted that one of the consuls[31] should

remain at Capua while the other defended them. It was Claudius who

remained at Capua, for he had been wounded: Flaccus hastened to Rome.

[Footnote 31: Possibly an error on the part of Zonaras for

_proconsuls_.]

Hannibal kept making raids all the time before their eyes and doing a

great amount of harm, but for some time they were satisfied to

preserve their possessions within the walls. When, however, he reached

the point of assaulting the city and their armies at once, they risked

the proverbial cast of the die and made a sortie. They were already

engaged in skirmishing when [Sidenote: (FRAG. 56^33?)] AN

EXTRAORDINARY STORM ACCOMPANIED BY AN INCONCEIVABLY STRONG WIND AS

WELL AS THUNDER, HAIL, AND LIGHTNING, BROKE FROM A CLEAR SKY, so that

both were glad enough to flee as if by mutual consent back to the

place from which they had set out. They were just laying aside their

arms when the sky became clear. Although Hannibal concluded that the

event mentioned, coming as it did precisely at the moment of conflict,

had not occurred without divine ordering, yet he did not desist from

his siege operations and even attempted again on a subsequent occasion

to force the issue. But when the same phenomena were met for the

second time, he became terrified. What added to his alarm was that

the enemy though in so great danger did not withdraw from Capua and

were getting ready to send both soldiers and a praetor into Spain, and

that being in need of funds they sold the spot where he was encamped,

which was a piece of public property. In despair he retired, often

crying aloud, "Oh, Cannae, Cannae!" And he no longer showed a

disposition to render aid to Capua.

The people of that city although in extremities were nevertheless

desperate, believing that they could not obtain pardon from the

Romans, and they therefore held out and sent a letter to Hannibal

begging him to assist them. The bearers of the letter were seized by

Flaccus (Claudius had before this time died of his wound) and had

their hands cut off. Seeing them the Campanians were terribly dismayed

and took counsel as to what they should do. After considerable talk a

certain Vibius Virius, one of the foremost men and most responsible

for the revolt, spoke, saying: "Our only refuge and freedom lies in

death. Escort me home. I have a poison made ready." So he took with

him those who were willing to accept his advice and with them

voluntarily gave up his life. The rest opened the gates to the Romans.

Flaccus took possession of all their arms and money, killed some of

the head men and sent others to Rome. The only ones that he left

unmolested were the survivors of the common people, and he spared them

only on condition that they receive a Roman governor, maintain no

senate, and hold no assembly.

Later they subjected themselves to other disabilities by daring to

accuse Flaccus. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^34] THE CAMPANIANS UNDERTOOK TO

ACCUSE FLACCUS AND THE SYRACUSANS MARCELLUS, when the latter was

already consul. And Marcellus made a defence, refusing to perform any

of the duties of his office until he had defended himself. The

Syracusans when given a hearing were rather sparing of their remarks

and devoted themselves not to accusing Marcellus but to supplication

and defence, showing that they had not of their own free will revolted

from the Romans and begging that pardon be granted them. While

uttering these words they fell upon the ground and bewailed their lot.

When a decision was rendered, it was to the effect that Marcellus was

not guilty; that the Syracusans, however, were deserving of a certain

degree of kind treatment not for their acts but for their words and

supplications. As Marcellus asked to be excused from returning to

Sicily, they sent Laevinus. The Syracusans in this way obtained some

consideration: the Campanians, however, were led by stupidity to

deliver their accusation with too much audacity and were rebuked.

Flaccus was not present, but one of his ex-lieutenants conducted his

defence for him.

After the capture of Capua the other strongholds in the vicinity went

over to the Romans, with the exception of Atellanae. The dwellers in

this town abandoned their city and went in a body to Hannibal. Also

the rest of Italy that favored the Carthaginian cause was being

gradually estranged and the consuls in their tours of the country were

taking possession of it. The Tarentini did not as yet openly avow

their allegiance to the Romans, but secretly they were getting tired

of the Carthaginians.

_(BOOK 16, BOISSEVAIN.)_

[Sidenote: FRAG. 56^35] THE ROMANS MADE PROPOSITIONS TO HANNIBAL THAT

BOTH SIDES SHOULD RETURN THEIR PRISONERS. THEY DID NOT EFFECT THE

EXCHANGE BECAUSE THEY WOULD NOT RECEIVE CARTHALO, AS BEING AN ENEMY,

INSIDE OF THEIR WALLS. AND HE REFUSED TO HOLD ANY CONVERSATION WITH

THEM, BUT IMMEDIATELY TURNED BACK IN A RAGE.

At this time, moreover, Laevinus made friends with the AEtolians, who

were allies of Philip; and when Philip had advanced as far as Corcyra

he scared him away again so that the king returned to Macedonia with

speed.

[Sidenote: B.C. 210 (_a.u._ 544)] IX, 7.--The people of Rome sent

Gaius Claudius Nero with soldiers into Spain. He followed the line of

the coast with his fleet as far as the Iber, where he found the

remainder of the Roman forces and confronted Hasdrubal before his

presence had been made known. He enclosed the Carthaginians securely

but was then cheated out of the advantage gained. Hasdrubal, seeing

that he was cut off, sent heralds to Nero proposing to give up the

whole of Spain and leave the country. Nero gladly accepted the offer

and his opponent postponed the settlement of the terms to the

following day. That night Hasdrubal quietly sent out a number of his

men to various parts of the mountains, and they got safely away

because the Romans, in expectation of a truce, were not keeping any

guard. The next day he held a conference with Nero but used up the

whole time without fixing upon anything definitely. That night he sent

off other men in like manner. This he did similarly on several other

days while disputing about some points in the treaty. When the entire

infantry had gone in advance, he himself at last with the cavalry and

elephants silently slipped away. He reached a place of safety and

managed to make himself a source of anxiety to Nero subsequently.

On learning this the people of Rome condemned Nero and voted to

entrust the leadership to somebody else. And they were at a loss whom

to send, for the situation required no ordinary man and many were

breaking away from allegiance on account of the untimely fate of the

Scipios. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^37] THEREUPON THE FAMOUS PUBLIUS SCIPIO,

WHO SAVED HIS WOUNDED FATHER, OFFERED HIMSELF VOLUNTARILY FOR THE WORK

OF THE CAMPAIGN. HE SURPASSED IN EXCELLENCE AND WAS ALSO RENOWNED FOR

HIS EDUCATION. He was chosen forthwith, but his supporters not long

after regretted their action because of his youth (he was in his

twenty-fourth year) and because his house was in mourning for the loss

of his father and uncle. Accordingly he made a second public

appearance and delivered a speech; and his words put the senators to

shame, so that they did not, to be sure, release him from his command,

but sent Marcus Junius, an elderly man, to accompany him.

After these events matters progressed without catastrophes for the

Romans and gradually grew better. Marcellus after his acquittal before

the court had set out against Hannibal and was making nearly

everything safe, though he was afraid to risk an engagement with men

driven to desperation. At any time that he was forced into a combat he

came out victorious as the result of prudence mingled with daring.

Hannibal now undertook to inflict injury upon those regions which he

was unable to occupy, being influenced by the reasons aforementioned

as also by the fact that the cities in his alliance had either

abandoned him or were intending to do so, and by some other causes. He

hurt a great many and several towns deserted to the Romans for this

reason.

In the case of the city of Salapia the following incident occurred.

Two men managed affairs there and were hostile to each other.

Alinius[32] favored the Carthaginian cause, and Plautius[33] the

Roman; and the latter talked with Alinius about betraying the place to

the Romans. Alinius at once informed Hannibal of the fact and Plautius

was brought to trial. While Hannibal was deliberating with the

councilors as to how to punish him, Plautius dared in his presence to

speak again to Alinius, who stood near, about betrayal. The latter

cried out: "There, there, he's talking to me about this very matter

now." Hannibal distrusted him on account of the improbability of the

case and acquitted Plautius as a victim of blackmail. After his

release the two men became harmonious and brought in soldiers obtained

from Marcellus, with whose aid they cut down the Carthaginian garrison

and delivered the city to the Romans.

[Footnote 32: By comparing other authors the names Alinius and

Plautius are found to be the corruptions of some copyists for Dasius

and Blattius.]

[Footnote 33: [See previous footnote.]]

This was the state of Carthaginian interests in Italy. Not even Sicily

retained its friendliness for them, but submitted to the consul

Laevinus. The leader of the Carthaginians in Sicily was Hanno, and

Muttines was a member of his staff. The latter had been with Hannibal

formerly and owing to the latter's jealousy of his great deeds of

valor had been sent into Sicily. When there also he made a brilliant

record as commander of the cavalry, he incurred the jealousy of Hanno

as well, and as a consequence was deprived of his command. Deeply

grieved at this he joined the Romans. First he accomplished the

betrayal of Agrigentum for them and then he helped them in reducing

other places, so that the whole of Sicily came again under their sway

without any great labor.

[Sidenote: B.C. 209 (_a.u._ 545)] IX, 8.--Fabius and Flaccus subdued

among other cities Tarentum, which Hannibal was holding. They gave

orders to a body of men to overrun Bruttium in order that Hannibal

might leave Tarentum and come to its assistance. When this had

happened, Flaccus kept watch of Hannibal while Fabius by night

assailed Tarentum with ships and infantry at once and captured the

city by means of his assault aided by betrayal. Hannibal, enraged at

the trick, was eager to find some scheme for paying Fabius back. So he

sent him a letter, purporting to be from the dwellers in Metapontum,

looking to a betrayal of the city; for he hoped that Fabius would

advance carelessly in that direction and that he might set a trap for

him on the way. But the Roman leader suspected the truth of the case

and by comparing the writing with the letter which Hannibal had once

written to the Tarentini, he detected the plot from the similarity of

the two.

Scipio for the first part of the time, however much he may have longed

to avenge his father and uncle and however much he yearned for glory

in the war, nevertheless showed no haste on account of the multitude

of his opponents. But after he ascertained that they were passing the

winter at a considerable distance, he disregarded them and marched

upon Carthage,--the Spanish town. Moreover no one gained the slightest

knowledge of his march till he had come close to Carthage itself. And

by much exertion he took the city.

Following the capture of Carthage a very great [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^39]

MUTINY OF THE SOLDIERS came very near TAKING PLACE. Scipio had

promised to give a crown to the first one that set foot on the wall,

and two men, the one a Roman, the other belonging to the allies,

quarreled over it. Their continued dispute promoted a disturbance

among the rest as well and they became inflamed to the utmost degree

and were ready to commit some fearful outrage when Scipio settled the

trouble by crowning both men. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^39] AND HE

DISTRIBUTED MANY GIFTS TO THE SOLDIERS, ASSIGNING MANY ALSO TO PUBLIC

USES; AND ALL THE HOSTAGES WHO WERE BEING DETAINED THERE HE GAVE BACK

FREELY TO THEIR RELATIVES. AS A RESULT MANY TOWNS AND MANY PRINCES

ESPOUSED HIS CAUSE, THE CELTIBERIAN RACE AMONG THE BEST. HE HAD TAKEN

AMONG THE CAPTIVES A MAIDEN DISTINGUISHED FOR HER BEAUTY AND IT WAS

THOUGHT THAT HE WOULD FALL IN LOVE WITH HER; BUT WHEN HE LEARNED THAT

SHE WAS BETROTHED TO ONE OF THE CELTIBERIAN MAGISTRATES, HE SENT FOR

HIM AND DELIVERED THE YOUNG GIRL TO HIM, BESTOWING UPON HIM

FURTHERMORE THE RANSOM WHICH HER KINSFOLK HAD BROUGHT FOR HER. BY THIS

PROCEDURE HE ATTACHED TO HIS CAUSE BOTH THEM AND THE REMAINDER OF THE

NATION.

Next he learned that Hasdrubal the brother of Hannibal was approaching

rapidly, still ignorant of the capture of the city and expecting to

meet no hostile force on his march. Scipio therefore confronted and

defeated him, and afterward bivouacked in his camp and got control of

many places in the vicinity. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^40] FOR HE WAS CLEVER

IN STRATEGY, AGREEABLE IN SOCIETY, TERRIFYING TO OPPONENTS, AND

THOROUGHLY HUMANE TO SUCH AS YIELDED. AND ESPECIALLY THE RECOLLECTION

THAT HE HAD MADE A PREDICTION, SAYING BEFOREHAND THAT HE WOULD ENCAMP

IN THE ENEMY'S COUNTRY, CAUSED ALL TO HONOR HIM. THE SPANIARDS

ACTUALLY NAMED HIM "GREAT KING."

Hasdrubal, giving up all hope, was anxious to leave Spain for Italy.

[Sidenote: B.C. 208 (_a.u._ 546)] So after packing everything for the

march he started in winter. His fellow commanders held their ground

and kept Scipio busy so that he could not pursue Hasdrubal nor lighten

the burden of war for the Romans in Italy by going there, nor sail to

Carthage. But, although Scipio did not pursue Hasdrubal, he sent

runners through whom he apprised the people of Rome of his approach,

and he himself gave attention to his own immediate concerns. As he saw

that his opponents were spread over a goodly portion of the country,

he dreaded that whenever he should begin an engagement with them, he

should be the cause of their gathering in one place through a

necessity of aiding one another. Accordingly, he conducted in person a

campaign against Hasdrubal, son of Gisco, and sent Silanus into

Celtiberia against Mago, and also Lucius Scipio his brother into

Bastitania. Lucius occupied the district after hard fighting,

conquered Mago, kept close at his heels as he fled to Hasdrubal, and

came to Scipio before the latter had accomplished anything as yet.

Now that Mago had joined Hasdrubal and Lucius his brother Scipio, at

first they would make descents into the plain and fight strenuously

with their cavalry, and later they would array their whole army in

line of battle but did not do any fighting. This went on for several

days. When the clash finally came, the Carthaginians themselves and

their allies were defeated, their stronghold was taken by the Romans,

and the Romans made use of the provisions in it. This Scipio had

prophesied, as the story goes, three days before. For when materials

for food had failed them he predicted--by what prompting is unknown--:

"On such and such a day we shall make use of the enemy's

store."--After this he left Silanus to take care of the surviving

opponents and himself took his departure to the other cities, many of

which he won over. When he had brought order into the newly acquired

territory he took up his winter abode there. His brother Lucius he

despatched to Rome to report the progress made, to convey the captives

thither, and to investigate how the people of Rome felt toward him.

IX, 9.--The dwellers in Italy had suffered from disease and had

encountered hardships in battles, for some of the Etruscans had

rebelled. But what grieved them more than all else was the fact that

they had lost Marcellus. They had been making a campaign against

Hannibal, who chanced to be at Locri, and both the consuls had been

surrounded by an ambuscade, Marcellus perishing instantly and

Crispinus dying from a wound not long after. Hannibal found the body

of Marcellus and taking his ring with which Marcellus was accustomed

to seal his documents he would forward letters to the cities

purporting to come from him. He was accomplishing whatever he pleased

until Crispinus became aware of it and sent them a warning to be on

their guard. As a result of this the tables were turned upon Hannibal.

He had sent a message to the citizens of Salapia through a fictitious

deserter, and approached the walls in the guise of Marcellus, using

the Latin language in company with other men who understood it, in

order to be taken for Romans. The Salapini, informed of his artifice,

were artful enough in turn to pretend that they believed Marcellus was

really approaching. Then drawing up the portcullis they admitted as

many as it seemed to them they could conveniently dispose of and

killed them all. Hannibal withdrew at once on learning that Locri was

being besieged by the Romans, who had sailed against it from Sicily.

Publius Sulpicius assisted by AEtolians and other allies devastated a

large part of Achaea. But as soon as Philip the Macedonian formed an

alliance with the Achaeans, the Romans would have been driven out of

Greece completely but for the fact that the helmet of Philip fell off

and the AEtolians got possession of it. For in this way a report

reached Macedonia that he was dead and a factional uprising took

place; Philip, consequently, fearing that he should be deprived of his

kingdom, hastened to Macedonia. Then the Romans stuck to their places

in Greece and conquered a few cities.

[Sidenote: B.C. 207 (_a.u._ 547)] The following year upon announcement

of Hasdrubal's approach the people of Rome gathered their forces,

summoned their allies, and chose Claudius Nero and Marcus Livius

consuls. Nero they sent against Hannibal, Livius against Hasdrubal.

The latter met him near the city of Sena but did not immediately open

engagement with him. For many days he remained stationary, and

Hasdrubal was in no hurry for battle, either, but remained at rest

awaiting his brother. Nero and Hannibal entered Lucania to encamp and

neither hastened to array his forces for battle, but in other ways

they had some conflicts. Hannibal kept constantly changing position

and Nero kept careful watch of him. As he constantly had the advantage

of him and ere long captured the letter sent to him by Hasdrubal, he

began to despise Hannibal, but fearing that Hasdrubal might overwhelm

Livius through mere numbers he ventured upon a hazardous exploit. He

left on the spot a portion of his force sufficient to check Hannibal

in case the latter should make any movement, and he gave the men

injunctions to do everything to create the impression that he was also

there. He selected the flower of his army and started out apparently

to attack some neighboring city, nor did any one know his true

intentions. He hastened on, then, against Hasdrubal, reached his

colleague at night, and took up his quarters in the latter's

entrenchments. Both made ready for a sudden attack upon the invader.

The situation did not go concealed, but Hasdrubal inferred what had

happened from the fact that the word of command was given twice; for

each consul issued orders to his own troops separately. Suspecting

therefore that Hannibal had been defeated and had perished,--for he

calculated that if his brother were alive, Nero would never have

marched against _him_,--he determined to retire among the Gauls and

there find out definitely about his brother and so carry on the war at

his convenience.

So after giving orders to the army to break up he started out that

night, and the consuls from the noise suspected what was going on, yet

they did not move immediately because of the darkness. At dawn,

however, they sent the cavalry ahead to pursue the enemy and they

themselves followed. Hasdrubal made a stand against the cavalry,

deeming them an isolated troop, but the consuls came up and routed him

and followed after the fugitives, of whom they slaughtered many. Even

the elephants were of no help to the Carthaginians. Inasmuch as some

of them that had been wounded did more harm to those in charge of them

than had been done by the enemy, Hasdrubal gave orders to those seated

upon them to slay the beasts as fast as they got wounded. And they

killed them very easily by piercing them with an iron instrument under

the ear. So they were destroyed by the Carthaginians, but the men by

the Romans. So many fell that the Romans became surfeited with

slaughter and did not wish to pursue the rest. They had destroyed

Hasdrubal along with many others, they had secured huge quantities of

spoil, they had found Roman captives to the number of four thousand in

the camp, and thought they had sufficiently retrieved the disaster of

Cannae.

At the conclusion of these operations Livius stayed where he was, but

Nero returned to Apulia, reaching it on the sixth day; his absence up

to that time had not been detected. Some of the prisoners he sent into

Hannibal's camp to explain what had happened, and he fixed Hasdrubal's

head on a pole nearby. Hannibal, learning that his brother was

vanquished and dead, and that Nero had conquered and returned,

lamented bitterly, often crying out upon Fortune and Cannae. And he

retired into Bruttium where he remained inactive.

[Sidenote: B.C. 206 (_a.u._ 548)] IX, 10.--Scipio was detailed to

superintend Roman interests in Spain till what time he should reach a

satisfactory adjustment of them all. First he sailed to Libya with two

quinqueremes, and it so happened that Hasdrubal son of Gisco landed

there at the same time as he did. Syphax, who was king of a portion of

Libya and had enjoyed friendly relations with the Carthaginians,

entertained them both and endeavored to reconcile them. But Scipio

said that he had no private enmity and he could not on his own

responsibility arrange terms for his country.

Accordingly he went back again and began a war against the

Iliturgitani because they had handed over to the Carthaginians the

Romans who took refuge with them after the death of the Scipios. He

did not make himself master of their city until he dared to scale the

wall in person and got wounded. Then the soldiers, put to shame and

fearing for his life, made a very vigorous assault. Having mastered

the situation they killed the whole population and burned down the

entire city. As a result of the fear thus inspired many voluntarily

ranged themselves on his side, whereas many others had to be subdued

by force. Some when subjected to siege burned their cities and slew

their kinsmen and finally themselves.

After subjugating the greater part of the country Scipio shifted his

position to Carthage and there instituted funeral combats in full

armor in honor of his father and his uncle. When many others had

contended, there came also two brothers who continued at variance

about a kingdom, though Scipio had made efforts to reconcile them. And

the elder slew the younger in spite of the superior strength of the

latter.

Subsequently Scipio fell sick, and that was the signal for a rebellion

of the Spaniards. One of Scipio's legions that was in winter quarters

near Sucro became restless. It had shown a lack of docility before

this, but had not ventured upon open rebellion. Now, however,

perceiving that Scipio was incapacitated and influenced further by the

fact that their pay had been slow in coming they mutinied outright,

drove away the tribunes, and elected consuls for themselves. Their

number was about eight thousand. The Spaniards on ascertaining this

revolted with greater readiness and proceeded to damage the territory

belonging to the Roman alliance. Mago, who had intended to abandon

Gades, consequently did not abandon it, but crossed over to the

mainland and wrought considerable mischief.

Scipio learning this wrote and sent a letter to apostate legion in

which he affected to pardon them for revolting on account of the

scarcity of the necessities of life, and did not seem to think it

proper to view them with suspicion but conferred praise upon those who

had accepted their leadership for the purpose of preventing any

outrage due to lack of government being either suffered or committed.

When Scipio had written to this effect and the soldiers had learned

that he was alive and was not angry with them, they made no further

demonstrations. Even after he recovered his health he did not use

harsh threats in dealing with them, but sent a promise to supply them

with food and invited them all to come to him either all together or

only a part at a time. The soldiers, not daring to go in small squads,

went in a body. Scipio arranged that they should bivouac outside the

wall--for it was nearly evening--and furnished them provisions in

abundance. So they encamped, but Scipio brought it about that the

boldest spirits among them should enter the city, and during the night

he overpowered and imprisoned them. At daybreak he sent forth all his

army as if to go on an expedition somewhere. Then he called the recent

arrivals inside the wall without their weapons in order to join his

undertaking after they had received their provision-money. As soon as

they had accordingly entered he signaled the men who had gone forth to

return just as they were. Thus he surrounded the rebels and heaped

upon them many reproaches and threats, saying finally: [Sidenote:

FRAG. 56^42] "YOU ALL DESERVE TO DIE: HOWEVER, I SHALL NOT PUT YOU ALL

TO DEATH BUT I SHALL EXECUTE ONLY A FEW WHOM I HAVE ALREADY ARRESTED;

THE REST I SHALL RELEASE." With these words he set the prisoners in

their midst, fixed them upon crosses, and after copious abuse killed

them. Some of the soldiers standing by grew indignant and raised an

outcry, whereupon he punished a number of them also. After this he

gave the rest their pay and conducted a campaign against Indibilis and

Mandonius. As they were too timid to offer him battle, he attacked and

was victorious.

Following their capitulation most of the rest of Spain was again

enslaved, Mago abandoned Gades, and Masinissa took the Roman side. The

Carthaginians at news of the death of Hasdrubal, Hannibal's brother,

had voted to give up Spain but to recover their prestige in Italy. And

they sent money to Mago that he might gather a force of auxiliaries

and lead a campaign against that country. He, setting out once more

for Italy, reached the Gymnasian islands. The larger one escaped his

grasp; the natives from a distance kept using their slings (in which

art they were masters) against the ships, so that he could not effect

a landing: but he anchored off the smaller one and waited there on

account of the winter. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^44] THESE ISLANDS ARE

SITUATED CLOSE TO THE MAINLAND IN THE VICINITY OF THE IBER. THEY ARE

THREE IN NUMBER AND THE GREEKS AND THE ROMANS ALIKE CALL THEM THE

GYMNASIAN, BUT THE SPANIARDS THE BALEARES OR HYASOUSAE,[34] or,

separately, the first Ebusus, the second the "Larger,"[35] and the

third the "Smaller,"[36] exceedingly well named.--Gades was occupied

by the Romans.

[Footnote 34: A corruption for Pityusae.]

[Footnote 35: Or, in other words, Balearis Major and Balearis Minor.]

[Footnote 36: [See previous footnote.]]

_(BOOK 17, BOISSEVAIN.)_

[Sidenote: FRAG. 56^45] IX, 11.--MASINISSA RANKED AMONG THE MOST

PROMINENT MEN: IN FORCE AND IN PLANNING ALIKE HE DISPLAYED A

SUPERIORITY, AS IT CHANCED, where warlike deeds were concerned. He had

left the Carthaginians for the Romans as a result of circumstances now

to be related. Hasdrubal the son of Gisco was a friend of his and had

betrothed to him his daughter Sophonis. Hasdrubal, however, became

acquainted with Syphax and perceiving that he favored the Romans did

not keep his agreement with Masinissa any longer. He was so anxious to

add Syphax, who was lord of a very great power, to the Carthaginian

alliance that when his father about this time died he helped him to

take possession of his domain, which properly belonged to Masinissa,

and furthermore gave him Sophonis in marriage. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^46]

SHE WAS CONSPICUOUS FOR BEAUTY, HAD BEEN TRAINED IN A LIBERAL LITERARY

AND MUSICAL EDUCATION, WAS OF ATTRACTIVE MANNERS, COY, AND SO LOVABLE

THAT THE MERE SIGHT OF HER OR EVEN THE SOUND OF HER VOICE VANQUISHED

EVEN A PERSON QUITE DEVOID OF AFFECTION.

Syphax for these reasons attached himself to the Carthaginians, and

Masinissa on the contrary took up with the Romans and from first to

last proved very useful to them. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^47] SCIPIO AFTER

WINNING OVER THE WHOLE TERRITORY SOUTH OF THE PYRENEES, PARTLY BY

FORCE, PARTLY BY TREATY, EQUIPPED HIMSELF TO JOURNEY TO LIBYA. THE

PEOPLE OF ROME, HOWEVER, THROUGH JEALOUSY OF HIS SUCCESSES AND THROUGH

FEAR THAT HE MIGHT BECOME ARROGANT AND PLAY THE TYRANT SENT TWO OF THE

PRAETORS TO RELIEVE HIM AND CALLED HIM HOME.

THUS HE WAS DEPOSED FROM HIS COMMAND. BUT SULPICIUS TOGETHER WITH

ATTALUS OCCUPIED OREUS BY TREACHERY AND OPUS BY MAIN FORCE. PHILIP WAS

UNABLE TO SEND THEM SPEEDY AID AS THE AETOLIANS HAD SEIZED THE PASSES

IN ADVANCE. BUT AT LAST HE DID ARRIVE ON THE SCENE AND FORCED ATTALUS

BACK TO HIS SHIPS. PHILIP, HOWEVER, WISHED TO CONCLUDE A TRUCE WITH

THE ROMANS. AND AFTER SOME PRELIMINARY DISCUSSION THE PEACE

PROPOSITION WAS WITHDRAWN, BUT HE MOVED THE AETOLIANS OUT OF THEIR

POSITION OF ALLIANCE WITH THE ROMANS AND MADE THEM HIS OWN FRIENDS

INSTEAD.

Hannibal for a time kept quiet, satisfied if he might only retain such

advantages as were already his. And the consuls thinking that his

power had slowly wasted away without a battle also waited.

[Sidenote: B.C. 205 (_a.u._ 549)] The succeeding year Publius Scipio

and [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^48] LICINIUS CRASSUS BECAME CONSULS. And THE

LATTER STAYED IN ITALY, but Scipio had received orders to leave there

for Sicily and Libya to the end that in case he should not capture

Carthage he might at least eventually draw Hannibal from Italy. He did

not succeed in securing an army of any real value nor in getting an

expenditure for triremes, because the honors accorded to his prowess

had made him an object of jealousy. The people would scarcely supply

him with the necessities. While he set out with the fleet of the

allies and a few volunteers drawn from the populace, Mago left the

island and after sailing along the Italian coast disembarked in

Liguria. Crassus was in Bruttium lying in wait for Hannibal. Philip,

however, had become reconciled with the Romans; for on ascertaining

that Publius Sempronius had reached Apollonia with a large force he

was glad to make peace.

[Sidenote: (FRAG. 56^50?)] Scipio the consul landed in Sicily and made

ready to sail to Libya, but he could not do so because he did not have

a complete force at his disposal and what he had was undisciplined.

Therefore he resided there for the entire winter, drilling his

followers and enrolling others in addition. As he was on the point of

making the passage, a message came to him from Rhegium that some of

the citizens of Locri would betray the city. Having denounced the

commander of the garrison and obtained no satisfaction from Hannibal

they were now ready to go over to the Romans. Accordingly he sent a

detachment there and with the aid of the traitors seized a good part

of the city during the night. The Carthaginians were huddled together

in the citadel and sent for Hannibal, whereupon Scipio also set sail

with speed and by a sudden sally repulsed Hannibal when the latter was

close to the city. Next he captured the acropolis and, after

entrusting the entire city to the care of the military tribunes,

sailed back again. He was unable, however, to consummate his voyage to

Libya. The Carthaginians so dreaded his advance that they despatched

money to Philip to induce him to make a campaign against Italy, and

sent grain and soldiers to Hannibal and to Mago ships and money that

he might prevent Scipio from crossing. The Romans, led by certain

portents to expect a brilliant victory, entrusted to Scipio the army

of Libya and gave him permission to enroll as large an additional

force as he should please. [Sidenote: B.C. 204 (_a.u._ 550)] Of the

consuls they set Marcus Cethegus over against Mago and Publius

Sempronius against Hannibal.

IX, 12.--The Carthaginians, fearing that Masinissa would join Scipio,

persuaded Syphax to restore his domain to him, the giver receiving

assurance that he would get the tract back again. Masinissa was

suspicious of the transaction, yet agreed to peace, in order to win

the confidence of the Carthaginians and so be able to plunge them into

some great catastrophe. For he was more enraged over Sophonis than

over the kingdom, and consequently worked for Roman interests while

affecting to be for the Carthaginians. Syphax, who was a Libyan

adherent, professed a friendliness for the Romans and sent to Scipio

warning him against crossing over. Scipio heard this as a piece of

secret information, and to prevent the knowledge of it from reaching

the soldiers he sent the herald back post-haste before he had had time

to meet anybody else. Then he called together the army and hastened

forward the preparations for crossing; he declared that the

Carthaginians were unprepared and that first Masinissa and now Syphax

was calling for them and upbraiding them for lingering. After this

speech he suffered no further delay but set sail. He brought his ships

to anchor near the cape called Apollonium, and [Sidenote: FRAG.

56^51] PITCHED HIS CAMP, DEVASTATED THE COUNTRY, MADE ASSAULTS UPON

THE CITIES AND CAPTURED A FEW. AS THE ROMANS WERE HARRYING THE

COUNTRY, HANNO THE CAVALRY COMMANDER, WHO WAS A SON OF HASDRUBAL SON

OF GISCO, WAS PERSUADED BY MASINISSA TO ATTACK THEM. SCIPIO

ACCORDINGLY SENT SOME HORSEMEN AND WAS PLUNDERING SOME DISTRICTS THAT

WERE SUITABLE FOR HIM TO OVERRUN, TO THE END THAT HIS MEN BY SIMULATED

FLIGHT MIGHT DRAW UPON THEM THE PURSUERS. SO WHEN THEY TURNED TO FLEE,

ACCORDING TO PREVIOUS ARRANGEMENTS, AND THE CARTHAGINIANS FOLLOWED

THEM UP, MASINISSA WITH HIS FOLLOWERS GOT IN THE REAR OF THE PURSUERS

AND ATTACKED THEM AND SCIPIO MAKING AN ONSET FROM HIS AMBUSH JOINED

BATTLE WITH THEM. AND MANY WERE DESTROYED, MANY ALSO WERE CAPTURED,

AMONG THEM HANNO HIMSELF. THEREFORE HASDRUBAL ARRESTED THE MOTHER OF

MASINISSA, AND AN EXCHANGE OF THE TWO CAPTIVES WAS EFFECTED. SYPHAX

NOW RENOUNCED EVEN THE APPEARANCE OF FRIENDSHIP FOR THE ROMANS AND

OPENLY ATTACHED HIMSELF TO THE CARTHAGINIANS. AND THE ROMANS BOTH

PLUNDERED THE COUNTRY AND RECOVERED MANY PRISONERS FROM ITALY WHO HAD

BEEN SENT TO LIBYA BY HANNIBAL AND THEY WENT INTO WINTER QUARTERS

WHERE THEY WERE.

[Sidenote: B.C. 203 (_a.u._ 551)] After this Gnaeus Scipio[37] and

Gaius Servilius became consuls, and during their year of office the

Carthaginians, having got the worst of it in the struggle, felt a

desire to arrange terms of peace and furthermore both Hannibal and

Mago were driven out of Italy. It was the consuls who made a stand

against Hannibal and Mago, while Scipio was inflicting damage upon

Libya and assailing the cities. Meantime [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^52] HE

HAD CAPTURED A CARTHAGINIAN VESSEL, BUT RELEASED IT WHEN THEY FEIGNED

TO HAVE BEEN COMING ON AN EMBASSY TO HIM. HE KNEW, TO BE SURE, THAT IT

WAS ONLY A PRETEXT, BUT PREFERRED TO AVOID THE POSSIBILITY OF IT BEING

SAID AGAINST HIM THAT HE HAD DETAINED ENVOYS. AND IN THE CASE OF

SYPHAX, WHO WAS STILL ENDEAVORING TO NEGOTIATE A RECONCILIATION ON THE

TERMS THAT SCIPIO SHOULD SAIL FROM LIBYA AND HANNIBAL FROM ITALY, HE

RECEIVED HIS PROPOSITION NOT IN A TRUSTFUL MOOD, BUT TO THE END THAT

HE MIGHT RUIN HIM. For on the excuse afforded by the postponed truce

he sent various bodies of soldiers at various times into the

Carthaginian camp and into that of Syphax; and when they had carefully

inspected everything on the side of their opponents, he put aside the

treaty on a plausible pretext, which was the more readily found

because Syphax had been detected in a plot against Masinissa. And

Scipio went by night to where their two camps were located, not very

far apart, and secretly set fire to Hasdrubal's camp at many points at

once. It rapidly blazed up--for their tents had been made of

corn-stalks and leafy branches--and the Carthaginians fared badly. The

followers of Syphax in attempting to aid them encountered the Romans,

who closed in the place, and were themselves destroyed; and their own

camp was set on fire in addition, and in it many men and horses

perished. The Romans escaped injury during the rest of the night

following the exploit, but just after daylight Spaniards who had

lately arrived as an accession to the Carthaginian alliance fell upon

them unexpectedly and killed a large number.

[Footnote 37: Dio probably wrote _Caepio_ here.]

As a result of all this Hasdrubal straightway retired to Carthage and

Syphax to his own country. Scipio set Masinissa and Gaius Laelius to

oppose Syphax while he himself marched against the Carthaginians. The

Carthaginians for their part sent ships toward the Roman stronghold,

which the enemy were using as winter quarters and as a storehouse for

all their goods. In this way they might either capture it or draw

Scipio away from themselves. Such also was the result. As soon as he

heard of the manoeuvre, he withdrew and hurried to the harbor, which

he placed under guard. And on the first day the Romans easily repulsed

their assailants, but on the next they had decidedly the worst of the

encounter. The Carthaginians even went so far as to take away Roman

ships by seizing them with grappling irons. They did not venture,

however, to disembark but finally sailed homewards, after which they

superseded Hasdrubal and chose a certain Hanno in his place. From this

time Hanno was the general, but his predecessor privately got hold of

some slaves and deserters whom he welded together into a fairly strong

force; he then quietly persuaded some of the Spaniards who were

serving in Scipio's army to help him and attempted one night to carry

out a plot against the Roman's camp. Something would have come of it,

had not the soothsayers, dismayed by the actions of birds, and the

mother of Masinissa, as a result of divinations, caused an

investigation of the Spaniards to be made. So their treachery was

anticipated and punished, and Scipio again made a campaign against

Carthage; he was engaged in devastating their fields [IX, 13.] while

Syphax was waging war upon the followers of Laelius. That prince

offered successful resistance for some time, but eventually the Romans

prevailed, slaughtered many, took many alive, and captured Syphax.

They also acquired possession of Cirta, his palace, without a contest

by displaying to the guardians within their king, now a prisoner.

It was there that Sophonis also was. Masinissa at once rushed toward

her and embracing her said: "I hold Syphax that snatched thee away. I

hold thee also. Fear not. Thou hast not become a captive, since thou

hast me as an ally." After these words he married her on the spot,

anticipating any action on the part of the Romans out of fear that he

might somehow lose her, were she reckoned among the spoil. Then he

assumed control of the rest of the cities of Syphax also. [Sidenote:

FRAG. 56^53] AND THEY BROUGHT TO SCIPIO ALONG WITH THE OTHER PROPERTY

SYPHAX HIMSELF. AND THE COMMANDER WOULD NOT CONSENT TO SEE HIM REMAIN

BOUND IN CHAINS, BUT CALLING TO MIND HIS ENTERTAINMENT AT THE OTHER'S

COURT AND REFLECTING ON HUMAN POSSIBILITIES HE LEAPED FROM HIS CHAIR,

LOOSED HIM, EMBRACED HIM, AND TREATED HIM WITH RESPECT. Once he asked

him: "What possessed you to go to war with us?" Syphax excused

himself skillfully and at the same time made himself secure against

Masinissa by declaring that Sophonis had been responsible for his

attitude. To please her father Hasdrubal she had ensnared him by

witchcraft against his will to espouse the Carthaginian cause. "At any

rate," he went on, "I have paid a proper penalty for being hoodwinked

by a woman, and in the midst of my evils have at least one

consolation,--that Masinissa has married her. For she will certainly

bring about his utter ruin likewise."

Scipio feeling suspicious about this action of Masinissa called him

and censured him for having so speedily married a woman taken captive

from the enemy without the commanding officer's consent, and he bade

him give her up to the Romans. Masinissa, thoroughly distracted,

rushed into the tent where Sophonis was and cried out to her: "If I

might by my own death ensure thee liberty and freedom from outrage, I

would cheerfully die for thee; but since this is impossible, I send

thee before me whither I and all shall come." With these words he held

out poison to her. And she uttered neither lament nor groan but with

much nobility made answer: "Husband, if this is thy will, I am

content. My soul shall after thee know no other lord: for my body, if

Scipio require it, let him take it with life extinct." Thus she met

her death, and Scipio marveled at the deed.

Laelius conducted to Rome Syphax and his son Vermina and some others of

the foremost men; and the citizens gave Syphax an estate at Alba,

where at his death they honored him with a public funeral, and

confirmed Vermina in the possession of his father's kingdom besides

bestowing upon him the captured Nomads.

[Sidenote: FRAG. 56^54] THE CARTHAGINIANS WHILE MAKING PROPOSITIONS TO

SCIPIO THROUGH HERALDS GAVE HIM MONEY AT ONCE AND GAVE BACK ALL THE

PRISONERS, BUT IN REGARD TO THE REMAINING MATTERS THEY DESPATCHED AN

EMBASSY TO ROME. HOWEVER, THE ROMANS WOULD NOT RECEIVE THE ENVOYS AT

THAT TIME, DECLARING THAT IT WAS A TRADITION IN THE STATE NOT TO ADMIT

AN EMBASSY FROM ANY PARTIES AND NEGOTIATE WITH THEM IN REGARD TO PEACE

WHILE THEIR ARMIES WERE STILL IN ITALY. LATER, WHEN HANNIBAL AND MAGO

HAD EMBARKED, THEY ACCORDED THE ENVOYS AN AUDIENCE AND VOTED THE

PEACE. But Hannibal and Mago departed from Italy not on account of the

tentative arrangements but through haste to reach the scene of war at

home.

The Carthaginians in Libya were not thinking seriously of peace even

before this and had made propositions about a truce only for the

purpose of using up time and with a view to securing Hannibal's

presence. When they heard that Hannibal was really drawing near, they

took courage [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^55] AND ATTACKED SCIPIO BOTH BY LAND

AND BY SEA. WHEN THE LATTER COMPLAINED TO THEM ABOUT THIS, THEY

RETURNED NO PROPER ANSWER TO THE ENVOYS AND ACTUALLY PLOTTED AGAINST

THEM WHEN THEY SAILED BACK; AND HAD NOT A WIND FORTUNATELY ARISEN TO

HELP THEM, THEY WOULD HAVE PERISHED. HENCE SCIPIO, THOUGH AT THIS TIME

THE VOTE REGARDING PEACE WAS BROUGHT TO HIM, REFUSED ANY LONGER TO

MAKE IT. So the Carthaginians sent Mago back to Italy, but deposed

Hanno from his command and appointed Hannibal general with full

powers. Hasdrubal they even voted to put to death, and finding that he

had by poison intentionally compassed his own destruction they abused

his dead body. Hannibal having secured complete leadership invaded the

country of Masinissa, where he proceeded to do mischief and made ready

to fight against the Romans. Counter-preparations were made by the

followers of Scipio.

IX, 14.--The people of Rome were regretting that they had not

prevented the return voyage of Hannibal, and when they learned that he

was consolidating the opposition in Libya, they were again terrified

beyond measure. [Sidenote: B.C. 202 (_a.u._ 552)] Accordingly they

sent Claudius Nero, one of the consuls, to attend to him, and allotted

to Marcus Servilius the protection of Italy. Nevertheless Nero was not

able to reach Libya, being detained in Italy by stormy weather and

again at Sardinia. After that he progressed no farther than Sicily,

for he learned that Scipio had proved the victor. Scipio, indeed, was

afraid that Nero might be so prompt as to appropriate the glory that

properly was the fruit of his own toils, and so, at the very first

glimmer of spring, he took up his march against Hannibal; he had

already received information that the latter had conquered Masinissa.

Hannibal, upon ascertaining the approach of Scipio, did not wait, but

went out to meet him. They encamped opposite each other and did not at

once come to blows, but delayed several days; and each commander

addressed words to his own army and incited it to battle.

When it seemed best to Scipio not to delay any further but to involve

Hannibal in conflict whether he wished it or not, he set out for

Utica, that by creating an impression of fear and flight he might gain

a favorable opportunity for attack; and this was what took place.

Hannibal, thinking that he was in flight and being correspondingly

encouraged, pursued him with cavalry only. Contrary to his

expectations Scipio resisted, engaged in battle and came out

victorious. After routing this body he directed his next attentions

not to pursuing them but to their equipment train, which chanced to be

on the march, and he captured it entire. This behavior caused Hannibal

alarm, an alarm increased by the news that Scipio had done no injury

to three Carthaginian spies whom he had found in his camp. Hannibal

had learned this fact from one of them, for the other two had chosen

to remain with the Romans. Disheartened and confused he no longer felt

the courage to carry on a decisive engagement with the Romans, but

determined to make efforts for a truce as quickly as possible, in

order that if this attempt should not be successful, it might at least

cause a temporary delay and cessation of hostilities. So he sent to

Masinissa, and through him as a man of the same stock asked for a

truce. And he secured a conference with Scipio, but accomplished

nothing. For Scipio avoided a definite answer as much as he did a

harsh one, but throughout pursued a middle course, albeit preserving

an agreeable tone, in order to lead Hannibal into careless behavior by

pretending a willingness to come to terms. Such was the result.

Hannibal now gave no thought to battle, but concerned himself with a

desire to change his camp to a more favorable location. Scipio,

gaining this information from deserters, broke up beforehand by night

and occupied the spot which was the goal of Hannibal's striving. And

when the Carthaginians had reached a depressed part of the road

unsuited for encampment he suddenly confronted them. Hannibal refused

to fight and in his efforts to locate a camp there and to dig wells he

had a hard time of it all night long. Thus Scipio forced the enemy,

while at a disadvantage from weariness and thirst, to offer battle

whether pleased or not.

Accordingly, the Romans entered the conflict well marshaled and eager,

but Hannibal and the Carthaginians listlessly and in dejection, a

dejection for which a total eclipse of the sun at this time was

largely accountable. From this combination of circumstances Hannibal

suspected that this, too, foreboded to them nothing auspicious. In

this frame of mind they stationed the elephants in front of them as a

protection. Suddenly the Romans emitted a great, bloodcurdling shout,

and smiting their spears against their shields advanced with

determination and on a run against the elephants. Thrown into a panic

by the onset most of the beasts did not await the enemy's approach,

but turned to flee and receiving frequent wounds wrought greater

turmoil among their keepers. Others entered the fray, and then the

Romans would stand apart and the animals ran through the spaces in

their ranks, getting struck and wounded from close at hand as they

passed along. For a time the Carthaginians resisted, but at length,

when Masinissa and Laelius fell upon them from the rear with horsemen,

they all fled. The majority of them were destroyed and Hannibal came

very near losing his life. As he fled, Masinissa pursued him at

breakneck speed, giving his horse free rein. Hannibal turned and saw

him in mad career; he swerved aside just slightly, [Sidenote: FRAG.

56^57] AND CHECKED HIS FORWARD COURSE: Masinissa rushed by and

Hannibal got behind and wounded him. Shortly after with a few

attendants the Carthaginian leader made good his escape.

[Sidenote: B.C. 201 (_a.u._ 553)] Scipio followed up his victory by a

rapid advance against Carthage and proceeded to besiege it by land and

sea at once. The Carthaginians at first set themselves in readiness as

though to endure the siege, but later, brought to the end of their

resources, [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^62] THEY MADE OVERTURES TO SCIPIO FOR

PEACE. Scipio accepted their proposals and discussed with them the

articles of the compact. THE TERMS AGREED UPON WERE: THAT THE HOSTAGES

AND THE CAPTIVES AND THE DESERTERS SHOULD BE GIVEN UP BY THE

CARTHAGINIANS, THAT ALL THE ELEPHANTS AND THE TRIREMES (SAVE TEN)

SHOULD BE DELIVERED OVER, AND THAT IN THE FUTURE THEY SHOULD NOT KEEP

ELEPHANTS NOR MORE SHIPS OF WAR THAN TEN, NOR MAKE WAR UPON ANY ONE

CONTRARY TO THE ADVICE AND CONSENT OF THE ROMANS, and a few other

points.

WHEN AN AGREEMENT OF THIS NATURE HAD BEEN REACHED, THE CARTHAGINIANS

DESPATCHED AMBASSADORS TO ROME. [Sidenote: (FRAG. 56^63?)] SO THEY

WENT THEIR WAY, BUT THE SENATE DID NOT RECEIVE THE EMBASSY READILY;

INDEED, ITS MEMBERS DISPUTED FOR A LONG TIME, ONE PARTY BEING OPPOSED

TO ANOTHER. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^64] THE POPULAR ASSEMBLY, HOWEVER,

UNANIMOUSLY VOTED FOR PEACE AND ACCEPTED THE AGREEMENT AND SENT TEN

MEN THAT IN CONJUNCTION WITH SCIPIO THEY MIGHT SETTLE ALL THE DETAILS.

AND THE TREATY WAS ACCEPTED, THE TRIREMES WERE GIVEN UP AND BURNED,

AND OF THE ELEPHANTS THE LARGER NUMBER WERE CARRIED OFF TO ROME, AND

THE REST WERE PRESENTED TO MASINISSA. THE ROMANS NOW ABANDONED LIBYA,

AND THE CARTHAGINIANS ITALY.

THE SECOND WAR, THEN, WITH THE CARTHAGINIANS RESULTED IN THIS WAY AT

THE END OF SIXTEEN YEARS. BY IT SCIPIO HAD BEEN MADE ILLUSTRIOUS, AND

HE WAS GIVEN THE TITLE OF AFRICANUS (AFRICA WAS THE NAME OF THAT PART

OF LIBYA SURROUNDING CARTHAGE), AND MANY ALSO CALLED HIM "LIBERATOR"

BECAUSE HE HAD BROUGHT BACK MANY CAPTIVE CITIZENS. HE THEREFORE

ATTAINED GREAT PROMINENCE BY THESE DEEDS, BUT HANNIBAL WAS ACCUSED BY

HIS OWN PEOPLE OF HAVING REFUSED TO CAPTURE ROME WHEN HE WAS ABLE TO

DO SO, AND OF HAVING APPROPRIATED THE PLUNDER IN ITALY. HE WAS NOT,

HOWEVER, CONVICTED, BUT WAS SHORTLY AFTER ENTRUSTED WITH THE HIGHEST

OFFICE IN CARTHAGE.

[Sidenote: FRAG. 57^1] IX, 15.--THE ROMANS NOW BECAME INVOLVED IN

OTHER WARS, which were waged against Philip the Macedonian and against

Antiochus.

_(BOOK 18, BOISSEVAIN.)_

As long as the struggle with the Carthaginians was at its height they

treated Philip with consideration even if his attitude toward them was

not one of friendliness; for they wished to prevent him from

consolidating with the Carthaginians or leading an expedition into

Italy. But when the previous hostilities had come to a standstill,

they did not wait a moment, but embarked upon open warfare with him,

which they justified by the presentation of many complaints.

Accordingly, the Romans sent envoys to him, and when he complied with

none of their orders, voted for war. They used his descent upon the

Greeks as a pretext, but their real reason was irritation at his

general behavior and a determination to anticipate him, so that he

should not be able to enslave Greece and conduct a campaign against

Italy after the fashion of Pyrrhus. [Sidenote: B.C. 200 (_a.u._ 554)]

As a consequence of their vote they made effective preparations in all

departments and they associated with Sulpicius Galba Lucius Apustius

as legatus in charge of the fleet. Galba after crossing the Ionian

Gulf was sick for some time; accordingly the aforementioned legatus

and the sub-lieutenant Claudius Cento assumed charge of his entire

force. The second of these with the aid of the fleet rescued Athens,

which was being besieged by the Macedonians, and sacked Chalcis, which

was occupied by the same enemy. Philip returned just then, having

finished his campaign against Athens, but Cento drove him back at his

first approach and repulsed him again on the occasion of a subsequent

assault. Apustius, while Philip was busy with Greece, had invaded

Macedonia, and was plundering the country as well as making garrisons

and cities subject. For these reasons Philip found himself in a

quandary, and for a time scurried about hither and thither, defending

now one place, now another. This he did until Apustius proved himself

a mighty menace to his country and the Dardanians were injuring the

part of Macedonia close to their borders [Sidenote: FRAG. 57^2] (THIS

PEOPLE DWELL ABOVE THE ILLYRIANS AND THE MACEDONIANS) and some

Illyrians together with Amynander king of the Athamanians, a

Thessalian tribe, though they had previously been his allies now

transferred themselves to the Roman side. In view of these events he

conceived a suspicion of AEtolian loyalty and began to fear for his

interests at home, and he hastened thither with the larger part of his

army. Apustius, apprised of his approach, retired, for by this time it

was winter.

Galba on recovering from his illness made ready a still larger force

and at the beginning of spring pushed forward into Macedonia. When the

two leaders drew near each other they [Sidenote: FRAG. 57^3] BOTH

PITCHED CAMP AND CONDUCTED SKIRMISHES OF THE HORSE AND LIGHT-ARMED

TROOPS. WHEN THE ROMANS TRANSFERRED THEIR CAMP TO A CERTAIN SPOT FROM

WHICH THEY COULD GET FOOD MORE EASILY, PHILIP DECIDED THAT THEY HAD

SHIFTED POSITION OUT OF FEAR OF HIM; THEREFORE HE ATTACKED THEM

UNEXPECTEDLY WHILE THEY WERE ENGAGED IN PLUNDERING AND KILLED A FEW OF

THEM. AND GALBA ON PERCEIVING THIS MADE A SORTIE FROM THE CAMP,

ATTACKED HIM AND SLEW MANY MORE IN RETURN. PHILIP, THEN, IN VIEW OF

HIS DEFEAT AND THE FACT THAT HE WAS WOUNDED, WITHDREW JUST AFTER

NIGHTFALL. GALBA, HOWEVER, DID NOT FOLLOW HIM UP BUT RETIRED TO

APOLLONIA. APUSTIUS WITH THE RHODIANS AND WITH ATTALUS CRUISED ABOUT

AND SUBJUGATED MANY OF THE ISLANDS.

About the same time [Sidenote: FRAG. 57^4] HAMILCAR, A CARTHAGINIAN

WHO HAD MADE A CAMPAIGN WITH MAGO IN ITALY AND REMAINED THERE

UNNOTICED, AFTER A TERM OF QUIET CAUSED THE GAULS AS SOON AS THE

MACEDONIAN WAR BROKE OUT TO REVOLT FROM THE ROMANS; THEN WITH THE

REBELS HE MADE AN EXPEDITION AGAINST THE LIGURIANS AND WON OVER SOME

OF THEM ALSO. THEY FOUGHT WITH LUCIUS FURIUS THE PRAETOR, WERE

DEFEATED, AND SENT ENVOYS ABOUT PEACE. THE LIGURIANS OBTAINED THIS,

but it was not granted to the others. Instead, Aurelius the consul,

who was jealous of the praetor's victory, led a new campaign against

them.

[Sidenote: B.C. 199 (_a.u._ 555)] The succeeding year a great deal of

havoc was wrought by Hamilcar and the Gauls. They conquered the praetor

Gnaeus Baebius, overran the territory which was in alliance with the

Romans, besieged Placentia, and capturing it razed it to the ground.

IX, 16.--To return to the campaign in Greece and Macedonia--Publius

Villius the consul was encamped opposite Philip, who had occupied in

advance the passes of Epirus through which are the entrances to

Macedonia. Philip had extended a wall across the entire mountain

region in between and held a formidable position, [Sidenote: B.C. 198

(_a.u._ 556)] but the consul Titus Flamininus[38] at the conclusion

of winter got around the circumvallation with a few followers by a

narrow path. And appearing suddenly on higher ground he terrified

Philip, who thought that the whole army of Titus had come up through

the pass. Hence he fell back into Macedonia at once. The consul did

not pursue him, but assumed control of the cities in Epirus. He also

went into Thessaly and detached a good part of it from Philip and then

retired into Phocis and Boeotia. While he was besieging Elatea his

brother Lucius Flamininus in company with Attalus and the Rhodians was

subduing the islands. Finally, after the capture of Cenchrea, they

learned that envoys had been sent to the Achaeans to see about an

alliance and they despatched some themselves in turn, the Athenians

associating in the embassy. And at first the opinions of the Achaeans

were divided, some wanting to vote their alliance to Philip and some

to the Romans; eventually, however, they voted assistance to the

latter. And they joined in an expedition against Corinth, where they

succeeded in demolishing portions of the wall, but retired after

losses suffered through sallies of the citizens.

[Footnote 38: Zonaras consistently spells _Flaminius_.]

Then Philip, growing afraid that many cities might be taken, made

overtures to the consul regarding peace. The latter accepted his

representations and they and their allies met, but nothing was

accomplished except that permission was granted Philip to send envoys

to Rome. Nor was anything done there. For, when the Greeks insisted

that he depart from Corinth and Chalcis and from Demetrias in

Thessaly, the envoys of Philip said they had received no instructions

on this point and closed an ineffectual mission.

The people of Rome in voting to Flamininus the supreme direction in

Greece for another year also committed to his charge the case of

Philip as well. The Roman leader, since he was to remain at his post,

prepared for war, and the more so because the Lacedaemonian tyrant

Nabis, although a friend of Philip from whom he had received Argos,

had made a truce with him. The Macedonian monarch being unable to

administer many districts at once and fearing that the city might be

seized by the Romans had deposited it with Nabis to be restored again.

In a campaign of the consul AElius Paetus against the Gauls many

perished on both sides in the stress of conflict and no advantage was

achieved. And the Carthaginian hostages together with the slaves

accompanying them and the captives who had been sold to various

persons had the hardihood to take possession of the several cities in

which they were living; and after slaughtering many of the native

population were overthrown by the praetor Cornelius Lentulus before

they had wrought any more mischief. The Gauls, however, elated by

their successes and aware of the fact that it was only a secondary war

the Romans were waging against them prepared as if to march upon Rome.

[Sidenote: B.C. 197 (_a.u._ 557)] The Romans consequently became

afraid and sent both the consuls, Cornelius Cethegus and Minucius

Rufus, against the Gauls. They parted company and individually ravaged

different tracts of country. The enemy accordingly also divided

forces to meet the consuls. One band under Hamilcar encountered

Cethegus and was defeated; the rest when made aware of this showed the

white feather and would no longer face Rufus; consequently the latter

overran the country at will. Those who had fought against Cethegus

then made peace; the remainder still continued under arms.

At this time Flamininus in company with Attalus reduced the whole of

Boeotia. Attalus expired of old age in the midst of a speech which

he was making to the people there. Flamininus went into Thessaly and

came into collision with Philip. It was only a cavalry skirmish in

which they engaged, for the ground was not suitable for a battle on a

vaster scale; hence both withdrew. And having reached a certain hill,

the top ridge of which is called Dog's Head (Cynoscephale), they

bivouacked, one on one side, the other on the other. Here also they

fought with their entire armies, and the outcome would have left both

with equal honors if the AEtolians had not made the Romans superior. So

[Sidenote: FRAG. 58] PHILIP WAS DEFEATED and fled, and afterward,

learning that Larissa and the cities surrounding it had chosen to

follow the fortunes of the victors, HE SENT HERALDS TO FLAMININUS. AND

HE MADE A TRUCE as soon as Philip had given money and hostages, among

them his own son Demetrius, and had sent out envoys to Rome in regard

to peace.

During the period of these transactions Androsthenes also had been

vanquished by the Achaeans and had lost Corinth. And Lucius Flamininus

who was in charge of the fleet, when he could not persuade the

Acarnanians to refrain from allying themselves with Philip, besieged

and captured Leucas; later they became aware of Philip's defeat and he

secured their submission with greater ease.

Thus was the Macedonian war terminated and the people of Rome very

readily became reconciled with Philip upon the following terms. He

should restore the captives and deserters; give up the elephants and

triremes save five (including the flagship, a vessel of sixteen

banks), pay an indemnity, part at once, the rest in definite

installments; be king of Macedonia alone; not keep more than five

thousand soldiers, nor make war with any person outside his own

country. For the rest of the cities situated in Asia and Europe which

were previously subservient to him they let go free.

The consuls waged once more with the Gauls a war not unfraught with

difficulties, yet in spite of all they got the better of this people,

too.

[Sidenote: B.C. 195 (_a.u._ 559)] IX, 17.--Porcius Cato being chosen

consul won back Spain, which had been almost entirely alienated. He

was a man who surpassed those of his age in every virtue. Now after

the defeat inflicted upon the Romans at Cannae a law had been passed to

the effect that women should not wear gold nor be carried in chairs

nor make use at all of variegated clothing; and the people were

deliberating as to whether they ought to abolish this law. And on this

subject Cato delivered a speech in which he made out that the law

ought to prevail, and finally he added these words: "Let the women,

then, be adorned not with gold nor precious stones nor with any bright

and transparent clothing, but with modesty, with love of husband, love

of children, persuasion, moderation, with the established laws, with

our arms, our victories, our trophies."--Lucius Valerius, a tribune,

spoke in opposition to Cato, urging that the privilege of the old-time

ornament be restored to the women. After speaking at length in this

vein to the people he then directed his discourse to a consideration

of Cato, and said: "You, Cato, if you are displeased at women's

ornaments and wish to do something magnificent and befitting a

philosopher, clip their hair close all around and put on them short

frocks and tunics with one shoulder; yes, by Jove, you go ahead and

give them armor and mount them on horses and, if you like, take them

to Spain; and let's bring them in here, so that they may take part in

our assemblies." Valerius said this in jest, but the women hearing him

(many of them were hanging about near the Forum inquisitive to know

how the affair would come out) rushed into the assembly denouncing the

law; and accordingly, as it was speedily repealed, they put on some

ornaments right there in the assembly and went out dancing.

Cato sailed away and reached Spain. There he learned that all the

dwellers as far as the Iber had united in order to wage war against

him in a body. After organizing his army he attacked and defeated them

and forced them to submit to him. They did so in the fear that

otherwise they might lose the cities at a single stroke. At the time

he did them no harm, but later when some of them incurred his

suspicion, he deprived them all of arms and made the natives

themselves tear down their own walls. Letters were sent in every

direction with orders that they should be delivered to everybody on

the same day; and in these he commanded the people to raze the circuit

of their fortifications instanter, threatening the disobedient with

death. Those occupying official positions when they had read them

thought in each case that the message had been written to them alone,

and without taking time for deliberation they all threw down their

walls.

Cato now crossed the Iber, and though he did not dare to contend with

the Celtiberian allies of the enemy on account of their number, yet he

handled them in marvelous fashion, now persuading them by a gift of

larger pay to change front and join him, now admonishing them to

return home, sometimes even announcing a battle with them for a stated

day. The result of it all was that they broke up into separate

factions and became so fearful that they no longer ventured to fight

with him.

_(BOOK 19, BOISSEVAIN.)_

IX, 18.--At this time Flamininus, too, made a campaign against Argos,

for the Romans seeing that Nabis was not loyal to them and was a

source of terror to the Greeks treated him as an enemy. With an

accession of allies from Philip Flamininus marched upon Sparta,

crossed Taygetus without effort and advanced toward the city, meeting

with no opposition. For Nabis, being afraid of the Romans and

suspicious of the natives, did not rouse himself to the point of

meeting Flamininus at a distance; but when the latter came nearer he

made a hostile excursion from the town, thinking lightly of his

opponent because of the fatigue of the journey and because Flamininus

was kept employed by the business of encamping; and he did cause a few

flurries. The next day he came out to face the Romans when they

assaulted, but as he lost large numbers he did not come out again. So

Flamininus, leaving a portion of his army there to prevent a warlike

demonstration anywhere, with the rest turned his attention to the

country districts; these he ravaged with the aid of his brother and

the Rhodians and Eumenes, son of Attalus. Nabis was consequently in

despair and despatched a herald to Flamininus about peace. The latter

listened to his proposals but did not immediately cease hostilities.

For Nabis did not dare to refuse the arrangements which he was asked

to make, nor yet would he consent to make them. And the populace

prevented him from coming to an agreement. So temporarily Nabis did

not come to terms, but when the Romans attacked again and captured

almost all of Sparta (it was in part destitute of a wall), he would

wait no longer, but made a truce with Flamininus and by sending an

embassy to Rome effected a settlement.

Flamininus hereupon set all the Greeks free; [Sidenote: B.C. 194

(_a.u._ 560)] later he convened them in session and after reminding

them of the benefits they had received urged them to maintain a kindly

attitude toward the Romans: he then withdrew all their garrisons and

departed with his entire army.

Upon the arrival of Flamininus at Rome Nabis rebelled. And straightway

the whole Greek world, so to speak, was thrown into a turmoil which

the AEtolians did their best to increase. They were making ready for

war and were sending embassies to Philip and Antiochus. They persuaded

the latter to assume a position of hostility to the Romans, promising

him that he should be king of both Greece and Italy. Roman interests

were so upset that they had no hope of overcoming Antiochus, but were

satisfied if they could preserve their former conquests. Antiochus was

regarded as a mighty personage both in the light of his own power,

through which he had performed distinguished exploits and above all

had subjugated Media, [Sidenote: B.C. 193 (_a.u._ 561)] and he loomed

far mightier still for having attached to his cause Ptolemy, king of

Egypt, and Ariarathes, monarch of Cappadocia, as a kinsman by

marriage.

Antiochus being so esteemed, the Romans as long as they were at war

with Philip were careful to court his favor, keeping up friendly

relations with him through envoys and sending him gifts. But when they

had vanquished their other enemy, they despised also this king whom

they had formerly feared. Antiochus himself crossed over into Thrace

and gained control of many districts. [Sidenote: B.C. 192 (_a.u._

562)] He helped colonize Lysimachia, which had been depopulated,

intending to use it as a base. It was Philip and Nabis who had invited

his assistance. Hannibal, too, had been with him and had caused him to

hope that he might sail to Carthage and from there to Italy, and

further that he could subjugate the races along the Ionian Gulf and

with them set out against Rome. Twice before, indeed, Antiochus had

crossed into Europe and had reached Greece. This time he learned that

Ptolemy was dead, and deeming it all important that he should obtain

the sovereignty of Egypt he left his son Seleucus with a force at

Lysimachia and himself set out on the march. He found out, however,

that Ptolemy was alive, and so kept away from Egypt and made an

attempt to sail to Cyprus. Baffled by a storm he returned home. The

Romans and he both despatched envoys to each other submitting mutual

complaints that they might get an excuse for the war and inspect

conditions on each side betimes.

Hannibal had obtained the most important office at Carthage and in his

tenure of it had offended the most powerful nobles and incurred their

hatred. Malicious reports about him were conveyed to the Romans to

the effect that he was rousing the Carthaginians to revolt and was

negotiating with Antiochus. Learning that some men from Rome were at

hand and fearing possible arrest he escaped from Carthage by night. He

came then to Antiochus and paved the way for his own restoration to

his native country and for war against the Romans by promising the

king that he would secure to him the rulership of Greece and Italy.

All went well until Scipio Africanus joined them. Scipio had been sent

to Libya as arbitrator between Masinissa and the Carthaginians, who

were at variance over some land boundaries, and had left their dispute

still hanging in the air that they might continue to quarrel and

neither of them be angry at the Romans on account of a definite

decision. From there he crossed into Asia nominally as an envoy to

Antiochus but in reality to smite both him and Hannibal with terror by

his appearance and accomplish what was for the advantage of the

Romans. After his arrival Antiochus no longer bestowed a similar

degree of attention upon Hannibal. He suspected him of secret dealings

with Scipio, and found him burdensome besides, because everybody

ascribed every plan to Hannibal and all placed in him their hope for

success in the war. For these reasons, then, he became both jealous

and afraid of Hannibal, dreading that he might change his demeanor,

should he get control of any power. So he neither supplied him with an

army nor sent one to Carthage; and he did not favor him very much

with audiences but made it a practice not to sanction any of his

proposals.

IX, 19.--The rumors about Antiochus occupied a large share of Rome's

attention and caused the Romans no small degree of uneasiness. The

name of Antiochus was in many mouths: some said that he already held

the whole of Greece, others talked to the effect that he was hastening

toward Italy. The Romans accordingly despatched envoys to Greece,

among them Flamininus, who was on intimate terms with the people, in

order to prevent them and Philip from creating any disturbance; and of

the praetors they sent Marcus Baebius to Apollonia, in case Antiochus

should undertake to cross over into Italy that way, and Aulus Atilius

to attend to Nabis. The second of these had no work to do, for Nabis

had ere this perished, the victim of a plot on the part of the

AEtolians, and Sparta had been captured by the Achaeans: Baebius and

Philip confirmed the loyalty of many portions of Thessaly. The

Macedonian king was true to his agreement with the Romans principally

for the reason that Antiochus had attached some settlements belonging

to him in Thrace.

Flamininus went about Greece, and some he persuaded not to revolt,

others already revolted he won back, except the AEtolians and a few

towns elsewhere. The AEtolian league had bound itself to Antiochus and

was forming a union out of some states that were willing and others

that were unwilling. Antiochus in spite of the winter time hastened

forward to fulfill the hopes of the AEtolians, and this explains why

he did not bring along a respectable force. With what he had, however,

he took Chalcis and gained control of the rest of Euboea. Finding

some Romans among the captives he released them all. Then he entered

Chalcis to spend the winter, [Sidenote: FRAG. 59^1] WITH THE RESULT

THAT HE HIMSELF AND HIS GENERALS AND HIS SOLDIERS HAD THEIR MENTAL

ENERGIES RUINED BEFOREHAND; FOR BY HIS GENERAL INDOLENCE AND HIS

PASSION FOR A CERTAIN GIRL HE DRIFTED INTO LUXURIOUS LIVING AND AT THE

SAME TIME RENDERED THE BEST UNFIT FOR WARFARE.

The people of Rome learning that he was in Greece and had captured

Chalcis took up the war in earnest. [Sidenote: B.C. 191 (_a.u._ 563)]

Of the consuls they retained Scipio Nasica to guard Italy and sent

Manius Glabrio with a large army into Greece. Nasica conducted a war

against the Boii, and Glabrio drove Antiochus out of Greece. He also

went to Thessaly and with the help of Baebius and Philip gained control

of many of the towns there. He captured Philip of Megalopolis and sent

him to Rome, and drove Amynander out of his domain, which he then gave

to the Macedonian ruler.

Antiochus meanwhile was staying at Chalcis and keeping quiet.

Afterward he entered Boeotia and at Thermopylae withstood the Romans

who came to meet him. Considering the fewness of his soldiers he

thought it best to seek an ally in the natural advantages of his

position. And in order to avoid having himself such an experience as

the Greeks had met who were arrayed there against the Persian he sent

a division of the AEtolians up to the summit of the mountains to keep

guard there. Glabrio cared little for the location and did not

postpone a battle: however, he despatched his lieutenants Porcius Cato

and Valerius Flaccus by night against the AEtolians on the summit and

himself engaged in conflict with Antiochus just about dawn. As long as

he fought on level ground he had the best of it, but when Antiochus

fell back to a position higher up, he found himself inferior till Cato

arrived in the enemy's rear. Cato had come upon the AEtolians asleep

and had killed most of them and scattered the rest; then he hurried

down and participated in the battle going on below. So they routed

Antiochus and captured his camp. The king forthwith retired to

Chalcis, but learning that the consul was approaching went back

unobserved to Asia.

Glabrio at once occupied Boeotia and Euboea, and proceeded to

deliver assaults upon Heraclea, since the AEtolians were unwilling to

yield to him. The lower city he captured by means of a siege and

received the capitulation of those who had fled to the acropolis.

Among the prisoners taken at this time was found Democritus the

AEtolian general, who had once refused alliance to Flamininus, and when

the latter asked for a decree that he might send it to Rome, had said:

"Don't worry. I will carry it there with my army and read it to you

all on the banks of the Tiber."--Philip was engaged in besieging Lamia

when Glabrio came against it and appropriated both victory and booty.

Though the remainder of the AEtolians wanted to become reconciled,

still they made no truce because Antiochus sent them envoys and

money; and they set themselves in readiness for war. Philip affected

friendliness toward the Romans, but his heart was with Antiochus.

Meantime Glabrio was besieging Naupactus which belonged to the

AEtolians, and Flamininus coming to them persuaded the inhabitants to

make peace, for he was well known to them. They as well as the Epirots

despatched envoys to Rome. Philip for sending a triumphal crown to

Capitoline Jupiter received in return among other presents his son

Demetrius, who was living at Rome a hostage. A truce was not made with

the AEtolians, for they would not submit to any curtailment of

privilege.

[Sidenote: B.C. 190 (_a.u._ 564)] IX, 20.--The Romans set against

Antiochus the Scipios, Africanus and his brother Lucius. They granted

the AEtolians a respite for the purpose of once more conducting an

embassy to Rome regarding peace, and hurried on against Antiochus. On

reaching Macedonia they secured allies from Philip and marched on to

the Hellespont. After crossing into Asia they occupied most of the

coast districts which had previously been occupied by the Romans who

had gone there first, as well as by Eumenes and the Rhodians; the

latter had also conquered Hannibal in the region of Pamphylia, as he

was taking some ships out from Phoenicia. Eumenes and his brother

Attalus proceeded to injure the country of Antiochus, and cities kept

coming over, some under compulsion, some voluntarily, to the Romans,

with the ultimate result that Antiochus was obliged to abandon Europe

entirely and to recall his son Seleucus from Lysimachia. When this

son had accomplished the return journey, he sent him with troops

against Pergamum. Inasmuch, however, as his investment of the town

proved ineffectual and the Scipios soon reached his vicinity,

Antiochus lost no time in concluding a truce with them; for he

expected to obtain terms since [Sidenote: FRAG. 59^2] HE HAD GOT

POSSESSION OF THE SON OF AFRICANUS AND WAS ACCORDING HIM THE KINDEST

TREATMENT. AND FINALLY, THOUGH HE FAILED OF SECURING PEACE, HE

RELEASED HIM WITHOUT RANSOM. The peace project, however, came to

nothing, because Antiochus would not agree to accede to the Roman

demands.

Still, for a long time their attitude was marked by inaction. Finally

they fell to fighting again. The following may serve as a general

description of the contest. Antiochus put the chariots in front, with

the elephants next, and behind these the slingers and the archers. But

the Romans anticipated the charge of the chariots by a charge of their

own and with a great clamor they rushed straight at them and repulsed

them, so that most of these vehicles turned in the direction of the

elephants. In their backward career they threw their own contingent

into confusion,--for their erratic course terrified and dispersed the

men marshaled close to them,--and a heavy rain which now came up

rendered weak the detachment of archers and slingers. A heavy,

all-enveloping mist succeeded, which was of no hindrance to the

Romans, who had the upper hand and were fighting at close range; but

in the case of their opponents, who were in dread and employed

cavalry and archers for the most part, it made it out of the question

to see which way to shoot their arrows and caused them to stumble over

one another, like men in the dark. Nevertheless Antiochus developed

sufficient power, by means of his armored cavalry, to rout the

antagonists directly confronting him and to advance in pursuit of them

as far as their camp. Indeed, he would have taken it, had not Marcus

AEmilius Lepidus, who was charged with guarding it, killed the first

Romans that came in after they had refused to heed his exhortations to

check their flight. As a result the rest of the party turned back and

the commander himself made a sortie with members of the garrison who

were free from the prevailing demoralization, and their united efforts

repulsed Antiochus. While this action was taking place, Zeuxis had

assailed the ramparts in another quarter, had succeeded in getting

within them, and continued to pillage until Lepidus became aware of it

and came to the rescue of his own interests. At the same time Scipio

captured the camp of Antiochus, wherein he found many human beings,

many horses, baggage animals, silver and gold coins, elephants, and a

number of precious objects besides. Antiochus after this defeat at

once retired into Syria, and the Asiatic Greeks made common cause with

the Romans.

After this, upon overtures made by Antiochus, an armistice was

arranged. Africanus was well disposed toward him for his son's sake,

and the consul, too, did not want to leave the victory to be grasped

by his successor, now approaching; consequently they laid upon

Antiochus conditions no more severe than those they had originally

set, before the battle. [Sidenote: B.C. 189 (_a.u._ 565)] Indeed,

Gnaeus Manlius who succeeded them in office was not pleased with the

agreement reached, and he made additional demands upon the king,

requiring him besides to give hostages, one of whom should be his son

Antiochus, and to deliver up all the deserters, among whom was

Hannibal. Antiochus reluctantly yielded obedience on all points: to

give up Hannibal, however, was out of his power, since that prince had

taken seasonable refuge with Prusias, king of Bithynia. On these terms

Antiochus was able to send envoys to Rome and effect a cessation of

hostilities. Lucius Scipio received praise for his victory, and it

gave him the title of Asiaticus in the same way as his brother had

been called Africanus for conquering Carthage, which had possessed the

most considerable power in Africa.