[Sidenote: FRAG. 40^24] THESE WORDS HE H_Dio's Rome, Volume 1 An Historical Narrative Originally Composed in Greek during the Reigns of Septimius Severus, Geta and Caracalla, Macrinus, Elagabalus and Alexander Severus: and Now Presented in English Form

WHOLE AND HAD EITHER GIVEN OR FURNISHED THEM PROMISES OF MONEY, BUT IN

CONVERSATION WITH FABRICIUS ALONE HE SAID: "I WOULD GLADLY BECOME A

FRIEND TO ALL ROMANS, BUT MOST OF ALL TO YOU. I SEE THAT YOU ARE AN

EXCELLENT MAN AND I ASK YOU TO HELP ME IN GETTING PEACE." WITH THESE

WORDS HE ATTEMPTED TO BESTOW UPON HIM A NUMBER OF GIFTS. BUT FABRICIUS

SAID: "I COMMEND YOU FOR DESIRING PEACE, AND I WILL EFFECT IT FOR YOU,

IF IT SHALL PROVE TO OUR ADVANTAGE. FOR YOU WILL NOT ASK ME, A MAN

WHO, AS YOU SAY, PRETENDS TO UPRIGHTNESS, TO DO ANYTHING AGAINST MY

COUNTRY. NAY, I WOULD NOT EVEN ACCEPT ANY OF THESE THINGS WHICH YOU

ARE FAIN TO GIVE. I ASK YOU, THEREFORE, WHETHER YOU IN VERY TRUTH

REGARD ME AS A REPUTABLE MAN OR NOT. IF I AM A SCOUNDREL, HOW IS IT

THAT YOU DEEM ME WORTHY OF GIFTS? IF, ON THE OTHER HAND, I AM A MAN OF

HONOR, HOW CAN YOU BID ME ACCEPT THEM? BE THEN ASSURED THAT I HAVE

VERY MANY POSSESSIONS, THAT I AM SATISFIED WITH WHAT I NOW HAVE AND

FEEL NO NEED OF MORE. YOU, HOWEVER, EVEN IF YOU ARE EVER SO RICH, ARE

IN UNSPEAKABLE POVERTY. FOR YOU WOULD NOT HAVE CROSSED OVER TO THIS

LAND, LEAVING BEHIND EPIRUS AND THE REST OF YOUR POSSESSIONS, IF YOU

HAD BEEN CONTENT WITH THEM AND WERE NOT REACHING OUT FOR MORE."

After this conversation had taken place as recounted, the envoys took

the captives and departed. Pyrrhus despatched Cineas to Rome with a

large amount of gold coin and women's apparel of every description, so

that even if some of the men should resist, their wives, at least, won

by the appeal of the finery, might make them share in the prostitution

of principles. Cineas on coming to the city did not seek an audience

with the senate, but lingered about, alleging now one reason, now

another. He was visiting the houses of leading men and by his

conversation and gifts was slowly extending his influence over them.

When he had won the attachment of a number, he entered the

senate-chamber and spoke, saying; "King Pyrrhus offers as his defence

the fact that he came not to make war upon you, but to reconcile the

Tarentini, and in answer to their entreaties. Indeed, he has released

your prisoners, waiving ransom, and though he might have ravaged your

country and assaulted your city, he requests to be enrolled among

your friends and allies, hoping to gain much assistance from you and

to render you still more and greater benefits in return."

Thereupon the greater part of the senators evinced pleasure because of

the gifts and because of the captives: however, they made no reply,

but went on deliberating for several days more as to the proper course

to pursue. There was a deal of talk, but the disposition to accord a

truce predominated. On learning this Appius the Blind was carried to

the senate-house (for by reason of his age and his infirmity he was a

stay-at-home) and declared that the _modus vivendi_ with Pyrrhus was

not advantageous to the State. He urged them to dismiss Cineas at once

from the city and to make known to Pyrrhus by his mouth that the king

must first withdraw to his home country and from there make

propositions to them about peace or about anything else he wanted.

This was the advice Appius gave. The senate delayed no longer, but

forthwith unanimously voted to send Cineas that very day across the

borders and to wage an implacable war with Pyrrhus, so long as he

should abide in Italy. They imposed upon the captives certain

degradations in the campaigns and used them no longer against Pyrrhus

nor for any other project as a unit (out of apprehension that if they

were together they might rebel), but sent them to do garrison duty, a

few here, a few there.

_(BOOK 10, BOISSEVAIN)._

[Sidenote: B.C. 279 (_a.u._ 475)] VIII, 5.--During the winter both

sides busied themselves with preparations. When spring had now begun,

Pyrrhus invaded Apulia and reduced many places by force, many also by

capitulation. Finally the Romans came upon him near a city called

Asculum and pitched camp opposite. For several days they lingered,

rather avoiding each other. The Romans were not feeling confident

against men who had once beaten them, and the others dreaded the

Romans as persons animated by desperation. Meanwhile some were talking

to the effect that Decius was getting ready to "devote himself" after

the fashion of his father and grandfather, and by so doing they

terribly alarmed the followers of Pyrrhus, who believed that through

his death they would certainly be ruined. Pyrrhus then convened his

soldiers and discussed this matter, advising them not to be

disheartened nor scared out of their wits by such talk. One human

being, he said, could not by dying prevail over many nor could any

incantation or magic prove superior to arms and men. By making these

remarks and confirming his words by arguments Pyrrhus encouraged the

army under his lead. Also he enquired into the details of the costume

which the Decii had used in devoting themselves, and sent injunctions

to his men, if they should see anybody so arrayed, not to kill him,

but seize him alive. [Sidenote: FRAG. 40^28] AND HE SENT TO DECIUS

AND TOLD HIM THAT HE WOULD NOT SUCCEED IN ACCOMPLISHING THIS, EVEN IF

HE WISHED IT, AND THREATENED THAT IF HE WERE TAKEN ALIVE, HE SHOULD

PERISH MISERABLY. TO THIS THE CONSULS ANSWERED THAT THEY WERE IN NO

NEED OF HAVING RECOURSE TO SUCH A PROCEEDING AS THE ONE MENTIONED,

SINCE THEY WERE SURE TO CONQUER HIM ANYWAY. There was a river not easy

to ford running between the two camps, and they enquired whether he

chose to cross unmolested himself, while they retired, or whether he

would allow them to do it, the object being that the forces should

encounter each other intact and so from a battle with conditions equal

the test of valor might be made an accurate one. The Romans delivered

this speech to overawe him, but Pyrrhus granted them permission to

cross the river, since he placed great reliance upon his elephants.

The Romans among their other preparations made ready, as a measure

against the elephants, projecting beams on wagons, overlaid with iron

and bristling in all directions. From these they intended to shoot and

to withstand the animals with fire as well as by other means. When the

conflict began, the Romans forced the Greeks back, slowly to be sure,

but none the less effectually, until Pyrrhus, bringing his elephants

to bear not opposite their chariots but at the other end of the line,

routed their cavalry through fear of the beasts even before they had

come close. Upon their infantry, however, he inflicted no great

damage. Meantime some of the Apulians had started for the camp of the

Epirots and by so doing brought about victory for the Romans. For when

Pyrrhus sent some of his warriors against them, all the rest were

thrown into disorder and suspecting that their tents had been

captured and their companions were in flight they gave way. Numbers of

them fell, Pyrrhus and many commanding officers besides were wounded,

and later on account of the lack of food and of medical supplies they

incurred great loss. Hence he retreated to Tarentum before the Romans

were aware. As for the consuls, they crossed the river to fight, but

when they ascertained that all had scattered, they withdrew to their

own cities. They were unable to pursue after their foes on account of

wounds among their own following. Then the Romans went into winter

quarters in Apulia, whereas Pyrrhus sent for soldiers and money from

home and went on with other preparations. But learning that Fabricius

and Pappus had been chosen consuls and had arrived in camp, he was not

constant in the same intention.

[Sidenote: B.C. 278 (_a.u._ 476)] The aforesaid consuls were now in

the midst of their army, when a certain Nicias, one of those believed

to be loyal to Pyrrhus, came to Fabricius and offered to murder him

treacherously. Fabricius, indignant at this (for he wanted to overcome

the enemy by valor and main force, like Camillus), informed Pyrrhus of

the plot. This action of his moved the king so strongly that he again

released the Roman captives without price and sent envoys once more in

regard to peace. But when the Romans made no reply about peace, but as

before bade him depart from Italy and only in that event make

propositions to them, and since they kept overrunning and capturing

the cities in alliance with him, [Sidenote: FRAG. 40^29] HE FELL INTO

PERPLEXITY; till at length some Syracusans called on him for

aid--they had been quarreling, as it chanced, ever since the death of

Agathocles--and surrendered to him both themselves and their city.

Hereupon he again breathed freely, hoping to subjugate all of Sicily.

Leaving Milo behind in Italy to keep guard over Tarentum and the other

positions, he himself sailed away after letting it be understood that

he would soon return. The Syracusans welcomed him and laid everything

at his feet, so that in brief time he had again become great and the

Carthaginians in fright secured additional mercenaries from Italy. But

presently his prospects fell to the other extreme of fortune

[Sidenote: FRAG. 40^30] BY REASON OF THE FACT THAT HE EITHER EXPELLED

OR SLEW MANY WHO HELD OFFICE AND HAD INCURRED HIS SUSPICIONS. Then the

Carthaginians, seeing that he was not strong in private forces and did

not possess the devotion of the natives, took up the war vigorously.

They harbored any Syracusans who were exiled and rendered his position

so uncomfortable that he abandoned not only Syracuse, but Sicily as

well.

[Sidenote: B.C. 277 (_a.u._ 477)] VIII, 6.--The Romans on finding out

his absence took courage and turned their attention to requiting those

who had invited him. Postponing till another occasion the case of the

Tarentini they invaded Samnium with their consuls Rufinus and Junius,

devastated the country as they went along, and took several deserted

forts. The Samnites had conveyed their dearest and most valuable

treasures into the hills called the _Cranita_, because they bear a

large growth of cornel-wood (_crania_). The Romans in contempt for

them dared to begin the ascent of the aforementioned hills. As the

region was tangled with shrubbery and difficult of access many were

killed and many, too, were taken prisoners.

The consuls now no longer carried on the war together, since each

blamed the other for the disaster, but Junius went on ravaging a

portion of Samnium, while Rufinus inflicted injury upon Lucanians and

Bruttians. He then started against Croton, which had revolted from

Rome. His friends had sent for him, but the other party got ahead of

them by bringing a garrison from Milo, of which Nicomachus was

commander. Ignorant of this fact he approached the walls carelessly,

supposing that his friends controlled affairs, and suffered a setback

by a sudden sortie made against him. Then, bethinking himself of a

trick, he captured the city. He sent two captives as pretended

deserters into Croton; one at once, declaring that he had despaired of

capturing the place and was about to set out into Locris, which was

being betrayed to him; the other later, corroborating the report with

the further detail that he was on his way. That the story might gain

credence he packed up the baggage and affected to be in haste.

Nicomachus trusted this news (for his scouts made the same report),

and leaving Croton set off with speed into Locrian territory by a

somewhat shorter road. When he had got well into Locris, Rufinus

turned back to Croton, and escaping observation because he was not

expected and because of a mist that then prevailed he captured the

city. Nicomachus learning this went back to Tarentum, and

encountering Rufinus on the way lost many men. The Locrians came over

to the Roman side.

[Sidenote: B.C. 276 (_a.u._ 478)] The next year the Romans made

expeditions into Samnium and into Lucania and fought with the

Bruttians. Pyrrhus, who had been driven out of Sicily and had

returned, was now troubling them grievously. He got back the Locrians

(by their killing the Roman garrison and changing their rulers), but

in a campaign against Rhegium was repulsed, was himself wounded, and

lost great numbers. He then retired into Locris and after executing a

few who opposed his cause he got food and money from the rest and made

his way back to Tarentum. The Samnites, hard pressed by the Romans,

caused him to leave the shelter of that town: [Sidenote: B.C. 275

(_a.u._ 479)] but on coming to their assistance he was put to flight.

A young elephant was wounded, and shaking off its riders wandered

about in search of its mother; the latter thereupon became

unmanageable, and as all the rest of the elephants raised a din

everything was thrown into dire confusion. Finally the Romans won the

day, killing many men and capturing eight elephants, and occupied the

enemy's entrenchments. Pyrrhus accompanied by a few horsemen made his

escape to Tarentum, and from there sailed back to Epirus, leaving Milo

behind with a garrison to take care of Tarentum because he expected to

come back again. He also gave them a chair fastened with straps made

from the skin of Nicias, whom he put to death for treachery. This was

the vengeance, then, that he took upon Nicias, [Sidenote: FRAG.

40^32] AND HE WAS INTENDING TO EXACT VENGEANCE FROM SOME YOUTHS WHO

HAD RIDICULED HIM AT A BANQUET; BUT HE ASKED THEM WHY THEY WERE

RIDICULING HIM, AND WHEN THEY ANSWERED: "WE SHOULD HAVE SAID A LOT

MORE THINGS A GOOD DEAL WORSE, IF THE WINE HADN'T FAILED US", HE

LAUGHED AND LET THEM GO.

Now Pyrrhus, who had made a most distinguished record among generals,

who had inspired the Romans with great fear and left Italy in the

fifth year to make a campaign against Greece, not long afterward met

his death in Argos. A woman, as the story runs, being eager to catch a

sight of him from the roof as he passed by, made a misstep and falling

upon him killed him. The same year Fabricius and Pappus became

censors; and among others whose names they erased from the lists of

the knights and the senators was Rufinus, though he had served as

dictator and had twice been consul. The reason was that he had in his

possession silver plate of ten pounds' weight. This shows how the

Romans regarded poverty as consisting not in the failure to possess

many things but in wanting many things. Accordingly, their officials

who went abroad and others who set out on any business of importance

to the State received besides other necessary allowances a seal-ring

as a public gift.

Some of the Tarentini who had been abused by Milo attacked him, with

Nico at their head. Not accomplishing anything they occupied a section

of their own wall, and with that as headquarters kept making assaults

upon Milo. When they found out that the Romans were disposed to make

war upon them, they despatched envoys to Rome and obtained peace.

[Sidenote: FRAG. 41] [Sidenote: B.C. 273 (_a.u._ 481)] AND PTOLEMY

PHILADELPHUS, KING OF EGYPT, WHEN HE LEARNED THAT PYRRHUS HAD FARED

POORLY AND THAT THE ROMANS WERE GROWING, SENT GIFTS TO THEM AND MADE A

COMPACT. AND THE ROMANS, PLEASED WITH THIS, DESPATCHED AMBASSADORS TO

HIM IN TURN. THE LATTER RECEIVED MAGNIFICENT GIFTS FROM HIM, WHICH

THEY WANTED TO PUT INTO THE TREASURY; THE SENATE, HOWEVER, WOULD NOT

ACCEPT THEM, BUT ALLOWED THEM TO KEEP THEM.

[Sidenote: B.C. 272 (_a.u._ 482)] After this, by the activity of

Carvilius they subdued the Samnites, and overcame the Lucanians and

Bruttians by the hands of Papirius. The same Papirius quelled the

Tarentini. The latter, angry at Milo and subjected to abuse by their

own men, who, as has been told, made the attack on Milo, called in the

Carthaginians to their aid when they learned that Pyrrhus was dead.

Milo, seeing that his chances had been contracted to narrow limits, as

the Romans beset him on the land side and the Carthaginians on the

water front, surrendered the citadel to Papirius on condition of being

permitted to depart unharmed with his immediate followers and his

money. Then the Carthaginians, as representatives of a nation friendly

to the Romans, sailed away, and the city made terms with Papirius.

They delivered to him their arms and their ships, demolished their

walls, and agreed to pay tribute.

The Romans, having thus secured control of the Tarentini, turned their

attention to Rhegium, whose inhabitants after taking Croton by

treachery had razed the city to the ground and had slain the Romans

there. They averted the danger that was threatening them from the

Mamertines holding Messana (whom the people of Rhegium wanted to get

as allies), by coming to an agreement with them; but in the siege of

Rhegium they suffered hardships through a scarcity of food and some

other causes until Hiero by sending from Sicily grain and soldiers to

the Romans strengthened their hands and materially aided them in

capturing the city. [Sidenote: B.C. 270 (_a.u._ 484)] The place was

restored to the survivors among the original inhabitants: those who

had plotted against it were punished.

Hiero, who was not of distinguished family on his father's side and on

his mother's was akin to the slave class, ruled almost the whole of

Sicily and was deemed a friend and ally of the Romans. After the

flight of Pyrrhus he became master of Syracuse, and having a cautious

eye upon the Carthaginians who were encroaching upon Sicily he was

inclined to favor the Romans; and the first mark of favor that he

showed them was the alliance and the forwarding of grain already

narrated.

After this came a winter so severe that the Tiber was frozen to a

great depth and trees were killed. The people of Rome suffered

hardships and the hay gave out, causing the cattle to perish.

[Sidenote: B.C. 269 (_a.u._ 485)] VIII, 7.--The next year a Samnite

named Lolius living in Rome as a hostage made his escape, gathered a

band and seized a strong position in his native country from which he

carried on brigandage. Quintus Gallus and Gaius Fabius made a

campaign against him. Him and the rabblement with him, most of them

unarmed, they suppressed; on proceeding, however, against the Carcini

in whose keeping the robbers had deposited their booty, they

encountered trouble. Finally one night, led by deserters, they scaled

the wall at a certain point and came dangerously near perishing on

account of the darkness,--not that it was a moonless night but because

it was snowing fiercely. But the moon shone out and they made

themselves absolute masters of the position.

A great deal of money fell to the share of Rome in those days, so that

they actually used silver denarii.

[Sidenote: B.C. 267 (_a.u._ 487)] Next they made a campaign into the

district now called Calabria. Their excuse was that the people had

harbored Pyrrhus and had been overrunning their allied territory, but

as a fact they wanted to gain sole possession of Brundusium, since

there was a fine harbor and for the traffic with Illyricum and Greece

the town had an approach and landing-place of such a character that

vessels would sometimes come to land and put out to sea wafted by the

same wind. [Sidenote: B.C. 266 (_a.u._ 488)] They captured it and sent

colonists to it and to other settlements as well. While the

accomplishment of these exploits [Sidenote: FRAG. 42] RAISED THEM TO A

HIGHER PLANE OF PROSPERITY, THEY SHOWED NO HAUGHTINESS: ON THE

CONTRARY THEY SURRENDERED TO THE APOLLONIATIANS ON THE IONIAN GULF

QUINTUS FABIUS, A SENATOR, BECAUSE HE HAD INSULTED THEIR AMBASSADORS.

BUT THESE ON RECEIVING HIM SENT HIM BACK HOME AGAIN UNHARMED.

[Sidenote: B.C. 265 (_a.u._ 489)] In the year of the consulship of

Quintus Fabius and AEmilius they went on a campaign to the Volsinii to

secure the freedom of the latter, for they were under treaty

obligations to them. These people were originally a branch of the

Etruscans, and they gathered power and erected an extremely strong

rampart; they enjoyed also a government guided by good laws. For these

reasons once, when they were involved in war with the Romans, they

offered resistance for a very long time. When they had been subdued,

they deteriorated into a state of effeminacy, left the management of

the city to their servants and let those servants, as a rule, also

carry on their campaigns. Finally they encouraged them to such an

extent that the servants possessed both spirit and power, and thought

they had a right to freedom. In the course of time their efforts to

obtain it were crowned with success. After that they were accustomed

to wed their mistresses, to inherit their masters, to be enrolled in

the senate, to secure the offices, and to hold the entire authority

themselves. Indeed, it was usual, when insults were offered them by

their masters, for them to requite the authors of them with rather

unbecoming speed. Hence the old-fashioned citizens, not being able to

endure them and yet possessing no power of their own to repress them,

despatched envoys by stealth to Rome. The envoys urged the senate to

convene with secrecy at night in a private house, so that no report

might get abroad, and they obtained their request. The meeting

accordingly deliberated under the idea that no one was listening: but

a sick Samnite, who was being entertained as a guest of the master of

the house, kept his bed unnoticed, learned what was voted, and gave

information to those against whom charges were preferred. The latter

seized and tortured the envoys on their return; when they found out

what was on foot they killed the messengers and also some of the

foremost men.

The above were the causes which led the Romans to send Fabius against

them. He routed the body of the foe that met him, destroyed many in

their flight, shut up the remainder within the wall, and made an

assault upon the city. In that action he was wounded and killed,

whereupon gaining confidence the enemy made a sortie. They were again

defeated, retired, and had to submit to siege. When they began to feel

the pangs of hunger, they surrendered. The consul delivered to outrage

and death the men who had appropriated the honors of the ruling class

and he razed the city to the ground; the native inhabitants, however,

and many servants who had rendered valuable service to their masters

he settled on another site.

_(BOOK 11, BOISSEVAIN.)_

VIII, 8.--From that time the Romans began struggles oversea: they had

previously had no experience at all in naval matters. They now became

seamen and crossed over to the islands and to other divisions of the

mainland. The first people they fought against were the Carthaginians.

These Carthaginians were no whit inferior to them in wealth or in the

excellence of their land; they were trained in naval operations to a

great degree of accuracy, were equipped with cavalry forces, with

infantry and elephants, ruled the Libyans, and held possession of both

Sardinia and the greater part of Sicily: as a result they had

cherished hopes of subjugating Italy. Various factors contributed to

increase their self-conceit. They were especially delighted with their

position of independence: their king they elected under the title of a

yearly office and not for permanent sovereignty. Animated by these

considerations they were at the point of most zealous eagerness.

[Sidenote: FRAG. 43^1] THE REASONS ALLEGED FOR THE WAR WERE--ON THE

PART OF THE ROMANS THAT THE CARTHAGINIANS HAD ASSISTED THE TARENTINI,

ON THE PART OF THE CARTHAGINIANS THAT THE ROMANS HAD MADE A TREATY OF

FRIENDSHIP WITH HIERO. THE FACT WAS, HOWEVER, THAT THEY VIEWED EACH

OTHER WITH JEALOUSY AND THOUGHT THAT THE ONLY SALVATION FOR THEIR OWN

POSSESSIONS LAY IN THE POSSIBILITY OF OBTAINING WHAT THE OTHER HELD.

AT A TIME WHEN THEIR ATTITUDE TOWARD EACH OTHER WAS OF THIS NATURE A

SLIGHT ACCIDENT THAT BEFELL BROKE THE TRUCE AND PROVOKED A CONFLICT

BETWEEN THEM. This is what happened.

The Mamertines, who had once conducted a colony from Campania to

Messana, were now being besieged by Hiero, and they called upon the

Romans as a nation of kindred blood. The latter readily voted to aid

them, knowing that in case the Mamertines should not secure an

alliance with them, they would have recourse to the Carthaginians; and

then the Carthaginians would sweep all Sicily and from there cross

over into Italy. For this island is such a short distance away from

the mainland that the story goes that it was itself once a part of the

mainland. [Sidenote: FRAG. 43^2] SO THE ISLAND THUS LYING OFF ITALY

SEEMED TO INVITE THE CARTHAGINIANS, AND IT APPEARED AS IF THEY MIGHT

LAY CLAIM TO THE LAND OVER OPPOSITE, COULD THEY BUT OCCUPY IT. AND THE

POSSESSION OF MESSANA GAVE TO ITS MASTERS THE RIGHT TO BE LORDS OF THE

STRAIT ALSO.

Though the Romans voted to assist the Mamertines, they did not quickly

come to their aid because of various hindrances that occurred. Hence

the Mamertines, under the spur of necessity, called upon the

Carthaginians. These brought about peace with Hiero both for

themselves and for the party that had invoked their help, so as to

prevent the Romans from crossing into the island; and under the

leadership of Hanno they retained the guardianship of strait and city.

[Sidenote: B.C. 264 (_a.u._ 490)] Meantime Gaius Claudius, military

tribune, sent in advance with a few ships by Appius Claudius, had

arrived at Rhegium. But to sail across was more than he dared, for he

saw that the Carthaginian fleet was far larger. So he embarked in a

skiff and approached Messana, where he held a conversation, as

extended as the case permitted, with the party in possession. When the

Carthaginians had made reply, he returned without accomplishing

anything. Subsequently he ascertained that the Mamertines were at odds

(they did not want to submit to the Romans, and yet they felt uneasy

about the Carthaginians), and he sailed over again. [Sidenote: FRAG.

43^3] AMONG OTHER REMARKS WHICH HE MADE TO TEMPT THEM HE DECLARED THAT

THE OBJECT OF HIS PRESENCE WAS TO FREE THE CITY, AND AS SOON AS HE

COULD SET THEIR AFFAIRS IN ORDER, HE SHOULD SAIL AWAY. HE BADE THE

CARTHAGINIANS ALSO EITHER TO WITHDRAW, OR, IF THEY HAD ANY JUST PLEA,

TO OFFER IT. NOW WHEN NOT ONE OF THE MAMERTINES (BY REASON OF FEAR)

OPENED HIS LIPS, AND THE CARTHAGINIANS SINCE THEY WERE OCCUPYING THE

CITY BY FORCE OF ARMS PAID NO HEED TO HIM, HE SAID: "THE SILENCE ON

BOTH SIDES AFFORDS SUFFICIENT EVIDENCE. IT SHOWS THAT THE ONE SIDE IS

IN THE WRONG, FOR THEY WOULD HAVE JUSTIFIED THEMSELVES IF THEIR

PURPOSES WERE AT ALL HONEST; AND THAT THE OTHER SIDE COVETS FREEDOM,

FOR THEY WOULD HAVE BEEN QUITE FREE TO SPEAK, IF THEY HAD ESPOUSED THE

CAUSE OF THE CARTHAGINIANS." AND HE VOLUNTEERED TO AID THEM. At this a

tumult of praise arose from the Mamertines. He then sailed back to

Rhegium and a little later with his entire fleet forced his passage

across. However, partly because of the numbers and skill of the

Carthaginians, but chiefly because of the difficulty of sailing and a

storm that suddenly broke [Sidenote: FRAG. 43^4] HE LOST SOME OF HIS

TRIREMES AND WITH THE REMAINDER BARELY SUCCEEDED IN GETTING BACK TO

RHEGIUM.

VIII, 9.--HOWEVER, THE ROMANS DID NOT SHUN THE SEA BECAUSE OF THEIR

DEFEAT. Claudius proceeded to repair his ships, [Sidenote: FRAG. 43^5]

WHILE HANNO, WISHING TO THROW THE RESPONSIBILITY FOR BREAKING THE

TRUCE UPON THE ROMANS, SENT TO CLAUDIUS THE CAPTURED TRIREMES AND

RESTORED THE CAPTIVES, URGING HIM TO AGREE TO PEACE. [Sidenote: FRAG.

43^6] BUT WHEN THE OTHER WOULD ACCEPT NOTHING, HE THREATENED THAT HE

WOULD NEVER PERMIT THE ROMANS EVEN TO WASH THEIR HANDS IN THE SEA.

Claudius now having become acquainted with the strait watched for a

time when the current and the wind both carried from Italy toward

Sicily, and under those circumstances sailed to the island,

encountering no opposition. [Sidenote: FRAG. 43^7] HE DISCOVERED THE

MAMERTINES AT THE HARBOR: HANNO HAD BEFORE BECOME SUSPICIOUS OF THEIR

MOVEMENTS AND HAD ESTABLISHED HIMSELF IN THE ACROPOLIS, WHICH HE WAS

GUARDING. THE ROMAN LEADER ACCORDINGLY CONVENED AN ASSEMBLY AND AFTER

SOME CONVERSATION WITH THEM PERSUADED THEM TO SEND FOR HANNO. THE

LATTER REFUSED TO COME DOWN, but filled with a subsequent fear that

the Mamertines might allege injustice on his part and revolt he did

enter the assembly. After many words had been spoken to no purpose by

both sides, one of the Romans seized him and, with the approval of the

Mamertines, threw him into prison.

Thus, under compulsion, Hanno left Messana entirely. The Carthaginians

disciplined him and sent a herald to the Romans bidding them leave

Messana and depart from all of Sicily by a given day; they also set

an army in motion. Since the Romans paid no heed, they put to death

the mercenaries serving with them who were from Italy, and made an

assault upon Messana, Hiero accompanying them. Then for a season they

besieged the city and kept guard over the strait, to prevent any

troops or provisions being conveyed to the foe. The consul was

informed of this when he was already quite close at hand, and found a

number of Carthaginians disposed at various points in and about the

harbor under pretence of carrying on trade. In order to get safe

across the strait he resorted to deception and did succeed in

anchoring off Sicily by night. His point of approach was not far from

the camp of Hiero and he joined battle without delay, thinking that

his appearance in force would be most likely to inspire the enemy with

fear. When they came out to withstand the attack, the Roman cavalry

was worsted but the heavy-armed infantry prevailed. Hiero retired

temporarily to the mountains and later to Syracuse.

When Hiero had retired, the Mamertines took courage because of the

presence of Claudius. He therefore assailed the Carthaginians, who

were now isolated, and their rampart, which was situated on a kind of

peninsula. For on the one side the sea enclosed it and on the other

some marshes, difficult to traverse. At the neck of this peninsula,

the only entrance and a very narrow one, a cross wall had been built.

In an attempt to carry this point by force the Romans fared badly and

withdrew under a shower of weapons. [Sidenote: FRAG. 43^9] THE

LIBYANS THEN TOOK COURAGE AND SALLIED OUT, PURSUING THE FUGITIVES, AS

THEY THOUGHT THEM, BEYOND THE NARROW STRIP OF LAND. THEREUPON THE

ROMANS WHEELED, ROUTED THEM, AND KILLED A NUMBER, SO THAT THEY DID NOT

ISSUE FROM THE CAMP AGAIN,--AT LEAST SO LONG AS CLAUDIUS WAS IN

MESSANA. He, however, not daring to attack the approach in force, left

a detachment behind in Messana and turned his steps toward Syracuse

and Hiero. He personally superintended the assault upon the city, and

now and then the inhabitants would come out to battle. Each side would

sometimes be victorious and sometimes incur defeat. One day the consul

got into a confined position and would have been caught, had he not,

before being surrounded, sent to Hiero an invitation to agree to some

terms. When the representative came with whom he was to conclude the

terms, he kept falling back unobtrusively, while he conversed with

him, until he had retired to safety. But the city could not easily be

taken, and a siege, on account of scarcity of food supplies and

disease in the army, was impracticable. Claudius accordingly withdrew;

and the Syracusans following held discussions with his scattered

followers and would have made a truce, if Hiero also had been willing

to agree to terms. The consul left behind a garrison in Messana and

sailed back to Rhegium.

[Sidenote: B.C. 263 (_a.u._ 491)] As Etruscan unrest had come to a

standstill and affairs in Italy were perfectly peaceful, whereas the

Carthaginian state was becoming ever greater, the Romans ordered both

the consuls to make an expedition into Sicily. Valerius Maximus and

Otacilius Crassus consequently crossed over and in their progress

through the island together and separately they won over many towns by

capitulation. When they had made the majority of places their own,

they set out for Syracuse. Hiero in terror sent a herald to them with

offers: he expressed a readiness to restore the cities of which they

had been deprived, promised money, and liberated the prisoners. On

these terms he obtained peace, for the consuls thought they could

subjugate the Carthaginians more easily with his help. After reaching

an agreement with him, then, they turned their attention to the

remaining cities garrisoned by Carthaginians. They were repulsed from

all of them except Segesta, which they took without resistance. Its

inhabitants because of their relationship with the Romans (they

declare they are descended from AEneas) slew the Carthaginians and

joined the Roman alliance.

VIII, 10.--On account of the winter the consuls embarked again for

Rhegium. The Carthaginians conveyed most of their army to Sardinia in

the intention of attacking Rome from that quarter. They would thus

either rout them out of Sicily altogether or would render them weaker

after they had crossed. Yet they achieved neither the one object nor

the other. The Romans both kept guard over their own land and sent a

respectable force to Sicily with Postumius Albinus and Quintus

AEmilius.[15] [Sidenote: B.C. 262 (_a.u._ 492)] On arriving in Sicily

the consuls set out for Agrigentum and there besieged Hannibal the son

of Gisco. The people of Carthage, when apprised of it, sent Hanno,

with a powerful support, to aid him in the warfare. This leader

arrived at Heraclea, not far from Agrigentum, and was soon engaged in

war. A number of battles, but not great ones, took place. At first

Hanno challenged the consuls to fight, then later on the Romans

challenged him. For as long as the Romans had an abundance of food,

they did not venture to contend against a superior force, and were

hoping to get possession of the city by famine; when, however, they

encountered a permanent shortage of grain, they displayed a zeal for

taking risks, but Hanno showed hesitation; their eagerness led him to

suspect that he might be ambushed. Everybody therefore was satisfied

to revere the Romans as easy conquerors, and Hiero, who once

cooeperated with them sulkily, now sent them grain, so that even the

consuls took heart.

[Footnote 15: In Roman records these persons are known respectively as

L. Postumius L. F. L. N. Megellus and Q. Mamilius Q. F. M. N.

Vitulus.]

Hanno now undertook to bring on a battle, expecting that Hannibal

would fall upon the Romans in the rear, assailing them from the wall.

The consuls learned his plan but remained inactive, and Hanno in scorn

approached their intrenchments. They also sent some men to lie in

ambush behind him. When toward evening he fearlessly and

contemptuously led a charge, the Romans joined battle with him from

ambush and from palisade and wrought a great slaughter of the enemy

and of the elephants besides. Hannibal had in the meantime assailed

the Roman tents, but was hurled back by the men guarding them. Hanno

abandoned his camp and made good his escape to Heraclea. Hannibal then

formed a plan to escape as runaways from Agrigentum by night, and

himself eluded observation; the rest, however, were recognized and

were killed, some by the Romans and many by the Agrigentinians. For

all that the people of Agrigentum did not obtain pardon, but their

wealth was plundered and they themselves were all sold into servitude.

On account of the winter the consuls retired to Messana. The

Carthaginians were angry with Hanno and despatched Hamilcar the son of

Barca in his stead, a man superior in generalship to all his

countrymen save only Hannibal his son. [Sidenote: B.C. 261 (_a.u._

493)] Hamilcar himself guarded Sicily and sent Hannibal as admiral to

damage the coast sections of Italy and so draw the consuls to his

vicinity. Yet he did not accomplish his aim, for they posted guards

along both shores and then went to Sicily. They effected nothing

worthy of record, however. And Hamilcar, becoming afraid that his

Gallic mercenaries (who were offended because he had not given them

full pay) might go over to the Romans, brought about their

destruction. He sent them to take charge of one of the cities under

Roman sway, assuring them that it was in course of being betrayed and

giving them permission to plunder it: he then sent to the consuls

pretended deserters to give them advance information of the coming of

the Gauls. Hence all the Gauls were ambuscaded and destroyed; many of

the Romans also perished.

After the consuls had departed home Hamilcar sailed to Italy and

ravaged the land and won over some cities in Sicily. On receipt of

this information the Romans [Sidenote: B.C. 260 (_a.u._ 494)]

gathered a fleet and put one of the consuls, Gaius Duillius, in

command of it, while they sent his colleague, Gaius[16] Cornelius, to

Sicily. He, neglecting the war on land which had fallen to his lot,

sailed with the ships that belonged to him to Lipara, on the

understanding that it was to be betrayed to him. Through treachery it

had fallen into the hands of the Carthaginians. When, therefore, he

put into Lipara, Bodes the lieutenant of Hannibal closed in upon him.

As Gaius[17] made preparations to defend himself, Bodes fearing the

Romans' desperation invited them to discuss terms. Having persuaded

them to do so he took the consul and military tribunes, who supposed

they were to meet the admiral, on board his own trireme. These men he

sent to Carthage: the rest he captured without their so much as

lifting a weapon.

[Footnote 16: This name should in both cases be Gnaeus.]

[Footnote 17: [See previous footnote.]]

VIII, 11.--Then Hannibal continued the ravaging of Italy, while

Hamilcar made a campaign against Segesta, where the Romans had most of

their infantry force. Gaius Caecilius, a military tribune, wanted to

assist them, but Hamilcar waylaid him and slaughtered many of his

followers. The people of Rome learning this at once sent out the

praetor urbanus and incited Duillius to haste. On coming to Sicily he

learned the fact that the ships of the Carthaginians were inferior to

his own in stoutness and size, but excelled in the quickness of their

rowing and variety of movement. Therefore he fitted out his triremes

with mechanical devices,--anchors and grappling irons with long spikes

and other such things,--in order that by laying hold of the hostile

ships with these they might pin them fast to their own vessels; then

by crossing over into them they might have a hand to hand conflict

with the Carthaginians and engage them just as in an infantry battle.

When the Carthaginians began the fight with the Roman ships, they

sailed round and round them using the oars rapidly and would make

sudden dashes. So for the time the conflict was an evenly matched one:

later the Romans got the upper hand and sank numbers of crews,

retaining possession also of large numbers. Hannibal conducted the

fight on a boat of seven banks, but when his own ship became entangled

with a trireme, he feared capture, hastily left the seven banked

affair, and transferring to another ship effected his escape.

This was the way, then, that the naval battle resulted, and much spoil

was taken. [Sidenote: FRAG. 43^13] THE CARTHAGINIANS WOULD HAVE PUT

HANNIBAL TO DEATH ON ACCOUNT OF THE DEFEAT, IF HE HAD NOT IMMEDIATELY

ENQUIRED OF THEM WHETHER, GRANTED THAT THE BUSINESS WERE STILL

UNTOUCHED, THEY WOULD BID HIM RISK A SEA-FIGHT OR NOT. THEY AGREED

THAT HE OUGHT TO FIGHT, FOR THEY PRIDED THEMSELVES UPON HAVING A

SUPERIOR NAVY. HE THEN ADDED: "I, THEN, HAVE DONE NO WRONG, FOR

I WENT INTO THE ENGAGEMENT WITH THE SAME HOPES AS YOU. IT WAS THE

DECISION, BUT NOT THE FORTUNE OF THE BATTLE THAT HAPPENED TO BE

WITHIN MY POWER." So he saved his life, but was deprived of his

command.--Duillius after securing a reinforcement of infantry rescued

the people of Segesta, and Hamilcar would not venture to come into

close conflict with him. He strengthened the loyalty of the other

friendly settlements and returned to Rome at the close of autumn. Upon

his departure Hamilcar took forcible possession of the place called

Drepanum (it is a convenient roadstead), deposited there the objects

of greatest value and transferred to it all the people of Eryx. The

city of the latter, because it was a strong point, he razed to the

ground to prevent the Romans from seizing it and making it a base of

operations for the war. He captured some cities, too, some by force,

some by betrayal; and if Gaius Florus who wintered there had not

restrained him, he would have subjugated Sicily entire.

[Sidenote: B.C. 259 (_a.u._ 495)] Lucius Scipio, his colleague, made a

campaign against Sardinia and against Corsica. These islands are

situated in the Tyrrhenian sea only a short distance apart,--so short

a distance, in fact, that from a little way off they seem to be one.

His first landing place was Corsica. There he captured by force

Valeria, its largest city, and subdued the remainder of the region

without effort. As he was sailing toward Sardinia he descried a

Carthaginian fleet and directed his course to it. The enemy fled

before a battle could be joined and he came to the city of Olbia.

There the Carthaginians put in an appearance along with their ships,

and Scipio being frightened (for he had no infantry worthy the

mention) set sail for home.

These were the days when the Samnites with the cooeperation of other

captives and slaves in the city came to an agreement to form a

conspiracy against Rome. Numbers of them had been brought there with

a view to their utilization in the equipment of the fleet. Herius

Potilius, the leader of the auxiliary force, found it out and

pretended to be of like mind with them, in order that he might fully

inform himself in regard to what they had determined. As he was not

able to give knowledge of the affair,--for all those about him were

Samnites,--he persuaded them to gather in the Forum at a time when a

senate meeting was being convened and denounce him with declarations

that they were being wronged in the matter of the grain which they

were receiving. They did this and he was sent for as being the cause

of the tumult; and he then laid bare to the Romans the plot. For the

moment they merely dismissed the protestants (after they had become

quiet) but by night all of those who held slaves arrested some of

them. And in this way the entire conspiracy was overthrown.

[Sidenote: B.C. 253 (_a.u._ 496)] The following summer the Romans and

the Carthaginians fought in Sicily and Sardinia at once. Somewhat

later Atilius Latinus[18] went to Sicily and finding a city named

Mytistratus being besieged by Florus he made use of the latter's

support. He made assaults upon the circuit of the wall which the

natives with the help of the Carthaginians at first withstood

vigorously, but when the women and children were moved to tears and

laments they abandoned resistance. The Carthaginians passed out

secretly by night and at daybreak the natives voluntarily swung the

gates wide open. The Romans went in and proceeded to slaughter them

all till Atilius made proclamation that the remainder of the booty

and the human beings belonged to him who might take them. Forthwith

they spared the lives of the remaining captives and after pillaging

the city burned it to the ground.

[Footnote 18: A. Atilius Calatinus is meant.]

VIII, 12.--Thence they proceeded heedlessly against Camarina and came

into a region where an ambuscade had already been set. They would have

perished utterly, had not Marcus Calpurnius, serving as military

tribune, matched the catastrophe by his cleverness. He saw that one

and one only of the surrounding hills had by reason of its steepness

not been occupied and he asked of the consul three hundred heavy-armed

men and with them he set out for that point. His purpose was to make

the enemy turn their attention to his detachment so that then the rest

of the Romans might make their escape. And so it happened; for when

the adversaries saw his project, they were thunderstruck and left the

consul and his followers as men already captured in order to make a

united rush upon Calpurnius. A fierce battle ensued in which many of

the opposing side and all the three hundred fell. Calpurnius alone

survived. He had been wounded and lay unnoticed among the heaps of

slain, being as good as dead by reason of his wounds; afterward he was

found alive and his life was saved. While the three hundred were

fighting, the consul got away; and after this escape he reduced

Camarina and other cities, some by force and some by capitulation.

Next Atilius set out against Lipara. But Hamilcar at night by stealth

occupied it in advance and by making a sudden sally killed many

Romans.

Gaius Sulpicius overran the most of Sardinia and filled with arrogance

as a result he set out for Libya. The Carthaginians, alarmed for the

safety of their home population, also set sail with Hannibal,

[Sidenote: FRAG. 43^14] BUT AS A CONTRARY WIND WAS ENCOUNTERED BOTH

LEADERS TURNED BACK. SUBSEQUENTLY ATILIUS[19] BROUGHT ABOUT HANNIBAL'S

DEFEAT THROUGH SOME FALSE DESERTERS who pretended that Atilius[20] was

going to sail to Libya again. Hannibal weighed anchor and came out

with speed, whereupon Sulpicius sailed to meet him and sank the

majority of his vessels, which, because of a mist, did not know for a

long time what was taking place and were thrown into confusion; all

that made their escape to land he seized, though minus their crews,

for Hannibal who saw that the harbor was unsafe abandoned them and

retired to the city of Sulci. There the Carthaginians engaged in

mutiny against their leader and he came forth before them alone and

was slain. The Romans in consequence overran the country with greater

ease, but were defeated by Hanno. This is what took place that year.

Also stones in great quantities at once, and in appearance something

like hail, fell from heaven upon Rome continually. It likewise came to

pass that stones descended upon Albanum and elsewhere.

[Footnote 19: Apparently a mistake for _Sulpicius_.]

[Footnote 20: [See previous footnote.]]

[Sidenote: B.C. 257 (_a.u._ 497)] The consuls on coming to Sicily made

a campaign against Lipara. Perceiving the Carthaginians lying in the

harbor below the height called Tyndaris they divided their expedition

in two. One of the consuls with half the fleet surrounded the

promontory, and Hamilcar thinking them an isolated force set sail.

When the rest came up, he turned to flight and lost most of his fleet.

The Romans were elated, and feeling that Sicily was already theirs

they left it and ventured to make an attempt on Libya and Carthage.

[Sidenote: FRAG. 43^16] THEIR LEADERS WERE MARCUS REGULUS AND LUCIUS

MANLIUS, PREFERRED BEFORE OTHERS FOR THEIR EXCELLENCE. [Sidenote: B.C.

256 (_a.u._ 498)] These two sailed to Sicily, settled affairs there,

and made ready for the voyage to Libya: the Carthaginians did not wait

for their hostile voyage to begin, but after due preparation hastened

toward Sicily. Off Heracleotis the opposing forces met. The contest

was for a long time evenly balanced but in the end the Romans got the

best of it. Hamilcar did not dare to withstand their progress,

[Sidenote: FRAG. 43^17] BUT SENT HANNO TO THEM PRETENDEDLY IN BEHALF

OF PEACE, WHEREAS HE REALLY WISHED TO USE UP TIME; HE WAS IN HOPES

THAT AN ARMY WOULD BE SENT TO HIM FROM HOME. WHEN SOME CLAMORED FOR

HANNO'S ARREST, BECAUSE THE CARTHAGINIANS HAD ALSO TREACHEROUSLY

ARRESTED CORNELIUS, the envoy said: "If you do this, you will be no

longer any better than Libyans." He, therefore, by flattering them

most opportunely escaped any kind of molestation: the Romans, however,

again took up the war. And the consuls sailed from Messana, while

Hamilcar and Hanno separated and studied how to enclose them from both

sides. Hanno, however, would not stand before them when they

approached, but sailed away betimes to the harbor of Carthage and

kept constant guard of the city. Hamilcar, apprised of this, stayed

where he was. The Romans disembarked on land and marched against the

city Aspis, whose inhabitants, seeing them approaching, slipped out

quietly and in good season. The Romans thus occupied it without

striking a blow and made it a base in the war. From it they ravaged

the country and acquired cities, some of their own free will and

others by intimidation. They also kept securing great booty, receiving

vast numbers of deserters, and getting back many of their own men who

had been captured in the previous wars.

VIII, 13.--Winter came on and Manlius sailed back to Rome with the

booty, whereas Regulus remained behind in Libya. The Carthaginians

found themselves in the depths of woe, since their country was being

pillaged and their vassals alienated; but cooped up in their

fortifications they remained inactive. [Sidenote: (FRAG. 43^18?)]

WHILE REGULUS WAS BESIDE THE BAGRADAS RIVER A SERPENT OF HUGE BULK

APPEARED TO HIM, THE LENGTH OF WHICH IS SAID TO HAVE BEEN ONE HUNDRED

AND TWENTY FEET. ITS SLOUGH WAS CARRIED TO ROME FOR EXHIBITION

PURPOSES. AND THE REST OF ITS BODY CORRESPONDED IN SIZE. It destroyed

many of the soldiers that approached it and some also who were

drinking from the river. Regulus overcame it by a crowd of soldiers

and hurling-engines. After thus destroying it he gave battle by night

to Hamilcar, who was encamped upon a high, woody spot; and he slew

many in their beds as well as many who had just risen. Any who escaped

fell in with Romans guarding the roads, who despatched them. In this

way a large division of Carthaginians was blotted out and numerous

cities went over to the Romans. [Sidenote: FRAG. 43^19] THOSE IN THE

TOWN BEING IN FEAR OF CAPTURE SENT HERALDS TO THE CONSUL TO THE END

THAT HAVING BY SOME SATISFACTORY ARRANGEMENT INDUCED HIM TO GO AWAY

THEY MIGHT AVOID THE DANGER OF THE MOMENT AND SO ESCAPE. BUT WHEN MANY

UNREASONABLE DEMANDS WERE MADE OF THEM, THEY DECIDED THAT THE TRUCE

WOULD MEAN THEIR UTTER SUBJUGATION AND PREPARED RATHER TO FIGHT.

[Sidenote: B.C. 255 (_a.u._ 499)] Regulus, however, who up to that

time was fortunate, became filled with boastfulness and conceit, so

much so that he even wrote to Rome that he had sealed up the gates of

Carthage with fear. His followers and the people of Rome thought the

same way, and this caused their undoing. Allies of various sorts came

to the Carthaginians, among them Xanthippus from Sparta. He assumed

the general superintendence of the Carthaginians, for the populace was

eager to entrust matters to his charge and Hamilcar together with the

other officials stepped aside voluntarily. The new leader, then,

disposed things excellently in every way, and particularly he brought

the Carthaginians down from the heights, where they were staying

through fear, into the level country, where their horses and elephants

were sure to develop greatest power. For some time he remained

inactive until at length he found the Romans encamped in a way that

betokened their contempt. They were very haughty over their victorious

progress and looked down upon Xanthippus as a "Graecus" (this is a name

they give to Hellenes and they use this epithet as a reproach to them

for their mean birth); [Sidenote: B.C. 255 (_a.u._ 499)] consequently

they had constructed their camp in a heedless fashion. While the

Romans were in this situation, Xanthippus assailed them, routed their

cavalry with his elephants, cut down many and captured many alive,

among them Regulus himself. This put the Carthaginians in high

spirits. They saved the lives of the captives in order that their own

citizens previously taken captive by the Romans might not be killed.

All the Roman prisoners were treated with consideration except

Regulus, whom they kept in a state of utter misery; they offered him

only just food enough to maintain existence and they would repeatedly

lead an elephant close up to him to frighten him, so that he might

have peace in neither body nor mind. After afflicting him in this way

for a good while they placed him in prison.

The manner in which the Carthaginians dealt with their allies forms a

chapter of great ruthlessness in this story. They were not supplied

with sufficient wealth to pay them what they had originally promised,

and dismissed them with the understanding that they would pay them

their wages before very long. To the men who escorted the allies,

however, they issued orders to put them ashore on a desert island and

quietly sail away. As to Xanthippus, one story is that they drowned

him, attacking him in boats after his boat had departed: the other is

that they gave him an old ship which was in no wise seaworthy but had

been newly covered over with pitch outside, that it might sink quite

of itself; and that he, aware of the fact, got aboard a different

ship and so was saved. Their reason for doing this was to avoid

seeming to have been preserved by his ability; for they thought that

once he had perished the renown of his deeds would also perish.

VIII, 14.--The people of Rome were grieved at the turn of events and

more especially because they were looking for the Carthaginians to

sail against Rome itself. For this reason they carefully guarded Italy

and hastily sent to the Romans in Sicily and Libya the consuls Marcus

AEmilius and Fulvius Paetinus.[21] They after sailing to Sicily and

garrisoning the positions there started for Libya, but were overtaken

by a storm and carried to Cossura. They ravaged the island and put it

in charge of a garrison, then sailed onward again. Meanwhile a fierce

naval battle with the Carthaginians had taken place. The latter were

struggling to eject the Romans entirely from their native land, and

the Romans to save the remnants of their soldiers who had been left in

hostile territory. In the midst of a close battle the Romans in Aspis

suddenly attacked the Carthaginians in ships from the rear, and by

getting them between two forces overcame them. Later the Romans also

won an infantry engagement and took many prisoners, whose lives they

saved because of Regulus and those captured with him. They made

several raids and then sailed to Sicily. After encountering a storm,

however, and losing many of their number, they sailed for home with

the ships that remained.

[Footnote 21: Zonaras spells _Plaetinus_.]

[Sidenote: B.C. 254 (_a.u._ 500)] The Carthaginians took Cossura and

crossed over to Sicily; and had they not learned that Collatinus[22]

and Gnaeus Cornelius were approaching with a large fleet, they would

have subjugated the whole of it. The Romans had quickly fitted out a

first-class fleet, had made levies of their best men, and had become

so strong that in the third month they returned to Sicily. It was the

five hundredth year from the founding of Rome. The lower city of

Panhormus they took without trouble, but in the siege of the citadel

they fared badly until food failed those in it. Then they came to

terms with the consuls. [Sidenote: FRAG. 43^20] THE CARTHAGINIANS KEPT

WATCH FOR THEIR SHIPS HOMEWARD BOUND AND CAPTURED SEVERAL THAT WERE

FULL OF MONEY.

[Footnote 22: This is A. Atilius Calatinus again.]

[Sidenote: B.C. 253 (_a.u._ 501)] The next event was that Servilius

Caepio and Gaius Sempronius, consuls, made an attempt upon Lilybaeum

(from which they were repulsed) and crossing over to Libya ravaged the

coast districts. As they were returning homeward they encountered a

storm and incurred damage. Hence the people, thinking that the damage

was due to their inexperience in naval affairs, voted that they should

keep away from the sea in general but with a few ships should guard

Italy.

[Sidenote: B.C. 252 (_a.u._ 502)] In the succeeding year Publius

Gaius[23] and Aurelius Servilius[24] came to Sicily and subdued Himera

besides some other places. However, they did not get possession of any

of its inhabitants, for the Carthaginians conveyed them away by night.

After this Aurelius secured some ships from Hiero and adding to his

contingent all the Romans that were there he sailed to Lipara. Here

he left the tribune Quintus Cassius,[25] who was to keep a lookout but

avoid a battle, and set sail for home. Quintus, disregarding orders,

made an attack upon the city and lost many men. Aurelius, however,

subsequently took the place, killed all the inhabitants, and deposed

Cassius from his command.

[Footnote 23: A mistake for Gaius Aurelius and Publius Servilius, as

at the beginning of Chapter 16.]

[Footnote 24: [See previous footnote.]]

[Footnote 25: But Valerius Maximus (II, 7, 4) calls him P. Aurelius

Pecuniola.]

[Sidenote: B.C. 251 (_a.u._ 503)] The Carthaginians learned what the

Romans had determined regarding the fleet and sent an expedition to

Sicily hoping now to bring it entirely under their control. As long as

both consuls, Caecilius Metellus and Gaius Furius, were on the ground,

they remained quiet; but when Furius set out for Rome, they conceived

a contempt for Metellus and proceeded to Panhormus. Metellus

ascertained that spies had come from the enemy, and assembling all the

people of the city he began a talk with them, in the midst of which he

suddenly ordered them to lay hold of one another. He was thus enabled

to investigate who each one was and what was his business and so

detected the enemy.--The Carthaginians now set themselves in battle

array and Metellus pretended to be afraid. As he continued this

pretence for several days the Carthaginians became filled with

presumption and attacked him rather recklessly. Then Metellus raised

the signal for the Romans. Forthwith they made an unexpected rush

through all the gates, easily overcame resistance, and enclosed the

enemy in a narrow place through which they could now no longer

retreat. Being many in number and with many elephants along they were

huddled together and thrown into confusion. Meanwhile the Libyan fleet

approached the coast and became the prime cause of their destruction.

The fugitives seeing the ships rushed toward them and made desperate

exertions to climb aboard; some fell into the sea and perished, other

were killed by the elephants, which got close to one another and to

the human beings, still others were slain by the Romans; many also

were captured alive, men as well as elephants. For since the beasts,

bereft of the men to whom they were used, became furious, Metellus

made a proclamation to the prisoners, offering preservation and

forgiveness to such as would check them: accordingly, some keepers

approached the gentlest of the animals, controlling them by the

influence of their accustomed presence, and then won over the

remainder. These, one hundred and twenty in number, were conveyed to

Rome, and they were ferried across the strait in the following way. A

number of huge jars, separated by pieces of wood, were fastened

together in such a way that they were neither detached nor yet did

they touch; then this framework was spanned by beams and on the top of

all earth and brush were placed and the surface was fenced in round

about so that it resembled a courtyard. The beasts were put on board

this and were ferried across without knowing that they were moving on

the water. Thus did Metellus win a victory: Hasdrubal, the

Carthaginian leader, though he got away safe on this occasion was

later summoned to trial by the Carthaginians at home and suffered

impalement.

[Sidenote: FRAG. 43^21] VIII, 15.--THE CARTHAGINIANS NOW BEGAN

NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE ROMANS ON ACCOUNT OF THE GREAT NUMBER OF THE

CAPTIVES (AMONG OTHER CAUSES); AND WITH THE ENVOYS THEY ALSO SENT

REGULUS HIMSELF, THINKING THAT THROUGH HIM THEIR OBJECT HAD

PRACTICALLY BEEN ALREADY GAINED BECAUSE OF THE REPUTATION AND VALOR OF

THE MAIN: AND THEY BOUND HIM BY OATHS TO RETURN WITHOUT FAIL. AND HE

ACTED IN ALL RESPECTS LIKE ONE OF THE CARTHAGINIANS; FOR HE DID NOT

EVEN GRANT HIS WIFE LEAVE TO CONFER WITH HIM NOR DID HE ENTER THE CITY

ALTHOUGH REPEATEDLY INVITED TO DO SO; INSTEAD, WHEN THE SENATE WAS

ASSEMBLED OUTSIDE THE WALLS, AS THEY WERE ACCUSTOMED TO DO IN TREATING

WITH ENVOYS OF THE ENEMY, and he was introduced into the gathering, he

said: "We, Conscript Fathers, have been sent to you by the

Carthaginians. They it was who despatched me on this journey, since by

the law of war I have become their slave. They ask, if possible, to

conclude the war upon terms pleasing to both parties or, if not, to

effect an exchange of prisoners." At the end of these words he

withdrew with the envoys that the Romans might deliberate in private.

When the consuls urged him to take part in their discussion,

[Sidenote: FRAG. 43^22] HE PAID NO HEED UNTIL PERMISSION WAS GRANTED

BY THE CARTHAGINIANS. For a time he was silent. Then, as the senators

bade him state his opinion, he spoke:

_(BOOK 12, BOISSEVAIN.)_

"I am one of you, Conscript Fathers, though I be captured times

without number. My body is a Carthaginian chattel, but my spirit is

yours. The former has been alienated from you, but the latter nobody

has the power to make anything else than Roman. As captive I belong to

the Carthaginians, yet, as I met with misfortune not from cowardice

but from zeal, I am not only a Roman, but my heart is in your cause.

Not in a single respect do I think reconciliation advantageous to

you."

After these words Regulus stated also the reasons for which he favored

rejecting the proposals, and added: "I know, to be sure, that manifest

destruction confronts me, for it is impossible to keep them from

learning the advice I have given; but even so I esteem the public

advantage above my own safety. If any one shall say: 'Why do you not

run away, or stay here?' he shall be told that I have sworn to them to

return and I would not transgress my oaths, not even when they have

been given to enemies. There are various explanations for this, but

the principal one is that if I abide by my oath I alone shall suffer

disaster, but if I break it, the whole city will be involved."

But the senate out of consideration for his safety showed a

disposition to make peace and to restore the captives. When he was

made aware of this, he pretended, in order that he might not be the

cause of their letting slip their advantage, that he had swallowed

deadly poison and was destined certainly to die from its effects.

Hence no agreement and no exchange of prisoners was made. As he was

departing in company with the envoys, his wife and children and others

clung to him, and the consuls declared they would not surrender him,

if he chose to stay, nor yet would they detain him if he was for

departing. Consequently, since he preferred not to transgress the

oaths, he was carried back. He died of outrages, so the legend

reports, perpetrated by his captors. They cut off his eyelids and for

a time shut him in darkness, then they threw him into some kind of

specially constructed receptacle bristling with spikes; and they made

him face the sun; so that through suffering and sleeplessness,--for

the spikes kept him from reclining in any fashion,--he perished. When

the Romans found it out, they delivered the foremost captives that

they held to his children to outrage and put to death in revenge.

[Sidenote: B.C. 250 (_a.u._ 504)] They voted that the consuls, Atilius

Gaius, brother of Regulus, and Lucius Manlius, should make a campaign

into Libya. On coming to Sicily they attacked Lilybaeum and undertook

to fill up a portion of the ditch to facilitate bringing up the

engines. The Carthaginians dug below the mound and undermined it. As

they found this to be a losing game because of the numbers of the

opposing workmen, they built another wall, crescent-shaped, inside.

The Romans ran tunnels under the circle, in order that when the wall

settled they might rush in through the breach thus made. The

Carthaginians then built counter-tunnels and came upon many workers

who were unaware of what the other side was doing. These they killed,

and also destroyed many by hurling blazing firewood into the diggings.

Some of the allies now, burdened by the strain of the siege and

displeased because their superiors did not come down with their full

wages, made propositions to the Romans to betray the place. Hamilcar

discovered their plot but did not disclose it, for fear of driving

them into open hostility. However, he supplied their leaders with

money and in addition promised other supplies of it to the mass of

them. In this way he won their favor, and they did not even deny their

treachery but drove away the last envoys who returned. The latter then

deserted to the consuls and received from them land in Sicily and

other gifts.

The Carthaginians at home, hearing this, sent Adherbal with a very

large number of ships carrying grain and money to Lilybaeum. The leader

waited for a time of storm and sailed in. Thereupon many others

likewise ventured to attempt a landing, and some made it, others were

destroyed.

As long as both the consuls were present, the conflicts were even.

Pestilence and famine, however, came to harass them and these caused

one of them with the soldiers of his division to return home. Hamilcar

then took courage and made sorties in which he would set fire to the

engines and slay the men defending them; his cavalry, starting from

Drepanum, prevented the Romans from getting provisions and overran the

territory of their allies; and Adherbal ravaged the shores now of

Sicily, now of Italy, so that the Romans fell into perplexity.

[Sidenote: B.C. 249 (_a.u._ 505)] Meantime, however, Lucius Junius was

making ready a fleet, and Claudius Pulcher made haste to reach

Lilybaeum, where he manned ships of war. With these he overhauled Hanno

the Carthaginian as he was leaving harbor on a five-banked ship. The

prize craft served the Romans as a model in shipbuilding.

The interests of their fleet were so frequently endangered that the

Romans were disheartened by the constant destruction of their ships.

In these they lost numbers of men and vast sums of money. Yet they

would not give up; nay, they even executed a man who in the senate

opened his mouth about reconciliation with the Carthaginians, and they

voted that a dictator should be named. Collatinus[26] was therefore

named dictator and Metellus became master of the horse, but they

accomplished nothing worthy of remembrance. While Collatinus[27] was

being named dictator, Junius had won over Eryx, and Carthalo had

occupied AEgithallus and taken Junius alive.

[Footnote 26: _A. Atilius Calatinus_ once more.]

[Footnote 27: [See previous footnote.]]

[Sidenote: B.C. 248 (_a.u._ 506)] VIII, 16.--The next year Gaius

Aurelius and Publius Servilius took office and spent their time in

harrying Lilybaeum and Drepanum, in keeping the Carthaginians off the

land, and in devastating the region that was in alliance with them.

Carthalo undertook many different kinds of enterprises against them,

but, as he accomplished nothing, he started for Italy with the object

of thus attracting the consuls to that country or, in any case, of

injuring the district and capturing cities. Yet he made no headway

even there and on learning that the praetor urbanus was approaching

sailed back to Sicily. His mercenaries now rebelled about a question

of pay, whereupon he put numbers ashore on desert islands and left

them there, and sent many more off to Carthage. When the rest heard

this, they became indignant and were on the point of an uprising.

Hamilcar, Carthalo's successor, cut down numbers of them one night and

had numerous others drowned. In the meantime the Romans had concluded

a perpetual friendship with Hiero and they furthermore remitted all

the dues which they were accustomed to receive from him annually.

[Sidenote: B.C. 247 (_a.u._ 507)] Next year the Romans officially

refrained from naval warfare because of their misfortunes and

expenses, but some private individuals asked for ships on condition of

restoring the vessels but appropriating any booty gained; and among

other injuries that they inflicted upon the enemy they sailed to

Hippo, a Libyan city, and there burned to ashes all the boats and many

of the buildings. The natives put chains across the mouth of their

harbor and the invaders found themselves encompassed but saved

themselves by cleverness and good fortune. They made a quick dash at

the chains, and just as the beaks of the ships were about to catch in

them the members of the crew went back to the stern, and so the prows

being lightened cleared the chains: and again, by their making a rush

into the prows, the sterns of the vessels were lifted high enough in

the air. Thus they effected their escape, and later near Panhormus

they conquered the Carthaginians with these ships.

Of the consuls Metellus Caecilius was in the vicinity of Lilybaeum, and

Numerius Fabius was investing Drepanum, with additional designs upon

the islet of Pelias. As this had been seized earlier by the

Carthaginians, he sent soldiers by night who killed the garrison and

took possession of the island. Learning this Hamilcar at dawn attacked

the party that had crossed to it. Fabius not being able to ward them

off led an assault upon Drepanum that he might either capture the city

while deserted or bring back Hamilcar from the island. One of these

objects was accomplished, for Hamilcar in fear retired within the

fortifications. So Fabius occupied Pelias, and by filling in the

strait (which happened to be shallow) between it and the mainland he

made a clear stretch of solid ground and thus conducted with greater

facility his hostile operations against the wall, which was rather

weak at that point. Incidentally the Carthaginians caused the Romans

excessive annoyance by undertaking circuitous voyages to Sicily and

making trips across into Italy.--They exchanged each other's captives

man for man; those left over (since the numbers were not equal) the

Carthaginians got back for money.

In the subsequent period various persons became consuls but effected

nothing worthy of record. The Romans owed the majority of their

reverses to the fact that they kept sending out from year to year

different and ever different leaders, and took away their office from

them when they were just learning the art of generalship. It looked as

if they were choosing them for practice and not for service.

The Gauls, who were acting in alliance with the Carthaginians and

hated them because their masters treated them ill, abandoned to the

Romans for money a position with the guarding of which they had been

entrusted. The Romans secured for mercenary service the Gauls and

other of the Carthaginian allies who had revolted from their service;

never before had they supported foreigners in their army. Elated at

this accession and furthermore by the ravaging of Libya on the part of

the private citizens who were managing the ships, they were no longer

willing to neglect the sea, and they again got together a fleet.

[Sidenote: B.C. 241 (_a.u._ 513)] VIII, 17.--And Lutatius Catulus was

chosen consul and with him was sent out Quintus Valerius Flaccus as

praetor urbanus. On coming to Sicily they assailed Drepanum both by

land and by sea and demolished a section of the wall. They would have

captured the town but for the fact that the consul was wounded and the

soldiers were wholly engrossed in caring for him. During the delay

which ensued they learned that a body of the enemy had come from home

with a huge fleet commanded by Hanno, and they turned their attention

to these new arrivals. When the forces had been marshaled in hostile

array, a meteor like a star appeared above the Romans and after rising

high to the left of the Carthaginians plunged into their ranks. The

naval combat was a vigorous one on the part of both nations, and for

several reasons; especially were the Carthaginians anxious to drive

the Romans into complete despair of naval success, and the Romans to

retrieve their former disasters. In spite of everything the Romans

carried off the victory, for the Carthaginian vessels were impeded by

the fact that they carried freight,--grain and money and other things.

Hanno escaped and hastened at once to Carthage. The Carthaginians,

seized with wrath and fear, crucified him and sent envoys to Catulus

regarding peace. And he was disposed to end the war since his office

was soon to expire and he could not hope to destroy Carthage in so

short a time; nor, again, did he care to leave his successors the

glory of his own efforts. Consequently they effected an armistice by

giving him money, grain, and hostages; these preliminaries secured

them the right of sending envoys to Rome and proposing as conditions

that they retire from Sicily entire, yielding it to the Romans, as

well as abandon all the surrounding islands, that they carry on no war

with Hiero, and pay an indemnity, a part at the time of making the

treaty and a part later, and that they return the Roman deserters and

captives free of cost, but ransom their own.

Such were the terms agreed upon. Hamilcar succeeded only in having the

disgrace of going under the yoke left out. After settling these

conditions he led his soldiers out of the fortifications and sailed

for home before the oaths were imposed. The people of Rome soon

learned of the victory and were greatly elated, feeling that their

superiority was indisputable. Upon the arrival of envoys they could no

longer restrain themselves and hoped to possess all of Libya.

Therefore they would not abide by the terms of the consul: instead,

they exacted from them a very much larger sum of money than had been

promised. They forbade them also to sail past Italy or allied

territory abroad in ships of war, or to employ mercenaries from such

districts.

The first war between the Carthaginians and the Romans, then, ended

this way in the twenty-fourth year. Catulus celebrated a triumph over

its conclusion. Quintus Lutatius became consul and departed for

Sicily, where with his brother Catulus he enforced order in all

communities; and he deprived the islanders of arms. Thus Sicily, with

the exception of Hiero's domain, was made a slave of Rome, and from

this time its people were on a friendly footing with the

Carthaginians.

Both soon were again involved in other wars outside. At Carthage the

remnant of their mercenary force and the slave population in the city

and a large proportion of their hostages (influenced by the disasters

of the State) joined in an attack upon it. The Romans did not heed the

invitations to aid the party that had assumed the offensive, but sent

envoys in turn for discussion; and when they found themselves unable

to reconcile the combatants, they released free of cost all the

Carthaginian captives they were holding, sent grain to the city and

permitted it to gather mercenaries from Roman allied territory. By

this action they were seeking to gain a reputation for fairness rather

than displaying a real interest in their own advantage, and this later

caused them trouble. For the great Hamilcar Barca, after he had

conquered his adversaries, did not dare to make a campaign against the

Romans, much as he hated them; but he started for Spain contrary to

the wishes of the magistrates at home.

VIII, 18.--This, however, took place later. At the time under

discussion the Romans entered upon war with the Falisci, and Manlius

Torquatus ravaged their country. In a battle with them his heavy

infantry was worsted but his cavalry conquered. In a second engagement

with them he was victorious and took possession of their arms, their

cavalry, their furniture, their slaves, and half their country. Later

on the original city, which was set upon a steep mountain, was torn

down and another one was built, easily reached by road. After this the

Romans again waged wars upon the Boii and upon the Gauls that were

neighbors of the latter, and upon some Ligurians. The Ligurians were

conquered in battle and otherwise injured by Sempronius Gracchus:

Publius Valerius in a conflict with the Gauls was at first defeated,

but soon, learning that troops had come from Rome to his assistance,

he renewed the struggle with the Gauls, determined either to conquer

by his own exertions or to die--he preferred that rather than to live

and bear the stigma of disgrace; and by some fortune or other he

managed to win the day.

[Sidenote: B.C. 238 (_a.u._ 516)] At this time these events befell the

Romans as described. They also secured Sardinia from the Carthaginians

and a new supply of money by charging them with harming Roman

shipping. The Carthaginians, not having yet recovered strength, feared

their threats.--Next year Lucius Lentulus and Quintus Flaccus made a

campaign against the Gauls; and as long as they remained together,

they were invincible, [Sidenote: B.C. 237 (_a.u._ 517)] but when they

began to pillage districts separately with the idea of getting greater

booty, the army of Flaccus fell into danger, being surrounded by

night. Temporarily the barbarians were beaten back, but having gained

accessions of allies they proceeded anew with a huge force against the

Romans. [Sidenote: B.C. 236 (_a.u._ 518)] When confronted by Publius

Lentulus and Licinius Varus, they hoped to overcome them by their

numbers and prevail without a battle. So they sent and demanded the

land surrounding Ariminum and commanded the Romans to remove from the

city since it belonged to them. The consuls on account of their small

numbers did not dare to risk a battle nor would they take the

responsibility of releasing any territory, and accordingly they

arranged a truce to confer with Rome. Gallic emissaries came before

the senate with the aforementioned representations. As none of their

demands was granted, the envoys returned to camp. There they found

their cause was ruined. Some of their allies had repented and

regarding the Romans with fear had turned upon the Boii, and many had

been killed on both sides. Then the remainder had gone home and the

Boii had obtained peace only at the price of a large portion of their

land.

The Gallic wars having now ceased, Lentulus conducted a campaign

against the Ligurians. He drove off the attacking parties and gained

possession of several fortresses.--Varus took Corsica as his objective

point, and inasmuch as he lacked the necessary ships to carry him

over, he sent a certain Claudius Clineas in advance with troops. The

latter terrified the Corsicans, held a conference with them, and made

peace as though he had full authority to do so. But Varus, paying no

attention to the covenant, fought against the Corsicans until he had

subjugated them. [Sidenote: FRAG. 44^2] THE ROMANS TO DIVERT THE BLAME

FOR BREAKING THE COMPACT FROM THEMSELVES SENT TO THE PEOPLE OFFERING

TO GIVE CLAUDIUS UP. WHEN HE WAS NOT RECEIVED, THEY DROVE HIM INTO

EXILE. [Sidenote: FRAG. 45^1] THEY WERE ON THE POINT OF LEADING AN

EXPEDITION AGAINST THE CARTHAGINIANS ALLEGING THAT THE LATTER WERE

COMMITTING OUTRAGES UPON THE MERCHANTS; BUT INSTEAD OF DOING THIS THEY

EXACTED MONEY AND RENEWED THE TRUCE. Yet the agreements were not

destined even so to be of long standing.--The case of the

Carthaginians was accordingly postponed and they made an expedition

against the Sardinians, who would not yield obedience, and conquered

them. Subsequently the Carthaginians persuaded the Sardinians to plan

a secret uprising against the Romans. Besides these the Corsicans also

revolted and the Ligurians did not remain at rest.

[Sidenote: B.C. 234 (_a.u._ 520)] The following year the Romans

divided their forces into three parts in order that all the rebels,

finding war waged upon them at once, might not render assistance to

one another; and they sent Postumius Albinus into Liguria, Spurius

Carvilius against the Corsicans, and Publius Cornelius, the praetor

urbanus, into Sardinia. And the consuls not without trouble, yet with

some speed, accomplished their missions. The Sardinians, animated by

an immoderate amount of spirit, were vanquished by Carvilius in a

fierce battle, for Cornelius and many of his soldiers had been

destroyed by disease. When the Romans left their country, the

Sardinians and the Ligurians revolted again. [Sidenote: B.C. 233

(_a.u._ 521)] Quintus Fabius Maximus was accordingly sent to Ligurian

territory and Pomponius Manius into Sardinia. The Carthaginians, as

the cause of the wars, were adjudged enemies, and they sent to them

and demanded money and ordained that they should remove their ships

from all the islands, since these ports were hostile to them. In

making known their attitude the Romans despatched to their rivals a

spear and a herald's staff, bidding them choose one, whichever they

pleased. But the Carthaginians without shrinking made a rather rough

answer and declared that they chose neither of the articles sent them,

but were ready to accept either that the challengers might leave

there. Henceforth the two nations hated each other but hesitated to

begin war.

[Sidenote: B.C. 232 (_a.u._ 522)] As there was again a hostile

movement of the Sardinians against the Romans, both the consuls took

the field, Marcus Malleolus and Marcus AEmilius. And they secured rich

spoils, which, however, were taken away from them by the Corsicans

when they touched at their island. Hence the Romans next turned their

attention to both. [Sidenote: B.C. 231 (_a.u._ 523)] Marcus Pomponius

harried Sardinia, but could not find most of the inhabitants, who, as

he learned, had slipped into caves of the forest, difficult to locate;

therefore he sent for keen-scented dogs from Italy and with their aid

he discovered the trail of both men and cattle and cut off many such

parties. Gaius Papirius drove the Corsicans from the plains, but in

attempting to force his way to the mountains he lost numerous men

through ambush and would have suffered loss of still more through lack

of water, had not water after a great while been found; then he

persuaded the Corsicans to come to terms.

VIII, 19.--About this time also Hamilcar the Carthaginian general was

defeated by the Spaniards and lost his life. For, on the occasion of

his being arrayed in battle against them, they led out in front of the

Carthaginian army wagons full of pine wood and pitch and as they drew

near they set fire to these vehicles, then hurried on with goads the

animals that were drawing them. Forthwith their opponents were thrown

into confusion, were disorganized and turned to flight, and the

Spaniards pursuing killed Hamilcar and a very great number of others.

He having reached the very highest pinnacle of fame thus met his end,

and at his death his brother-in-law Hasdrubal succeeded him. The

latter acquired a large portion of Spain and founded a city called

Carthage, after his native town.

As the Boii and the rest of the Gauls were continually offering for

sale many articles and an especially large number of captives, the

Romans became afraid that they might some day use the money against

them, and accordingly forbade everybody to give to a Gaul either

silver or gold coin.--[Sidenote: B.C. 230 (_a.u._ 524)] Soon after the

Carthaginians,[28] learning that the consuls Marcus AEmilius and Marcus

Junius had started for Liguria, made preparations to march upon Rome.

The consuls became aware of this and proceeded toward them in force,

whereupon the Carthaginians became frightened and met them with all

appearances of friendliness. The consuls likewise feigned that they

had not set out against them but were going through their country into

the Ligurian territory.

[Footnote 28: This is a mistake, due to the carelessness of Zonaras.

Some Gallic tribe is evidently meant.]

Now the Romans crossed the Ionian Gulf and laid hands upon the Greek

mainland. They found an excuse for the voyage in the following

circumstances. [Sidenote: FRAG. 47^1] ISSA IS AN ISLAND SITUATED IN

THE IONIAN GULF. ITS DWELLERS, KNOWN AS ISSAEANS, HAD OF THEIR OWN FREE

WILL SURRENDERED THEMSELVES TO THE ROMANS because they were angry with

their ruler Agro, king of the Ardiaeans and of Illyrian stock.

[Sidenote: FRAG. 47^2] TO HIM THE CONSULS SENT ENVOYS. But he had

died, leaving a son as his successor who was still a mere child,

[Sidenote: FRAG. 47^2] AND HIS WIFE, THE BOY'S STEPMOTHER, WAS

ADMINISTERING THE DOMAIN OF THE ARDIAEANS. HER DEALINGS WITH THE

AMBASSADORS WERE CHARACTERIZED BY A LACK OF MODERATION, AND WHEN THEY

SPOKE FRANKLY SHE CAST SOME OF THEM INTO PRISON AND KILLED OTHERS.

IMMEDIATELY THE ROMANS VOTED FOR WAR AGAINST HER, HOWEVER, SHE WAS

PANIC-STRICKEN, PROMISED TO RESTORE THE AMBASSADORS THAT WERE LEFT

ALIVE, AND DECLARED THAT THE DEAD HAD BEEN SLAIN BY ROBBERS. WHEN THE

ROMANS DEMANDED THE SURRENDER OF THE MURDERERS, SHE DECLARED THAT SHE

WOULD NOT GIVE THEM UP AND DESPATCHED AN ARMY AGAINST ISSA. THEN SHE

AGAIN GREW FEARFUL AND SENT A CERTAIN DEMETRIUS TO THE CONSULS,

ASSURING THEM OF HER READINESS TO HEED THEM IN EVERY DETAIL. A TRUCE

WAS MADE WITH HER EMISSARY UPON THE LATTER'S AGREEING TO GIVE THEM

CORCYRA. YET WHEN THE CONSULS HAD CROSSED OVER TO THE ISLAND, SHE,

POSSESSING WOMAN-LIKE A LIGHT AND FICKLE DISPOSITION, FELT IMBUED WITH

NEW COURAGE, AND SENT OUT AN ARMY TO EPIDAMNUS AND APOLLONIA. AT THE

NEWS THAT THE ROMANS HAD RESCUED THE CITIES, THAT THEY HAD DETAINED

SHIPS OF HERS LADEN WITH TREASURE WHICH WERE SAILING HOME FROM THE

PELOPONNESUS, THAT THEY HAD DEVASTATED THE COAST REGIONS, THAT

DEMETRIUS AS A RESULT OF HER CAPRICIOUSNESS HAD TRANSFERRED HIS

ALLEGIANCE TO THE ROMANS BESIDES PERSUADING SOME OTHERS TO DESERT, SHE

BECAME UTTERLY TERRIFIED AND WITHDREW FROM HER SOVEREIGNTY. Demetrius

as destined guardian of the child was given charge of the ex-queen

also. The Romans were thanked by the Corinthians for this action and

took part in the Isthmian contest, Plautus winning the stadium race in

it. Moreover they formed a friendship with the Athenians and took part

in their government and in the Mysteries.

The name Illyricum was anciently applied to various regions, but later

it was transferred to the upper mainland, that above Macedonia and

Thrace, located this side of Haemus and toward Rhodope: it lies between

these mountains and the Alps, also between the river AEnus and the

Ister, extending as far as the Euxine Sea,--indeed, its boundaries at

some points extend beyond the Ister.

[Sidenote: (FRAG. 48?)] AS AN ORACLE HAD ONCE COME TO THE ROMANS THAT

GREEKS AND GAULS SHOULD OCCUPY THE CITY, TWO GAULS AND A COUPLE OF

GREEKS, MALE AND FEMALE, WERE BURIED ALIVE IN THE FORUM, that in this

way destiny might seem to have fulfilled itself and they be properly

regarded, since buried alive, as possessing a part of the city.

After this the Sardinians, deeming it a calamity that a Roman praetor

was forever set over them, made an uprising. They were again enslaved,

however.

VIII, 20.--The Insubres, a Gallic tribe, having gained allies among

their kinsmen beyond the Alps turned their arms against the Romans,

and the latter accordingly made counter-preparations. The barbarians

plundered some towns, but at last a great storm occurred in the night

and they began to suspect that Heaven was against them. Consequently

they lost heart and falling into a panic attempted to entrust their

safety to flight. [Sidenote: B.C. 225 (_a.u._ 529)] Regulus pursued

them and brought on an engagement with the rear guards in which he was

defeated and lost his life. AEmilius occupied a hill and remained

quiet. The Gauls in turn occupied another one and for several days

were inactive; then the Romans through anger at what had taken place

and the barbarians from arrogance born of the victory charged down

from the heights and came to blows. For a long time the battle was

evenly contested, but finally the Romans surrounded them with their

horse, cut them down, seized their camp, and got back the spoils.

After this AEmilius wrought havoc among the possessions of the Boii and

[Sidenote: FRAG. 49^3] CELEBRATED A TRIUMPH, IN WHICH HE CONVEYED THE

FOREMOST CAPTIVES CLAD IN ARMOR UP TO THE CAPITOL, MAKING JESTS AT

THEIR EXPENSE FOR HAVING SWORN NOT TO REMOVE THEIR BREASTPLATES BEFORE

THEY HAD MOUNTED THE CAPITOL. The Romans now secured control of the

entire territory of the Boii and for the first time crossed the Po to

take the offensive against the Insubres; and they continued to ravage

their country.

Meanwhile portents had occurred which threw the people of Rome into

great fear. A river in Picenum ran the color of blood, in Etruria a

good part of the heavens seemed to be on fire, at Ariminum a light

like daylight blazed out at night, in many portions of Italy the

shapes of three moons became visible in the night time, and in the

Forum a vulture roosted for several days. [Sidenote: B.C. 223 (_a.u._

531)] Because of these portents and inasmuch as some declared that the

consuls had been illegally chosen, they summoned them home. The

consuls received the letter but did not open it immediately, since

they were just entering upon war: instead, they joined battle first

and came out victorious. After the battle the letter was read, and

Furius was for obeying without discussion; but Flaminius was elated

over the victory and pointed out that it had proved their choice to be

correct, and he went on with vehement assertions that it was because

they were jealous of him that the influential men were even

falsifying heavenly warnings. Consequently he refused to depart until

he had settled the whole business in hand, and he said he would teach

the people at home, too, not to be deceived by relying on birds or any

other such thing. So he was anxious to remain on the ground and made

repeated attempts to detain his colleague, but Furius would not heed

him. But since the men who were going to be left behind with Flaminius

dreaded lest in their isolation they might suffer some disaster at the

hands of their opponents and begged him to stay by them for a few

days, he yielded to their entreaties but did not take part in any

action. Flaminius traveled about laying waste the country, subjugated

a few forts, and bestowed all the spoils upon the soldiers as a means

of winning their favor. At length the leaders returned home and were

put on trial by the senate for their disobedience (on account of their

anger towards Flaminius they subjected Furius also to disgrace); but

the populace was against the senate and showed emulation in

Flaminius's behalf, so that it voted them a triumph. After celebrating

it they laid down their office.

[Sidenote: B.C. 222 (_a.u._ 532)] Other consuls, Claudius Marcellus

and Gnaeus Scipio, chosen in their stead, made an expedition against

the Insubres, for the Romans had not complied with the latter's

requests by voting for peace. Together at first they carried on the

war and were in most cases victorious. Soon, learning that the allied

territory was being plundered, they severed their forces. Marcellus

made a quick march against those plundering the land of the allies,

but did not find them on the scene; he then pursued them as they fled

and when they made a stand overcame them. Scipio remained where he was

and proceeded to besiege Acerrae; he took it and made it a base for the

war, since it was favorably located and well walled. Starting from

that point they subdued Mediolanum and another village-town. After

these had been captured the rest of the Insubres also made terms with

them, giving them money and a section of the land.

[Sidenote: B.C. 221 (_a.u._ 533)] Thereafter Publius Cornelius and

Marcus Minucius made a campaign to the Ister regions and brought into

subjection many of the nations there, some by war and some on terms

agreed upon. [Sidenote: B.C. 220 (_a.u._ 534)] Lucius Veturius and

Gaius Lutatius went as far as the Alps and without any fighting

established Roman sovereignty over many people. The prince of the

Ardiaeans, however, [Sidenote: FRAG. 51] DEMETRIUS, WAS, AS HAS BEEN

STATED ABOVE, HATEFUL TO THE NATIVES AND INJURED THE PROPERTY OF

NEIGHBORING TRIBES; AND IT APPEARED THAT IT WAS BY MISUSING THE

FRIENDSHIP OF THE ROMANS THAT HE WAS ABLE TO WRONG THOSE PEOPLES.

[Sidenote: B.C. 219 (_a.u._ 535)] AS SOON AS THE CONSULS, AEMILIUS

PAULUS AND MARCUS LIVIUS, HEARD OF THIS THEY SUMMONED HIM BEFORE THEM.

WHEN HE REFUSED COMPLIANCE AND ACTUALLY ASSAILED THEIR ALLIES, THEY

MADE A CAMPAIGN AGAINST ISSA, WHERE HE WAS. And having received

advance information that he was lying secretly at anchor somewhere in

the vicinity of the landing-places they sent a portion of their ships

to the other side of the island to bring on an engagement. When the

Illyrians accordingly fell upon the reconnoitering party, thinking

them alone, the main body approached at leisure in their ships and

after pitching camp in a suitable place repulsed the natives, who,

angry at the trick, lost no time in attacking them. Demetrius made his

escape to Pharos, another island, but they sailed to that, overcame

resistance, and captured the city by betrayal, only to find Demetrius

fled. He at this time reached Macedonia with large amounts of money

and went to Philip, the king of the country. He was not surrendered by

him, but on returning to the Illyrians was arrested by the Romans and

was executed.

_(BOOK 13, BOISSEVAIN.)_

[Sidenote: B.C. 218 (_a.u._ 536)] VIII, 21.--In the succeeding year

the Romans became openly hostile to the Carthaginians, and the war,

though of far shorter duration than the previous one, proved to be

both greater and more baneful in its exploits and effects. It was

brought on chiefly by Hannibal, general of the Carthaginians. This

Hannibal was a child of Hamilcar Barca, and from his earliest boyhood

had been trained to fight against the Romans. Hamilcar said he was

raising all his sons like so many whelps to fight against them, but as

he saw that this one's nature was far superior to that of the rest, he

made him take an oath that he would wage war upon them, and for this

reason he instructed the boy in warfare above all else when only

fifteen years old. On account of this youthfulness Hannibal was not

able, when his father died, to succeed to the generalship. But when

Hasdrubal was dead, he delayed no longer, being now twenty-six years

of age, but at once took possession of the army in Spain and after

being acclaimed as leader by the soldiers brought it about that his

right to lead was confirmed also by those in authority at home. After

effecting this he needed a plausible excuse for his enterprise against

the Romans, and this he found in the Saguntines of Spain. These

people, dwelling not far from the river Iber and a short distance

above the sea, were dependents of the Romans, and the latter held them

in honor and in the treaty with the Carthaginians had made an

exception of them. For these reasons, then, Hannibal began a war with

them, knowing that the Romans would either assist the Saguntines or

avenge them if they suffered injury. Hence for these reasons as well

as because he knew that they possessed great wealth, which he

particularly needed, and for various other causes that promised him

advantages against the Romans he made an attack upon the Saguntines.

Spain, in which the Saguntines dwell, and all the adjoining land is in

the western part of Europe. It extends for a considerable distance

along the inner sea, beside the Pillars of Hercules, and along the

ocean; furthermore it occupies the upper part of the mainland for a

very great distance, as far as the Pyrenees. [Sidenote: FRAG. 53] THIS

RANGE, BEGINNING AT THE SEA CALLED ANCIENTLY THE SEA OF THE BEBRYCES

BUT LATER THE SEA OF THE NARBONENSES, REACHES TO THE GREAT OUTER SEA,

AND CONFINES MANY DIVERSE NATIONALITIES; IT ALSO SEPARATES SPAIN FROM

THE NEIGHBORING LAND OF GAUL. The tribes did not employ the same

language nor carry on a common government. This resulted in their not

having a single name. The Romans called them Hispanii, but the Greeks

Iberians, from the river Iber.

These Saguntines, then, being besieged sent to those near them and to

the Romans asking for aid. But Hannibal checked any local movement,

and the Romans sent ambassadors to him bidding him not come near the

Saguntines, and threatening in case he should not obey to sail to

Carthage at once and lay accusations against him. When the envoys

were now close at hand, Hannibal sent some of the natives who were to

pretend that they were kindly disposed to them and were instructed to

say that the general was not there but had gone some distance away

into parts unknown; they advised the enemy, therefore (they were to

say), to depart as quickly as possible and before their presence

should be reported lest in the disorder prevailing because of the

absence of the general they should lose their lives. The envoys

accordingly believed them and set off for Carthage. An assembly being

called some of the Carthaginians counseled maintaining peace with the

Romans, but the party attached to Hannibal affirmed that the

Saguntines were guilty of wrongdoing and the Romans were meddling with

what did not concern them. Finally those who urged them to make war

won the day.

Meanwhile Hannibal in the course of his siege was conducting vigorous

assaults. Many kept falling and many more were being wounded on

Hannibal's side. One day the Carthaginians succeeded in shaking down a

portion of the outer circuit and had been daring enough to enter

through the breach, when the Saguntines made a sortie and scared them

away. This gave the besieged strength and the Carthaginians fell back

in dejection. They did not leave the spot, however, till they had

captured the city, though the siege dragged on to the eighth month.

Many unusual events happened in that time, one of which was Hannibal's

being dangerously wounded. The place was taken in this manner. They

brought to bear against the wall an engine much higher than the

fortification and carrying heavy-armed soldiers, some visible, some

concealed. While the Saguntines, therefore, were quite strenuously

fighting against the men they saw, thinking them the only ones, those

hidden had dug through the wall from below and found their way inside.

The Saguntines overwhelmed by the unexpectedness of the event ran up

to the citadel and held a conference to see whether by any reasonable

concessions they might be preserved. But as Hannibal held out no

moderate terms and no assistance came to them from the Romans, they

begged for a cessation of the assaults until they should deliberate a

little about their position. During this respite they gathered

together the most highly prized of their treasures and cast them into

the fire; then such as were incapable of fighting committed suicide,

and those who were in their prime advanced in a body against their

opponents and in a desperate struggle were cut down.

VIII, 22.--For their sakes the Romans and the Carthaginians embarked

upon war. Hannibal after gaining numerous allies was hastening toward

Italy. The Romans on ascertaining this assembled in their senate-hall,

and many speeches were delivered. Lucius Cornelius Lentulus addressed

the people and said they must not delay but vote for war against the

Carthaginians and separate consuls and armies into two detachments,

and send the one to Spain and the other to Libya, in order that at one

and the same time the land of the enemy might be desolated and his

allies injured; thus neither would he be able to assist Spain nor

could he himself receive assistance from there. To this Quintus Fabius

Maximus rejoined that it was not so absolutely and inevitably

necessary to vote for war, but they could first employ an embassy, and

then if the Carthaginians persuaded them that they were guilty of no

wrong, they should remain quiet, but if the same people were convicted

of wrongdoing, they might thereupon wage war against them, "in order,"

he said, "that we may cast the responsibility for the war upon them."

[Sidenote: FRAG. 54^9] THE OPINIONS OF THE TWO MEN WERE SUBSTANTIALLY

THESE. THE SENATE DECIDED TO MAKE PREPARATIONS, TO BE SURE, FOR

CONFLICT, BUT TO DESPATCH ENVOYS TO CARTHAGE AND DENOUNCE HANNIBAL;

AND IF THE CARTHAGINIANS REFRAINED FROM APPROVING THE EXPLOITS, THEY

WOULD ARBITRATE THE MATTER, OR IF ALL RESPONSIBILITY WERE LAID UPON

HIS SHOULDERS, THEY WOULD DEMAND HIS EXTRADITION, AND IF HE WERE NOT

GIVEN UP, THEY WOULD DECLARE WAR UPON THE NATION.

The envoys set out and the Carthaginians considered what must be done.

And a certain Hasdrubal, one of those who had been primed by Hannibal,

counseled them that they ought to get back their ancient freedom and

shake off by means of money and troops and allies, all welded

together, the slavery imposed by peace, adding: "If you only permit

Hannibal to act as he wishes, the proper thing will be done and you

will have no trouble." After such words on his part the great Hanno,

opposing Hasdrubal's argument, gave it as his opinion that they ought

not to draw war upon themselves lightly nor for small complaints

concerning foreigners, when it was in their power to settle a part of

the difficulty and divert the rest of it upon the heads of those who

had been active in the matter. With these remarks he ceased, and the

elder Carthaginians who remembered the former war sided with him, but

those in robust manhood and especially all the partisans of Hannibal

violently gainsaid him. [Sidenote: FRAG. 54^10] INASMUCH, THEN, AS

THEY MADE NO DEFINITE ANSWER AND SHOWED CONTEMPT FOR THE ENVOYS,

MARCUS FABIUS THRUSTING HIS HANDS BENEATH HIS TOGA AND HOLDING THEM

WITH PALMS UPWARD SAID: "HERE I BRING TO YOU, CARTHAGINIANS, BOTH WAR

AND PEACE: DO YOU CHOOSE WHICHEVER OF THEM YOU WISH." UPON THEIR

REPLYING THAT THEY CHOSE NEITHER, BUT WOULD READILY ACCEPT EITHER THAT

THE ROMANS SHOULD LEAVE, HE IMMEDIATELY DECLARED WAR UPON THEM.

In this way, then, and for these reasons the Romans and the

Carthaginians became involved in war for the second time. And the

Divinity beforehand indicated what was to come to pass. For in Rome an

ox talked with a human voice, and another at the Ludi Romani threw

himself out of a house into the Tiber and was lost, many thunderbolts

fell, and blood in one case was seen coming from sacred statues

whereas in another it dripped from the shield of a soldier, and the

sword of another soldier was snatched by a wolf from the very midst of

the camp. Many unknown wild beasts went before Hannibal leading the

way, as he was crossing the Iber, and a vision appeared to him in a

dream. He thought that the gods once, sitting in assembly, sent for

him and bade him march with all speed into Italy and receive from them

a guide for the way, and that by this guide he was commanded to follow

without turning around. He did turn around, however, and saw a great

tempest moving and an immense serpent accompanying it. In surprise he

asked his conductor what these creatures were; and the guide said:

"Hannibal, they are on their way to help you in the sack of Italy."

_(BOOK 14, BOISSEVAIN.)_

VIII, 23.--These things inspired Hannibal with a firm hope, but threw

the Romans into a state of profound terror. The Romans divided their

forces into two parts and sent out the consuls,--Sempronius Longus to

Sicily and Publius Scipio to Spain. Hannibal, desiring to invade Italy

with all possible speed, marched on hurriedly and traversed without

fighting the whole of Gaul lying between the Pyrenees and the Rhone.

As far as the Rhone river no one came to oppose him, but at that point

Scipio showed himself although he had no troops with him. Nevertheless

with the help of the natives and their nearest neighbors he had

already destroyed the boats in the river and had posted guards over

the stream. Hannibal therefore used up some time in building rafts and

skiffs, some of them out of a single log of wood, but still with the

help of a large corps of workers had everything in readiness that was

needful for crossing before Scipio's own army could arrive. He sent

his brother Mago accompanied by the horsemen and a few light troops to

cross at a point where the river is scattered over considerable

breadth, with branches separated by islands; he himself, of course,

proceeded by way of the natural ford, his object being that the Gauls

should be deceived and array themselves against him only, while they

set their guards with less care at other points along the river. This

object was accomplished. Mago had already got across the river when

Hannibal and his followers were crossing by the ford. On reaching the

middle of the stream they raised a war cry and the trumpeters joined

with the blare of their instruments, and Mago fell upon their

antagonists from the rear. In this way the elephants and all the rest

were ferried safely over. They had just finished crossing when

Scipio's own force arrived. Both sides, then, sent horsemen to

reconnoitre, after which they entered upon a cavalry battle with the

same results as attended the war as a whole. The Romans, that is,

after first seeming to get the worst of it and losing a number of men

were victorious.

Then Hannibal, in haste to set out for Italy but suspicious of the

more direct roads, turned aside from them and followed another, on

which he underwent bitter hardships. The mountains there are

exceedingly precipitous and the snow falling in great quantities was

driven by the winds and filled the chasms, and the ice was frozen to a

great thickness. These things conspired to cause them fearful

suffering, and many of his soldiers perished through the winter cold

and lack of food; many also returned home. There is a story to the

effect that he himself would also have turned back but for the fact

that the road already traversed was longer and more difficult than the

portion left before him. For this reason he did not retrace his steps,

but suddenly appearing south of the Alps spread astonishment and

terror among the Romans.

So he advanced taking possession of whatever lay before him. Scipio

sent his brother Gaius[29] Scipio, who was serving as a lieutenant

under him, into Spain to either seize and hold it or bring Hannibal

back, but he himself marched against Hannibal. They waited a few days;

then both moved into action. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^4] BEFORE BEGINNING

OPERATIONS, HANNIBAL CALLED TOGETHER THE SOLDIERS AND BROUGHT IN THE

CAPTIVES WHOM HE HAD TAKEN BY THE WAY: HE ASKED THE LATTER WHETHER

THEY CHOSE TO UNDERGO IMPRISONMENT AND TO ENDURE A GRIEVOUS SLAVERY,

OR TO FIGHT IN SINGLE COMBAT WITH ONE ANOTHER ON CONDITION THAT THE

VICTORS SHOULD BE RELEASED WITHOUT RANSOM. WHEN THEY ACCEPTED THE

SECOND ALTERNATIVE, HE SET THEM TO FIGHTING. AND AT THE END OF THE

CONFLICT HE ADDRESSED his own soldiers, encouraging them and whetting

their eagerness for war. Scipio also did this on the Roman side. Then

the contest began and looked at the outset as if it would involve the

entire armies: but Scipio in a preliminary cavalry skirmish was

defeated, lost many men, was wounded and would have been killed, had

not his son Scipio, though only seventeen years old, come to his aid;

he was consequently alarmed lest his infantry should similarly meet

with a reverse, and he at once fell back and that night withdrew from

the field.

[Footnote 29: Gnaeus Scipio is meant whenever Zonaras writes this

form.]

VIII, 24.--Hannibal did not learn of his withdrawal till daybreak and

then went to the Po, and finding there neither rafts nor boats,--for

they had been burned by Scipio,--he ordered his brother Mago to swim

across with the cavalry and pursue the Romans, whereas he himself

marched up toward the sources of the river and commanded that the

elephants cross where the tributary streams converged. In this manner,

while the water was temporarily dammed and torn piecemeal by the

animals' bulk, he effected a crossing more easily below them. Scipio

overtaken stood his ground and would have offered battle but for the

fact that by night the Gauls in his army deserted. Embarrassed by this

occurrence and still suffering from his wound he once more broke up at

night and located his entrenchments on high ground. He was not

pursued, but subsequently the Carthaginians came up and encamped, with

the river between the two forces.

Scipio on account of his wound and because of what had taken place was

inclined to wait and send for reinforcements; and Hannibal after many

attempts to provoke him to battle, finding that he could not do this

and that he was short of food, attacked a fort where a large supply

for the Romans was stored. As he made no headway he employed money to

bribe the commander of the garrison, which thus came into his

possession by betrayal. He hoped also to attain his other objects,

partly by arms and partly by gold. Meanwhile Longus had entrusted

Sicily to his lieutenant and had come in response to Scipio's call.

Not much later influenced by ambition on the one hand and also by the

fact of a victory over some marauders he presented himself in battle

array. He lost the day by falling into an ambuscade, and when Hannibal

appeared upon the scene with his infantry and elephants the followers

of the Roman leader turned to flight and many were put to the sword,

many also heedless of the river fell in and were choked. Only a few

saved themselves with Longus. However, Hannibal though victorious was

not happy, because he had lost many soldiers and all of his elephants,

except one, as a result of the winter and from wounds.

Accordingly, they arranged an armistice without any desire for peace

implied and both sides retired to the territory of their allies and

passed the winter in the cities there. Plenty of provisions kept

coming to the Romans, but Hannibal, not satisfied with the

contributions of the allies, made frequent raids upon the Roman

villages and cities and sometimes would conquer, sometimes be

repulsed. Once he was beaten by Longus with the cavalry and received a

wound. Some of the Roman settlers encouraged by this came out by

themselves to oppose him when he assailed them. These would-be

warriors he destroyed and received the capitulation of the place,

which he razed to the ground. Of the captives taken he killed the

Romans but released the rest. This he did also in the case of all

those taken alive, hoping to conciliate the cities by their influence.

And, indeed, many of the Gauls as well as Ligurians and Etruscans

either murdered the Romans dwelling within their borders or

surrendered them and then transferred their allegiance.

As Hannibal was advancing toward Etruria Longus attacked him in the

midst of a great storm. Many fell on both sides and Hannibal entered

Ligurian territory and delayed some time. He was suspicious of even

his own men and was free to trust no one, but made frequent changes of

costume, wore false hair, spoke different languages at different times

(for he knew a number, including Latin) and both night and day he

would frequently make the rounds of his camp. He was always listening

to some conversations in the guise of an entirely different person

from Hannibal and occasionally he talked thus in character.

VIII, 25.--While this was going on in Italy the other Scipio, Gaius,

had sailed along the coast to Spain, and had won over, partly by force

and partly without opposition, all the districts to the Iber that

border on the sea and considerable of the upper peninsula. He had also

defeated Banno in battle and had taken him prisoner. Hasdrubal, the

brother of Hannibal, on learning this crossed the Iber and reduced

some of the rebels, but at Scipio's approach he fell back.

[Sidenote: B.C. 217 (_a.u._ 537)] The people of Rome again chose

Flaminius and Geminus consuls. Just after the advent of spring

Hannibal was apprised that Flaminius together with Servilius Geminus

would march against him with a large force, and he devoted his

attention to deceiving them. He pretended that he was going to spend

his time and meet the issue where he was, and when the Romans,

thinking that he was permanently located, began to show carelessness

in their line of march, he started just after nightfall, leaving his

cavalry behind at camp, noiselessly traversed the passes and hastened

on toward Aretium; and the cavalry, after he had got far ahead, set

out to follow him. When the consuls found out that they had been

tricked, Geminus stayed behind to harass the revolted districts and

prevent them from assisting the Carthaginians, and Flaminius alone

pursued, eager that his alone should be the credit of the expected

victory. He succeeded in occupying Aretium beforehand, for Hannibal in

taking a shorter road had encountered difficult marching, and had

lost numerous men, many pack animals, and one of his eyes. It was

late, then, before he reached Aretium and found there Flaminius, whom

he regarded with contempt. He did not give battle, for the situation

was unsuitable, but by way of testing his enemy's disposition he laid

waste the country. At this the Romans made a sally and he retired, to

give them the idea that he was afraid. During the night he broke up

and found a satisfactory spot for battle, where he remained. He

arranged that most of the infantry should form an ambush along the

mountain sides and ordered all the cavalry to lie in wait concealed

from view outside the pass; he himself encamped with a few followers

on the hilltop. Flaminius was in good spirits and when he saw him with

but a few men on the high ground he believed that the rest of the army

must have been sent to some distant point and hoped to take him easily

thus isolated. So he carelessly entered the mouth of the pass and

there (for it was late) pitched camp. About midnight, when they were

sleeping unguarded through scorn of their enemies, the Carthaginians

surrounded them on every side at once and by using from a distance

javelins, slings, and arrows they killed some still in their beds,

others just seizing their arms, without receiving any serious harm in

return. The Romans, having no tangible adversaries and with darkness

and mist prevailing, found no chance to employ their valor. So great

was the uproar and of such a nature the disordered alarm that seized

them, that they were not even aware of earthquakes then prevailing,

although many buildings fell in ruins and many mountains either were

cleft asunder or collapsed so that they blocked up ravines, and rivers

shut off from their ancient outlet sought another. Such were the

earthquakes which overwhelmed Etruria, yet the combatants were not

conscious of them. Flaminius himself and a vast number of others fell,

though not a few managed to climb a hill. When it became day, they

started to flee and being overtaken surrendered themselves and their

arms on promise of free pardon. Hannibal, however, recking little of

his oaths, imprisoned and kept under guard the Romans themselves, but

released their subjects and allies among all the captives he had in

his army. After this success he hastened toward Rome and proceeded as

far as Narnia devastating the country and winning over the cities,

save Spoletium; there he surrounded and slew the praetor Gaius

Centenius who was in ambush. He made an attack upon Spoletium, but was

repulsed, and as he saw that the bridge over the Nar had been torn

down and ascertained that this had been done also in the case of the

other rivers which he was obliged to cross, he ceased his headlong

rush upon Rome. Instead, he turned aside into Campania, for he heard

that the land was excellent and that Capua was a great city, and

thought that if he should first occupy these he might acquire the rest

of Italy in a short time.

Dio's Rome, Volume 1 An Historical Narrative Originally Composed in Greek during the Reigns of Septimius Severus, Geta and Caracalla, Macrinus, Elagabalus and Alexander Severus: and Now Presented in English Form · 第 81 / 83 章

[Sidenote: FRAG. 40^24] THESE WORDS HE HAD SPOKEN TO THE ENVOYS AS A