Book LXXX, A.D. 222-229.

AN EPITOME

of

THE LOST BOOKS I-XXI OF DIO

as found in the

CHRONICON

of

IOANNES ZONARAS.

_(BOOK 1, BOISSEVAIN.)_

[Sidenote: FRAG. 1] VII, 1.--AEneas after the Trojan war came to the

Aborigines, who were the former inhabitants of the land wherein Rome

has been built and at that time had Latinus, the son of Faunus, as

their sovereign. He came ashore at Laurentum, by the mouth of the

river Numicius, where in obedience to some oracle he is said to have

made preparations to dwell.

The ruler of the land, Latinus, interfered with AEneas's settling in

the land, but after a sharp struggle was defeated. Then in accordance

with dreams that appeared to both leaders they effected a

reconciliation and the king beside permitting AEneas to reside there

gave him his daughter Lavinia in marriage. Thereupon AEneas founded a

city which he named Lavinium and the country was called Latium and the

people there were termed Latins. But the Rutuli who occupied adjoining

territory had been previously hostile to the Latins, and now they set

out from the city of Ardea with warlike demonstrations. They had the

support of no less distinguished a man than Turnus, a relative of

Latinus, who had taken a dislike to Latinus because of Lavinia's

marriage, for it was to him that the maiden had originally been

promised. A battle took place, Turnus and Latinus fell, and AEneas

gained the victory and his father-in-law's kingdom as well. After a

time, however, the Rutuli secured the Etruscans as allies and marched

upon AEneas. They won in this war. AEneas vanished, being seen no more

alive or dead, and was honored as a god by the Latins. Hence he has

come to be regarded by the Romans as the fountain head of their race

and they take pride in being called "Sons of AEneas." The Latin domain

fell in direct succession to his son Ascanius who had accompanied his

father from home. AEneas had not yet had any child by Lavinia, but left

her pregnant. Ascanius was enclosed round about by the enemy, but by

night the Latins attacked them and ended both the siege and the war.

As time went on the Latin nation increased in size, and the majority

of the people abandoned Lavinium to build another town in a better

location. To it they gave the name of Alba from its whiteness and from

its length they called it Longa (or, as Greeks would say, "white" and

"long").

At the death of Ascanius the Latins gave the preference in the matter

of royal power to the son borne to AEneas by Lavinia over the son of

Ascanius, their preference being founded on the fact that Latinus was

his grandfather. The new king's name was Silvius. Silvius begat AEneas,

from AEneas sprang Latinus, and Latinus was succeeded by Pastis.

Tiberinus, who came subsequently to be ruler, lost his life by falling

into a river called the Albula. This river was renamed _Tiber_ from

him. It flows through Rome and is of great value to the city and in

the highest degree useful to the Romans. Amulius, a descendant of

Tiberinus, displayed an overweening pride and had the audacity to

deify himself, pretending an ability to answer thunder with thunder by

mechanical contrivances and to lighten in response to the lightnings

and to hurl thunderbolts. He met his end by the overflow of the lake

beside which his palace was set, and both he and the palace were

submerged in the sudden rush of waters. Aventinus his son perished in

warfare.

So far the account concerns Lavinium and the people of Alba. At the

beginning of Roman history we see Numitor and Amulius, who were

grandsons of Aventinus and descendants of AEneas.

_(BOOK 2, BOISSEVAIN.)_

[Sidenote: B.C. 672 (_a.u._ 82)] VII, 6.--When Numa died leaving no

successor, Tullus Hostilius was chosen by the people and the senate.

He followed in the footsteps of Romulus, and both welcomed combats

himself and encouraged the people to do the same. The Albanians having

become the victims of a marauding expedition on the part of the the

Romans, both sides proceeded into battle; before they came into actual

conflict, however, they effected a reconciliation and both races

decided to dwell together in one city. [Sidenote: FRAG. 6^2] BUT AS

EACH CLUNG TO HIS OWN TOWN AND INSISTED THAT THE OTHER RACE SHOULD

REMOVE TO IT, THEY FAILED OF THEIR OBJECT. NEXT THEY DISPUTED ABOUT

THE LEADERSHIP. As neither one would yield it to the other, [Sidenote:

FRAG. 6^2] THEY ARRANGED TO HAVE A CONTEST FOR THE SOVEREIGNTY. They

did not care to fight with entire armies nor yet to let the decision

be made by a duel of champions. But there were on both sides brethren

born three at a birth, the offspring of twin mothers, of like age and

alike in strength: the Roman brethren were called Publihoratii and the

Albanian Curiatii. These they set into battle over against one

another, paying no heed to their relationship. So they, having armed

themselves and having arrayed themselves in opposing files in the

vacant space between the camps, called upon the same family gods and

cast repeated glances upward at the sun. Having joined issue they

fought now in groups, now in pairs. Finally, when two of the Romans

had fallen and all of the Albanians had been wounded, the remaining

Horatius, because he could not withstand the three at once, even were

he unwounded, gave way in order that in pursuing him they might be

scattered. And when they had become separated in the pursuit,

[Sidenote: FRAG. 6^2] ATTACKING EACH ONE he despatched them all. Then

he was given honors. But because he further killed his sister when she

lamented on seeing Horatius carrying the spoils of her cousins, he was

tried for murder; and having taken an appeal to the people he was

released.

The Albanians now became subjects of the Romans, but later they

disregarded the compact; and having been summoned, in their capacity

of subjects, to serve as allies, they attempted at the crisis of the

battle to desert to the enemy and to join in the attack upon the

Romans. They were detected, however, and punished: many (including

their leader, Mettius) were put to death, and the rest suffered

deportation; their city Alba was razed to the ground, after being

deemed for five hundred years the mother city of the Romans.

[Sidenote: FRAG. 6^4] NOW AGAINST THE ENEMY TULLUS WAS THOUGHT TO BE

VERY EFFICIENT, BUT HE NEGLECTED RELIGION. WHEN, HOWEVER, A PESTILENCE

WAS INCURRED AND HE HIMSELF FELL SICK, HE TURNED ASIDE TO A GODFEARING

COURSE. He is said to have reached the end of his life by being

consumed by lightning[5] or else as the result of a plot formed by

Ancus Marcius, who happened to be (as has been stated) a son of Numa's

daughter. He was king of the Romans thirty-two years.

[Footnote 5: The first alternative agrees with Plutarch, who, at the

end of his life of Numa (chapter 22), says that this death by

lightning of Tullus Hostilius caused many among the population at

large to revere that religion which their king had for so long a time

neglected.]

VII, 7.--When Hostilius died, Marcius succeeded to the kingdom,

receiving it as a voluntary gift from the Romans. And he was not

perfect in his arm, for he was maimed at the joint (or bend), whence

he got the title Ancus (bent arm). Though gentle he was compelled to

[Sidenote: FRAG. 7] CHANGE HIS HABITS and he turned his attention to

campaigns. For the rest of the Latins, on account of the destruction

of Alba and in fear that they themselves might suffer some similar

disaster, were angry at the Romans. As long as Tullus survived, they

humbled themselves, dreading his reputation for warfare: but thinking

that Marcius was easy to attack because of his peaceful disposition,

they assailed his territory and pillaged it. He, [Sidenote: FRAG. 7]

COMPREHENDING THAT PEACE COULD BE CAUSED BY WAR, attacked the

attackers, defended his position, and captured their cities, one of

which he razed to the ground, and treated many of the men taken as

slaves and transferred many others to Rome. As the Romans grew and

land was added to their domain, the neighboring peoples were

displeased and set themselves at odds with the Romans. Hence the

latter had to overcome the Fidenates by siege, and they damaged the

Sabines by falling upon them while scattered and seizing their camp,

and by terrifying others they got them to embrace peace even contrary

to inclination. After this the life-stint of Marcius was exhausted,

when he had ruled for twenty-four years, being a man that paid strict

attention to religion according to the manner of his grandfather Numa.

VII, 8.--The sovereignty was now appropriated by Lucius Tarquinius,

who was the son of Demaratus a Corinthian, borne to the latter by a

native woman after he had been exiled and had taken up his abode in

Tarquinii, an Etruscan city; the boy had been named Lucumo. And though

he inherited much wealth from his father, yet, because as an immigrant

he was not deemed worthy of the highest offices by the people of

Tarquinii, he removed to Rome, changing his appellation along with his

city; and he changed his name to Lucius Tarquinius,--from the city in

which he dwelt. It is said that as he was journeying to his new home

an eagle swooped down and snatched the cap which he had on his head,

and after soaring aloft and screaming for some time placed it again

exactly upon his head: wherefore he was inspired to hope for no small

advancement and eagerly took up his residence in Rome. Hence not long

after he was numbered among the foremost men. [Sidenote: FRAG. 8] FOR

BY USING HIS WEALTH QUITE LAVISHLY AND BY WINNING OVER THE NOBLES

THROUGH HIS INTELLIGENCE AND WIT HE WAS INCLUDED AMONG THE PATRICIANS

AND IN THE SENATE BY MARCIUS, WAS APPOINTED PRAETOR, AND WAS ENTRUSTED

WITH THE SUPERVISION OF THE KING'S CHILDREN AND OF THE KINGDOM. HE

SHOWED HIMSELF AN EXCELLENT MAN, SHARING HIS MONEY WITH THOSE IN NEED

AND BESTOWING HIS SERVICES READILY IF ANY ONE NEEDED HIM TO HELP. HE

NEITHER DID NOR SAID ANYTHING MEAN TO ANY ONE. IF HE RECEIVED A

KINDNESS FROM PERSONS HE MADE MUCH OF THE ATTENTION, WHEREAS IF ANY

OFFENCE WAS OFFERED HIM, HE EITHER DISREGARDED THE INJURY OR MINIMIZED

IT AND MADE LIGHT OF IT, AND FAR FROM MAKING REPRISALS UPON THE MAN

THAT HAD DONE THE INJURY, HE WOULD EVEN BENEFIT HIM. THUS HE CAME TO

DOMINATE BOTH MARCIUS HIMSELF AND HIS CIRCLE, AND ACQUIRED THE

REPUTATION OF BEING A SENSIBLE AND UPRIGHT MAN.

But the aforesaid estimate of him did not continue permanently. For at

the death of Marcius he behaved in a knavish way to the latter's two

sons and made the kingdom his own. The senate and the people were

intending to elect the children of Marcius, when Tarquinius made

advances to the most influential of the senators;--he had first

sent the fatherless boys to some distant point on a hunting

expedition:--and by his talk and his efforts he got these men to vote

him the kingdom on the understanding that he would restore it to the

children when they had attained manhood. And after assuming control of

affairs he so disposed the Romans that they should never wish to

choose the children in preference to him: the lads he accustomed to

indolence and ruined their souls and bodies by a kind of kindness. As

he still felt afraid in spite of being so placed, he secured some

extra strength for himself in the senate. Those of the populace who

felt friendly towards him he enrolled (to the number of about two

hundred) among the patricians and the senators, and thus he put both

the senate and the people within his own control. He altered his

raiment, likewise, to a more magnificent style. It consisted of toga

and tunic, purple all over and shot with gold, of a crown of precious

stones set in gold, and of ivory sceptre and chair, which were later

used by various officials and especially by those that held sway as

emperors. He also on the occasion of a triumph paraded with a

four-horse chariot and kept twelve lictors for life.

He would certainly have introduced still other and more numerous

innovations, had not Attus Navius prevented him, when he desired to

rearrange the tribes: this man was an augur whose equal has never been

seen. Tarquinius, angry at his opposition, took measures to abase him

and to bring his art into contempt. So, putting into his bosom a

whetstone and a razor, he went among the populace having in his mind

that the whetstone should be cut by the razor,--a thing that is

impossible. He said all that he wished, and when Attus vehemently

opposed him, he said, still yielding not a particle: "If you are not

opposing me out of quarrelsomeness, but are speaking the truth, answer

me in the presence of all these witnesses whether what I have in mind

to do shall be performed." Attus, having taken an augury on almost the

very spot, replied immediately: "Verily, O King, what you intend shall

be fulfilled." "Well, then," said the other, "take this whetstone and

cut it through with this razor; this is what I have had in mind to

come to pass." Attus at once took the stone and cut it through.

Tarquinius, in admiration, heaped various honors upon him, accorded

him the privilege of a bronze image, and did not again make any change

in the established constitution, but employed Attus as a counselor on

all matters.

He fought against the Latins who had revolted, and afterwards against

the Sabines, who, aided by the Etruscans as allies, had invaded the

Roman country; and he conquered them all. He discovered that one of

the priestesses of Vesta, who are required by custom to remain virgins

all their life, had been seduced by a man, whereupon he arranged a

kind of underground chamber with a long passage, and after placing in

it a bed, a light, and a table nearly full of foods, he brought

thither the unchaste woman escorted by a procession and having

introduced her alive into the room walled it up. From his institution

this plan of punishing those of the priestesses that do not keep their

virginity has continued to prevail. The men that outrage them have

their necks inserted in cloven pillars in the Forum, and then are

maltreated naked until they give up the ghost.

However, an attack was made upon Tarquinius by the children of Marcius

because he would not yield the sovereignty to them, but instead placed

a certain Tullius, borne to him by a slave woman, at the head of them

all. This more than anything else displeased the patricians. The young

men interested some of the latter class in their cause and formed a

plot against the king. They arrayed two men like rustics, equipped

with axes and scythes, and made them ready to attack him. So these

two, when they did not find Tarquinius in the Forum, went to the royal

court (pretending, of course, to have a dispute with each other) and

asked for admission to his presence. Their request was granted and

they began to make opposing arguments, and while Tarquinius was giving

his attention to one of them pleading his cause, the other slew him.

VII, 9.--Such was the end that befell Tarquinius who had ruled for

thirty-eight years. By the cooeperation of Tanaquil, wife of

Tarquinius, Tullius succeeded to the kingdom of Rome. He was the child

of a certain woman named Ocrisia, the wife of Spurius Tullius, a

Latin; she had been captured in the war and chosen by Tarquinius: she

had either become pregnant at home or conceived after her capture;

both stories are current. When Tullius had reached boyhood he went to

sleep on a chair once in the daytime and a quantity of fire seemed to

leap from his head. Tarquinius, seeing it, took an active interest in

the child and on his arriving at maturity had him enrolled among the

patricians and in the senate.

The murderers of Tarquinius were arrested and his wife and Tullius

learned the plan of the plot; but instead of making Tarquinius's death

known at once, they took him up and tended him (pretending that he was

still alive), and meantime exchanged mutual pledges that Tullius

should take the sovereignty but surrender it to Tanaquil's sons when

they became men. And when the multitude ran together and raised an

outcry, Tanaquil, leaning out of an upper story, said: "Be not afraid.

My husband both lives and shall be seen by you shortly. But in order

that he may regain health at leisure and that no hindrance to business

may arise from his being incapacitated, he entrusts the management of

the public weal for the present to Tullius." These were her words and

the people not unwillingly accepted Tullius: for he was thought to be

an upright man.

So, having been granted the administration of public affairs, he

managed them for the most part according to orders supposed to emanate

from Tarquinius. [Sidenote: FRAG. 9] BUT WHEN HE SAW THE PEOPLE

OBEYING HIM IN ALL POINTS, he brought the assassins of Tarquinius

before the senate, though, to be sure, only because of their plot; for

he was still pretending that the king was still alive. They were

sentenced and put to death, and the sons of Marcius through fear took

refuge among the Volsci. Then did Tullius reveal the death of

Tarquinius and openly take possession of the kingdom. At first he put

forward the children of Tarquinius as his excuse and caused it to be

understood that he was the guardian of their royal office, but

afterward he proceeded to pay court to the people, believing that he

could secure control of the multitude very much more easily than of

the patricians. He gave them money, assigned land to each individual,

and made preparations to free the slaves and adopt them into tribes.

As the nobles were irritated at this, he gave instructions that those

liberated should perform some services, in requital, for the men that

had liberated them. Now since the patricians were disaffected in the

matter of his aspirations and circulated among other sayings one to

the effect that no one had chosen him to hold the sovereignty, he

gathered the people and harangued them. And by the use of many

alluring statements he so disposed them toward himself that they at

once voted the kingdom to him outright. He in return bestowed many

gifts upon them and enrolled some of them in the senate. These

originally in most matters were at a disadvantage as compared with the

patricians, but as time went on they shared equally with the

patricians in everything save the office of interrex and the

priesthoods, and were distinguished from them in no respect except by

their shoes. For the shoes of the patricians were made ornate by the

addition of straps and the imprint of the letter, which were intended

to signify that they were descended from the original hundred men that

had been senators. The letter R, they say, either indicates the number

of the hundred men referred to or else is used as the initial of the

name of the Romans.

In this way Tullius gained control of the populace, but fearing that

some rebellion might take place he delivered the greater number and

the more important of the public positions to the care of the more

powerful citizens. Thus they became harmonious in their views and

transacted the public business in the best manner. He also conducted a

few wars against the Veians and against all the Etruscans, in the

course of which nothing was done worthy of record. Wishing to

affiliate the Latins still more closely with the Romans he persuaded

them to construct in Rome a temple out of common funds. This he

devoted to Minerva. But differences arose in regard to its

superintendence. Meantime a Sabine brought to Rome an exceedingly fine

cow, intending to sacrifice her to Minerva in accordance with an

oracle. The oracle said that he who should sacrifice her would enlarge

his country. One of the Romans learning this went to the man and told

him that it was requisite for the victim first to be purified in the

river, and by his talk persuaded him. Having persuaded him he took the

cow under the pretence of keeping her safe and having taken her he

sacrificed her. When the Sabine made known the oracle the Latins both

yielded the presidency of the shrine to the Romans and in other ways

honored them as superior to themselves.

This was the course these matters took. Now Tullius joined his

daughters in marriage with the Tarquins, and though he announced that

he was going to restore the kingdom to them he kept putting it off,

now on one excuse and now on another. And they were not at all

disposed to be complaisant, but were indignant. The king paid no heed

to them and urged the Romans to democracy and freedom. Then were the

Tarquins all the more disquieted. But the younger one, however ill at

ease he was, still endured it, until in the course of time he thought

he could bear Tullius no longer. And when he found that his wife did

not approve his attitude, nor did his brother, he put to death his own

wife [Sidenote: FRAG. 10^1] AND COMPASSED HIS BROTHER'S DEATH BY

POISON ADMINISTERED BY THE LATTER'S WIFE. Then, uniting his fortunes

with his brother's spouse, he plotted with her help against Tullius.

After persuading many of the senators and patricians whose reputations

were under a cloud to cooeperate with him against Tullius he

unexpectedly repaired with them to the senate, his wife Tullia also

following him. He there spoke many words to remind them of his

father's worth and uttered many jests at the expense of Tullius. When

the latter on hearing of it hastily made his appearance and said a

word or two, the pretender seized him, and thrusting him out cast him

down the steps in front of the senate-house. So the king, bewildered

by the audacity of Tarquin and surprised that no one came to his

assistance, did not say or do anything more. Tarquin at once obtained

the kingdom from the senate, and sent some men who despatched Tullius

while he was on his way home. The latter's daughter, after embracing

her husband in the senate-house and saluting him as king, departed to

the palace and drove her chariot over the dead body of her father as

he lay there.

VII, 10.--Thus ruled Tullius and thus he died after a reign of

forty-four years. Tarquin, who succeeded to the kingdom, stationed

body-guards around him after the manner of Romulus, and used them both

night and day, at home and abroad. For, as a result of what he had

done to his father-in-law, and his wife to her father, they in turn

were afraid of other people. [Sidenote: FRAG. 10^2] AND WHEN HE HAD

EQUIPPED HIMSELF TO RULE OVER THEM TYRANNICALLY HE ARRESTED AND PUT TO

DEATH THE MOST POWERFUL MEMBERS OF THE SENATE AND OF THE REST,

EXECUTING PUBLICLY THOSE AGAINST WHOM HE WAS ABLE TO BRING A CHARGE,

AND OTHERS SECRETLY; SOME ALSO HE BANISHED. HE DESTROYED NOT MERELY

THOSE WHO WERE ATTACHED TO THE PARTY OF TULLIUS, BUT IN ADDITION THOSE

WHO HAD COOPERATED WITH HIM IN SECURING THE MONARCHY, AND THUS HE MADE

AWAY WITH THE BEST PART OF THE SENATE AND OF THE KNIGHTS. HE

UNDERSTOOD THAT HE WAS HATED BY THE ENTIRE POPULACE; HENCE HE DID NOT

APPOINT ANY PERSONS WHATEVER TO TAKE THE PLACES OF THOSE WHO KEPT

PERISHING, BUT UNDERTAKING TO ABOLISH THE SENATE ALTOGETHER HE DID NOT

APPOINT A SINGLE NEW PERSON TO IT AND COMMUNICATED NO NEWS OF

IMPORTANCE TO THOSE WHO STILL WERE MEMBERS. HE CALLED THE SENATORS

TOGETHER NOT TO HELP HIM IN THE ADMINISTRATION OF ANY IMPORTANT

MEASURES, BUT IN ORDER THAT THEIR FEWNESS MIGHT BE MADE EVIDENT TO ALL

AND THEY BE CONSEQUENTLY DESPISED. MOST OF HIS BUSINESS HE CARRIED ON

BY HIMSELF OR WITH THE AID OF HIS SONS. IT WAS HARD TO APPROACH AND

HARD TO ACCOST HIM, AND HE SHOWED GREAT HAUGHTINESS AND BRUTALITY

TOWARD ALL ALIKE, AND HE AS WELL AS HIS CHILDREN ADOPTED A MORE

TYRANNICAL BEARING TOWARD ALL PERSONS. Hence he also cast eyes of

suspicion upon the members of his guard and secured a new body-guard

from the Latin nation, intermingling the Latins with Romans in the

ranks. He intended that the Latins by obtaining equal privileges with

the Romans should owe him gratitude therefor, and that the Romans

should cause him less terror, since they no longer had a place of

their own but bore arms only in association with the Latins.

He also joined battle with the people of Gabii and fared ill in the

conflict, but by treachery overcame them; for he suggested to his son

Sextus that he desert to their side. Sextus, in order to get some

plausible pretext for the desertion, [Sidenote: FRAG. 10^3] REVILED

HIS FATHER PUBLICLY AS A TYRANT AND FORESWORN, and the latter flogged

his son and took measures of defence. Then, according to arrangement,

the son made his treacherous desertion to the people of Gabii, taking

along with him money and companions. The enemy believed the trick on

account of the cruelty of Tarquin and because at this time the son

spoke many words of truth in abusing his father and by his conduct

seemed to have become thoroughly estranged from him. So they were very

glad to receive him, and in his company made many incursions into

Roman territory and did it no slight damage. For this reason and

because he privately furnished some persons with money and spent it

lavishly for public purposes he was chosen praetor by them and was

entrusted with the management of the government among them. At that he

secretly sent a man and acquainted his father with what had occurred,

asking him for his intentions with regard to the future. The king made

no answer to the emissary, in order that he might not, being equally

informed, either willingly or unwillingly reveal something; but

leading him into a garden where there were poppies he struck off with

a rod the heads that were prominent and strewed the ground with them;

hereupon he dismissed the message-bearer. The latter, without

comprehending the affair, repeated the king's actions to Sextus, and

he understood the sense of the suggestion. Therefore he destroyed the

more eminent men of Gabii, some secretly by poison, others by robbers

(supposedly), and still others he put to death after judicial trial by

contriving against them false accusations of traitorous dealings with

his father.

Thus did Sextus visit sorrow upon the men of Gabii and destroyed their

superior citizens, distributing their money among the crowd. Later,

when some had already perished and the rest had been cozened and

thoroughly believed in him, assisted by the Roman captives and the

deserters (many of whom he had gathered for his projects), he seized

the city and surrendered it to his father. The king bestowed it upon

his son, but himself made war upon other nations.

VII, 11.--The oracles of the Sibyl to the Romans he obtained even

against his will. A woman whom they called Sibyl, gifted with divine

inspiration, came to Rome bringing [Sidenote: FRAG. 10^4] THREE OR

NINE books, offered these to Tarquin for purchase, and stated the

value of the books. As he paid no attention to her, she burned one or

three of the books. When again Tarquin scorned her, she destroyed part

of the rest in a similar way. And she was about to burn up also those

still left when the augurs compelled him to purchase the few that were

intact. He bought these for the price for which he might have secured

them all, and delivered them to two senators to keep. As they did not

entirely understand the contents, they sent to Greece and hired two

men to come from there to read and interpret these things. The

dwellers in the vicinity, desiring to learn what was revealed by the

books, [Sidenote: FRAG. 10^4] MANAGED TO BRIBE MARCUS ACILIUS,[6] ONE

OF THE CUSTODIANS, AND HAD SOME STATEMENTS COPIED OUT. THE AFFAIR

BECAME PUBLIC AND MARCUS AFTER BEING THROWN INTO TWO HIDES SEWN

TOGETHER was drowned (and beginning with him this punishment has ever

since prevailed in the case of parricides), in order that earth nor

water nor sun might be defiled by his death.

[Footnote 6: Zonaras spells _Acillius_.]

The temple on the Tarpeian rock he constructed according to the vow of

his father. And the earth having yawned even to the substructure of

the foundations there appeared the head of a man freshly slain, still

with blood in it. Accordingly the Romans sent to a soothsayer of

Etruria to ask what was signified by the phenomenon. And he, desiring

to make the portent apply to Etruria, made a diagram upon the ground

and in it laid out the plan of Rome and the Tarpeian rock. He intended

to ask the envoys: "Is this Rome? Is this the Rock? Was the head found

here?" They would suspect nothing and agree in their assent, and so

the efficacy of the portent would be transferred to the place where it

had been shown in the diagram. This was his design, but the envoys

learned from his son what his device was, and when the question was

put to them, they answered: "The settlement of Rome is not here, but

in Latium, and the hill is in the country of the Romans, and the head

was found on that hill." Thus the design of the soothsayer was

thwarted and they learned the whole truth and reported it to their

fellow-citizens, to wit, that they should be very powerful and rule

very many people. So this was another event that imbued them with

hope. Then the hill was renamed by them "Capitolium": for _capita_ in

the Roman speech means "the head."

Needing money for the building of the temple Tarquin waged war upon

the inhabitants of Ardea; but from it he gained no money, and he was

driven out of the kingdom. Signs also came in his way that indicated

his expulsion. Out of his garden vultures drove the young of eagles,

and in the men's hall, where he was having a banquet with his friends,

a huge serpent appeared and caused him and his companions at table to

decamp. In consequence of this he sent his sons Titus and Aruns to

Delphi. But as Apollo declared that he should not be driven from his

domain till a dog should use human speech, he was elated with hopes

for the best, thinking that the oracle could never be fulfilled.

[Sidenote: FRAG. 10^5] NOW LUCIUS JUNIUS WAS A SON OF TARQUIN'S

SISTER; HIS FATHER AND BROTHER TARQUIN HAD KILLED. SO HE, FEARING FOR

HIS OWN PERSON, FEIGNED MADNESS, EMPLOYING THIS MEANS OF SAFETY AS A

SCREEN FOR HIS LIFE. HENCE HE WAS DUBBED BRUTUS, FOR THIS IS THE NAME

BY WHICH THE LATINS ARE ACCUSTOMED TO CALL IDIOTS. WHILE PRETENDING TO

BE MAD HE WAS TAKEN ALONG AS A PLAYTHING BY THE CHILDREN OF TARQUIN,

WHEN THEY JOURNEYED TO DELPHI. AND HE SAID THAT HE WAS CARRYING A

VOTIVE OFFERING TO THE GOD; THIS WAS A STAFF, APPARENTLY POSSESSING NO

POINT OF EXCELLENCE, so that he became a laughing stock for it all the

more. It furnished a kind of image of the affliction that he feigned.

For he had hollowed it out and had secretly poured in gold, indicating

thereby that the disesteem which he suffered for his madness served to

conceal a sound and estimable intelligence. [Sidenote: FRAG. 10^7] TO

THE QUERY OF THE SONS OF TARQUIN AS TO WHO SHOULD SUCCEED TO THEIR

FATHER'S SOVEREIGNTY THE GOD REPLIED THAT THE FIRST WHO KISSED HIS

MOTHER SHOULD OBTAIN THE POWER. AND BRUTUS, COMPREHENDING, FELL DOWN

AS IF ACCIDENTALLY AND COVERED THE EARTH WITH KISSES, RIGHTLY DEEMING

HER TO BE THE MOTHER OF ALL.

[Sidenote: FRAG. 10^8] THIS BRUTUS OVERTHREW THE TARQUINS, taking as

his justification the case of Lucretia, though these rulers were even

without that hated by all for their tyrannous and violent

characteristics. Lucretia was a daughter of Lucretius Spurius, a man

that was a member of the senate, and she was wife of the distinguished

Tarquinius Collatinus and was renowned, as it chanced, for her beauty

and chastity. [Sidenote: FRAG. 10^8] SEXTUS, THE SON OF TARQUIN, SET

HIS HEART UPON OUTRAGING HER, NOT SO MUCH BECAUSE HE WAS INSPIRED WITH

PASSION BY HER BEAUTY AS BECAUSE HE CHOSE TO PLOT AGAINST HER CHASTE

REPUTATION. SO, HAVING WATCHED FOR COLLATINUS TO BE AWAY FROM HOME, HE

CAME BY NIGHT TO HER AND LODGED AT HER HOUSE, SINCE SHE WAS THE WIFE

OF A RELATIVE. AND FIRST HE TRIED BY PERSUASION TO SECURE ILLICIT

PLEASURE FROM HER AND THEN HE RESORTED TO VIOLENCE. AS HE COULD NOT

SUCCEED, HE THREATENED TO CUT HER THROAT. BUT INASMUCH AS SHE DESPISED

DEATH, HE THREATENED FURTHERMORE TO LAY A SLAVE BESIDE HER AND TO KILL

THEM BOTH AND TO SPREAD THE REPORT THAT HE HAD FOUND THEM SLEEPING

TOGETHER AND KILLED THEM. THIS RENDERED LUCRETIA DISTRAUGHT, AND IN

FEAR THAT THIS MIGHT BE BELIEVED TO HAVE SO HAPPENED SHE SURRENDERED.

AND AFTER THE ACT OF ADULTERY SHE PLACED A DAGGER BENEATH THE PILLOW

AND SENT FOR HER HUSBAND AND HER FATHER. WHEN THEY CAME, ACCOMPANIED

BY BRUTUS AND PUBLIUS VALERIUS, SHE SHED MANY TEARS AND WITH MOANS

RELATED THE ENTIRE TRANSACTION. THEN SHE ADDED: "AND I WILL TREAT MY

CASE AS BECOMES ME, BUT DO YOU, IF YOU ARE MEN, AVENGE ME, YOURSELVES,

AND SHOW THE TYRANTS WHAT MANNER OF CREATURES YOU ARE AND WHAT MANNER

OF WOMAN THEY HAVE OUTRAGED." HAVING SPOKEN TO THIS EFFECT SHE

IMMEDIATELY DREW THE DAGGER FROM ITS HIDING PLACE AND KILLED HERSELF.

_(BOOK 4, BOISSEVAIN.)_

VII, 13.--The Sabines, however, because of wrath at their treatment,

did not keep quiet even through the winter, but overran Roman

territory and damaged the forces of Postumius when he was for the

second time consul. And they would absolutely have captured him, had

not Menenius Agrippa, his colleague, come to his aid. And assaulting

them they killed a number, with the result that the rest withdrew.

After this Spurius Cassius and Opiter Verginius as consuls made peace

with the Sabines. And capturing the city of Camerium they executed

most of the inhabitants; the remnant they took alive and sold, and

razed the city to the ground.

Postumius Cominius and Titus Larcius arrested and put to death some

slaves who were hatching a conspiracy to seize the Capitoline. Servius

Sulpicius and Marcus Tullius in their turn anticipated a second

conspiracy composed of slaves and some others that had joined them,

for it was reported to the consuls by certain men privy to the plot.

They surrounded and overpowered the conspirators and cut them down. To

the informers citizenship and other rewards were given.

When a new war was stirred up on the part of the Latins against Rome,

the people, demanding that a cancellation of debts be authorized,

refused to take up arms. Therefore the nobles then for the first time

established a new office to have jurisdiction over both classes.

Dictator was the name given to the person entitled to the position,

and he possessed all powers as much as had the kings. People hated the

name of king on account of the Tarquins, but being anxious for the

benefit to be derived from sole leadership (which seemed to exert a

potent influence amid conditions of war and revolution), they chose it

under another name. Hence the dictatorship was, as has been said, so

far as its authority went, equivalent to kingship, except that the

dictator might not ride on horseback unless he were about to start on

a campaign, and was not permitted to make any expenditure from the

public funds unless the right were specially voted. He might try men

and put them to death at home and on campaigns, and not merely such as

belonged to the populace, but also members of the knights and of the

senate itself. No one had the power to make any complaint against him

nor to take any action hostile to him,--no, not even the

tribunes,--and no case could be appealed from him. The office of

dictator extended for a period of not more than six months, to the end

that no such official by spending much time in the midst of so much

power and unhampered authority should become haughty and plunge

headlong into a passion for sole leadership. This was what happened

later to Julius Caesar, when contrary to lawful precedent he had been

approved for the dictatorship.

VII, 14.--At this time, consequently, when Larcius became dictator,

the populace made no uprising but presented themselves under arms.

When, however, the Latins came to terms and were now in a quiescent

state, the lenders proceeded to treat the debtors more harshly and

the populace for this reason again rebelled and even came running in a

throng into the senate. And all the senators would there have perished

at the hands of the inrushing mob, had not some persons at this

juncture reported that the Volsci had invaded the country. In the face

of such news the populace became calm, not regarding this action,

however, in the light of clemency to the senate, for they felt sure

that that body would almost immediately be destroyed by the enemy.

Hence they did not take the trouble to man the walls nor render any

assistance until Servilius released the prisoners held for default of

payments and decreed a suspension of taxes for as long as the campaign

lasted and promised to reduce the debts. Then in consequence of these

concessions they proceeded against the enemy and won the day.

Inasmuch, however, as they were not relieved of their debts and in

general could obtain no decent treatment, they again raised a clamor

and grew full of wrath and made an uprising against both the senate

and the praetors.

But at the approach of another war the praetors decreed a cancellation

of debts: others opposed this measure: and so Marcus Valerius was

named dictator. He was of the kindred of Poplicola and was beloved by

the people. Then, indeed, so many gathered, animated with such zeal

(for he had promised them prizes, too), that they overran not only the

Sabines, but the Volsci and AEqui who were allied with them. As a

sequel, the populace voted many honors to Valerius, one of which was

their bestowal of the title Maximus. This name, translated into Greek,

signifies "greatest." And he, wishing to do the populace some favors,

made many addresses to the senate but could not get it to follow his

guidance. Consequently he rushed out of the senatorial assembly in a

rage, and after making to the populace a long speech against the

senate resigned his command. [Sidenote: FRAG. 16^4] AND THE POPULACE

WAS ALL THE MORE PROVOKED TO REVOLT. AS FOR THE MONEY-LENDERS, BY

INSISTING IN THE CASE OF DEBTS UPON THE VERY LETTER OF THE AGREEMENT

AND REFUSING TO MAKE ANY CONCESSION TO THOSE WHO OWED THEM THEY BOTH

FAILED TO SECURE THE EXACT AMOUNT AND WERE DISAPPOINTED IN MANY OTHER

HOPES. FOR POVERTY AND THE RESULTING DESPERATION IS A HEAVY CURSE, AND

IS, IF IT SPREADS AMONG A LARGE NUMBER OF PEOPLE, VERY DIFFICULT TO

COMBAT. NOW THE CAUSE OF MOST OF THE TROUBLES THAT BEFELL THE ROMANS

LAY IN THE UNYIELDING ATTITUDE ADOPTED AT THIS TIME BY THE MORE

POWERFUL TOWARD THEIR INFERIORS. For as the military contingent came

to be hard pressed by dint of campaigns and was baffled out and out in

frequent hopes frequently entertained, and the debtors were repeatedly

abused and maltreated by the money-lenders, the people became inflamed

to such a pitch of fury that many of the destitute abandoned the city,

withdrew from the camp, [Sidenote: FRAG. 16^5] AND LIKE ENEMIES

GATHERED THEIR SUBSISTENCE FROM THE COUNTRY.

WHEN THIS SITUATION HAD BEEN BROUGHT ABOUT, SINCE NUMBERS CAME

FLOCKING TO THE SIDE OF THE REVOLUTIONISTS, THE SENATORS, DREADING

THAT THE LATTER MIGHT BECOME MORE ESTRANGED AND THE NEIGHBORING TRIBES

JOIN THEIR REBELLION FOR PURPOSES OF ATTACK, MADE PROPOSITIONS TO THEM

IN WHICH THEY PROMISED EVERYTHING THAT THE SENATE WAS EMPOWERED TO DO

FOR THEM. BUT WHEN THEY DISPLAYED THE UTMOST AUDACITY AND WOULD ACCEPT

NO OFFER, ONE OF THE ENVOYS, AGRIPPA MENENIUS, BEGGED THEM TO HEARKEN

TO A FABLE. HAVING OBTAINED THEIR CONSENT HE SPOKE AS FOLLOWS. ONCE

ALL THE MEMBERS OF THE BODY BEGAN A CONTENTION AGAINST THE BELLY. AND

THE EYES SAID: "WE GIVE THE HANDS THE POWER TO WORK AND THE FEET THE

POWER TO GO." AND THE TONGUE AND THE LIPS: "THROUGH US THE COUNSELS OF

THE HEART ARE MADE KNOWN." AND THEN THE EARS: "THROUGH US THE WORDS OF

OTHERS ARE DESPATCHED TO THE MIND." AND THE HANDS: "WE ARE THE WORKERS

AND LAY UP STORES OF WEALTH." AND FINALLY THE FEET: "WE TIRE OURSELVES

OUT CARRYING THE WHOLE BODY IN JOURNEYS AND WHILE WORKING AND WHILE

STANDING." AND ALL IN A CHORUS: "WHILE WE LABOR SO, THOU ALONE, FREE

FROM CONTRIBUTION AND LABOR, LIKE A MISTRESS ART SERVED BY US ALL AND

THE FRUIT OF ALL OUR LABORS THOU THYSELF ALONE DOST ENJOY." THE BELLY

HERSELF ADMITTED THAT THIS WAS SO, AND SAID SHE: "IF YOU LIKE, LEAVE

ME UNSUPPLIED AND MAKE ME NO PRESENTS." THIS PROPOSITION SUITED, AND

THE MEMBERS VOTED NEVER MORE TO SUPPLY THE BELLY BY THEIR COMMON

EFFORT. WHEN NO FOOD WAS PRESENTED TO HER, THE HANDS WERE NOT NIMBLE

TO WORK, BEING RELAXED ON ACCOUNT OF THE FAILURE OF THE BELLY, NOR

WERE THE FEET POSSESSED OF STRENGTH, NOR DID ANY OTHER OF THE LIMBS

SHOW ITS NORMAL ACTIVITY UNINJURED, BUT ALL WERE INEFFICIENT, SLOW, OR

COMPLETELY MOTIONLESS. AND THEN THEY COMPREHENDED THAT THE PRESENTS

MADE TO THE BELLY HAD BEEN SUPPLIED NOT MORE TO HER THAN TO THEMSELVES

AND THAT EACH ONE OF THEM INCIDENTALLY ENJOYS THE BENEFIT CONFERRED

UPON HER.

[Sidenote: FRAG. 16^5] THROUGH THESE WORDS THE POPULACE WAS MADE TO

COMPREHEND THAT THE ABUNDANCE OF THE PROSPEROUS TENDS ALSO TO THE

ADVANTAGE OF THE POOR, AND THAT EVEN THOUGH THE FORMER BE ADVANTAGED

BY THEIR LOANS AND SO INCREASE THEIR ABUNDANCE, THE OUTCOME OF THIS IS

NOT HURTFUL TO THE INTERESTS OF THE MANY; SINCE, IF IT WERE NOT FOR

THE WEALTHY OWNING PROPERTY, THE POOR WOULD NOT HAVE IN TIMES OF NEED

PERSONS TO LEND TO THEM AND WOULD PERISH UNDER THE PRESSURE OF WANT.

ACCORDINGLY THEY BECAME MILDER AND REACHED AN AGREEMENT, THE SENATE

FOR ITS PART VOTING A REDUCTION IN THEIR DEBTS AND A RELEASE FROM

SEIZURE OF PROPERTY.

VII, 15.--They feared, however, that when their society had been

disbanded they might either find the agreements not effectual or might

[Sidenote: FRAG. 16^6] BE HARMED ON ACCOUNT OF THEIR SEPARATION, ONE

BEING PUNISHED ON ONE PRETEXT, ANOTHER ON ANOTHER, in constant

succession. So they formed a compact to lend aid to one another in

case any one of them should be wronged in any particular; and they

took oaths to this effect and forthwith elected two representatives

from their own number (and afterward still more) in order that by such

a partnership arrangement they might have assistants and avengers. And

this they did not only once, but the idea now conceived in this form

kept growing, and they appointed their representatives for a year, as

to some office. The men were called in the tongue of the Latins

_tribunes_ (the commanders of thousands are also so named) but are

styled _demarchoi_ in the Greek language. In order that the titles of

the tribuni might be kept distinct they added to the name of the one

class the phrase "of the soldiers" and to that of the other class the

phrase "of the people." These _tribunes of the people_, then, or

_demarchoi_ became responsible for great evils that befell Rome. For

though they did not immediately secure the title of magistrates, they

gained power beyond all the rest, defending every one that begged

protection and rescuing every one that called upon them not only from

private persons, but from the very magistrates, except the dictators.

If any one ever invoked them when absent, he, too, was released from

the person holding him prisoner and was either brought before the

populace by them or was set free. And if ever they saw fit that

anything should not be done, they prevented it, whether the person

acting were a private citizen or an official: and if the people or the

senate were about to do or vote anything and a single tribune opposed

it, the action or the vote became null and void. As time went on, they

were allowed or allowed themselves to summon the senate, to punish

whoever disobeyed them, to practice divination, and to hold court. And

in case they were refused permission to do anything, they gained their

point by their incontestable opposition to every project undertaken by

others. For they introduced laws to the effect that whoever should

obstruct them by deed or word, be he private citizen or magistrate,

should be "hallowed" and incur pollution. This being "hallowed" meant

destruction; for this was the name applied to everything (as, for

instance, a victim) that was consecrated for slaughter. The tribunes

themselves were termed by the multitude "sacrosanct", since they

obtained sacred enclosures for the shelter of such as invoked them.

For _sacra_ among the Romans means "walls", and _sancta_ "sacred".

Many of their actions were unwarrantable, for they threw even consuls

into prison and put men to death without granting them a hearing.

Nobody ventured to oppose them; or, in case any one did, he became

himself "hallowed." If, however, persons were condemned not by all the

tribunes, they would call to their help those who had not concurred in

the verdict, and so they went duly through the forms of court

procedure before the tribunes themselves or before some arbiters or

before the populace, and became the possession of the side that won.

In the course of time the number of the tribunes was fixed at ten,

[Sidenote: FRAG. 16^7] AND AS A RESULT OF THIS MOST OF THEIR POWER WAS

OVERTHROWN. FOR AS THOUGH BY NATURE (BUT REALLY, OF COURSE, BY REASON

OF JEALOUSY) FELLOW OFFICIALS INVARIABLY QUARREL; AND IT IS DIFFICULT

FOR A NUMBER OF MEN, ESPECIALLY IN A POSITION OF INFLUENCE, TO ATTAIN

HARMONY. No sooner did outsiders, planning to wreck their influence,

raise factional issues to the end that dissension might make them

weaker, than the tribunes actually attached themselves some to one

party, some to another. [Sidenote: FRAG. 16^7] IF EVEN ONE OF THEM

OPPOSED A MEASURE, he rendered the decisions of the rest null and

void.

Now at first they did not enter the senate-house, but sitting at the

entrance watched proceedings, and in case aught failed to please them,

they would show resistance. Next they were invited inside. Later,

however, the ex-tribunes were numbered with the senators, and finally

some of the senators actually were permitted to be tribunes, unless a

man chanced to be a patrician. Patricians the people would not accept:

having chosen the tribunes to defend them against the patricians, and

having advanced them to so great power, they dreaded lest one of them

might turn his strength to contrary purposes and use it against them.

But if a man abjured the rank given him by birth and changed his

social standing to that of a common citizen, they received him gladly.

Many of the patricians whose position was unquestioned renounced their

nobility through desire for the immense influence possible, and so

became tribunes.

Such was the growth of the domination of the tribunes. In addition to

them the people chose two aediles, to be their assistants in the matter

of documents. They took charge of everything that was submitted in

writing to the plebs, to the populace, and to the senate, and kept it,

so that nothing that was done escaped their notice. This and the

trying of cases were the objects for which they were chosen anciently,

but later they were charged with the supervision of buying and

selling, whence they came to be called _agoranomoi_ ("clerks of the

market") by those who put their name into Greek.

_(BOOK 5, BOISSEVAIN.)_

VII, 16.--The first revolution of the Romans, then, terminated as

described. Many of the neighboring tribes had found in the revolution

a hostile incentive, and the Romans with a unified purpose after their

reconciliation conducted vigorously the wars which the latter waged,

and conquered in all of them. It was at this time that in the siege of

Corioli they came within an ace of being driven from their camp, but a

patrician, Gnaeus Marcius, showed his prowess and repelled the

assailants. For this he received various tokens of renown and was

given the title of Coriolanus from the people which he had routed.

[Sidenote: FRAG. 17^2] FOR THE TIME HE WAS THUS EXALTED BUT NOT LONG

AFTERWARD HE WAS ANXIOUS TO BE MADE PRAETOR AND FAILED, AND THEREFORE

GREW VEXED AT THE POPULACE AND EVINCED DISPLEASURE TOWARD THE

TRIBUNES. HENCE THE TRIBUNES (WHOSE FUNCTIONS HE WAS ESPECIALLY EAGER

TO ABOLISH) HEAPED UP ACCUSATIONS AGAINST HIM AND FIXED UPON HIM A

CHARGE OF AIMING AT TYRANNY AND EXPELLED HIM FROM ROME. HAVING BEEN

EXPELLED HE FORTHWITH BETOOK HIMSELF TO THE VOLSCI. The latter's

leaders and those in authority over them were delighted at his arrival

and again made ready for war; Attius Tullius urged this course upon

them all, but the people showed lack of enthusiasm. So when the nobles

neither by advice nor by intimidation could prevail upon them to take

up arms, they concocted the following scheme. The Romans were

conducting a horse-race, and the Volsci among other neighboring

peoples had gathered in a large body to behold the spectacle. Tullius,

as a pretended friend of the Romans, persuaded the Roman praetors that

they should keep watch on the Volsci, since the latter had made ready

to attack them unexpectedly in the midst of the horse-race. The

praetors, after communicating the information to the others, made

proclamation at once, before the contest, that all the Volsci must

retire. The Volsci, indignant because they alone of all the spectators

had been expelled, put themselves in readiness for battle. Setting at

their head Coriolanus and Tullius, and with numbers swollen by the

accession of the Latins, they advanced against Rome. The Romans, when

informed of it, instead of making a vigorous use of arms fell into

mutual recriminations, the popular party censuring the patricians

because Coriolanus, who was campaigning against his country, happened

to belong to their number, and the other party the populace because

they had been unjust in expelling him and making him an enemy. Because

of this contention they would have incurred some great injury, had not

the women come to their aid. For when the senate voted restoration to

Coriolanus and envoys had been despatched to him to this end, he

demanded that the land of which the Volsci had been deprived in the

previous wars be given back to them. But the people would not

relinquish the land. Consequence: a second embassy. [Sidenote: FRAG.

17^8] AND HE WAS EXCEEDINGLY ANGRY THAT THEY, WHO WERE IN DANGER OF

LOSING THEIR OWN COUNTRY, WOULD NOT EVEN UNDER THESE CONDITIONS

WITHDRAW FROM THE POSSESSIONS OF OTHERS. WHEN THIS SITUATION WAS

REPORTED TO THE DISPUTANTS, THEY STILL REFUSED TO BUDGE, NOR DID THE

DANGERS CAUSE THE MEN, AT LEAST, TO DESIST FROM QUARRELING. BUT THE

WOMEN, VOLUMNIA THE WIFE OF CORIOLANUS AND VETURIA[7] HIS MOTHER,

GATHERING A COMPANY OF THE REMAINING MOST EMINENT LADIES VISITED HIM

IN CAMP AND TOOK HIS CHILDREN ALONG WITH THEM. WHILE THE REST WEPT

WITHOUT SPEAKING VETURIA BEGAN: "WE ARE NOT DESERTERS, MY SON, BUT THE

COUNTRY HAS SENT US TO YOU TO BE, IF YOU SHOULD YIELD, YOUR MOTHER,

WIFE AND CHILDREN, BUT OTHERWISE YOUR SPOIL. AND IF EVEN NOW YOU STILL

ARE ANGRY, KILL US THE FIRST. BE RECONCILED AND HOLD NO LONGER YOUR

ANGER AGAINST YOUR CITIZENS, FRIENDS, TEMPLES, TOMBS; DO NOT TAKE BY

STORM YOUR NATIVE LAND IN WHICH YOU WERE BORN, WERE REARED, AND BECAME

CORIOLANUS, BEARER OF THIS GREAT NAME. SEND ME NOT HENCE WITHOUT

RESULT, UNLESS YOU WOULD BEHOLD ME DEAD BY MY OWN HAND." THEREUPON SHE

SIGHED ALOUD AND SHOWED HER BREASTS AND TOUCHED HER ABDOMEN,

EXCLAIMING: "THIS BROUGHT YOU FORTH, MY CHILD, THESE REARED YOU UP."

SHE, THEN, SAID THIS, AND HIS WIFE AND CHILDREN AND THE REST OF THE

WOMEN JOINED IN THE LAMENT, SO THAT HE TOO WAS MOVED TO GRIEF.

RECOVERING HIMSELF WITH DIFFICULTY HE ENFOLDED HIS MOTHER IN HIS ARMS

AND AT THE SAME TIME KISSING HER REPLIED: "SEE, MOTHER, I YIELD TO

YOU. YOURS IS THE VICTORY, AND TO YOU LET ALL ASCRIBE THIS FAVOR. FOR

I CANNOT ENDURE EVEN TO SEE THEM, WHO AFTER RECEIVING SUCH GREAT

BENEFITS AT MY HANDS HAVE GIVEN ME SUCH A RECOMPENSE, NOR WILL I ENTER

THE CITY. DO YOU KEEP THE COUNTRY INSTEAD OF ME, BECAUSE YOU HAVE SO

WISHED IT, AND I WILL DEPART." HAVING SPOKEN THUS HE WITHDREW. AND HE

DID NOT ACCEPT THE RESTORATION, BUT RETIRED AMONG THE VOLSCI AND THERE

AT AN ADVANCED AGE DEPARTED THIS LIFE.

[Footnote 7: Zonaras spells it _Veturina_.]

VII, 17.--Now the tribunes demanded that some land acquired by the

Romans from the enemy be apportioned among the people, and as a result

of their action much damage was incurred by the citizens both from the

enemy and from one another. [Sidenote: FRAG. 19^1] FOR THE NOBLES

BEING UNABLE TO RESTRAIN THEM IN ANY OTHER WAY STIRRED UP PURPOSELY

WARS AFTER WARS, IN ORDER THAT BEING BUSIED THEREWITH THEY MIGHT NOT

DISTURB THEMSELVES ABOUT THE LAND. But after a time some persons began

to suspect what was going on, and would not permit both of the consuls

(or praetors) to be appointed by the nobles, but themselves desired to

choose one of them from the patricians. Upon effecting this they

selected Spurius Furius, and campaigning with him accomplished with

enthusiasm all objects for which they had set out. But those who took

the field with his colleague, Fabius Caeso, not only displayed no

energy, but abandoned their camp, came to the city, and raised a

tumult until the Etruscans, learning of the affair, assailed them.

Even then, moreover, they did not leave the city until some of the

tribunes came to an agreement with the nobles. Still, they fought

vigorously and destroyed many of the enemy, and not a few of

their own number also were killed. One of the consuls likewise

fell,--Manlius[8]: the populace chose Manlius[9] praetor for the third

time.

[Footnote 8: This was probably one of the Manlii Cincinnati.]

[Footnote 9: The second "Manlius" is evidently an error of Zonaras.

The name should be _Fabius_.]

Again was a war waged against them by the Etruscans. And when the

Romans were in dejection and at a loss to know how they should

withstand the enemy, the Fabii came to their help. [Sidenote: FRAG.

20^1] THEY, THREE HUNDRED AND SIX IN NUMBER, WHEN THEY SAW THAT THE

ROMANS WERE DEJECTED, were not following profitable counsels, and were

on all points in desperation, took upon themselves the burden of the

war against the Etruscans, exhibiting readiness to carry on the

conflict by themselves with their persons and with their wealth. They

occupied and fortified an advantageous position from which as a base

they harried the entire hostile domain, since the Etruscans would not

venture to engage in combat with them, or, if they ever did join

issue, were decisively defeated. But, upon the accession of allies,

the Etruscans laid an ambuscade in a wooded spot: the Fabii, being

masters of the whole field, assailed them without [Sidenote: FRAG.

20^2] precaution, fell into the snare, were surrounded and all

massacred. And their race would have entirely disappeared, had not one

of them because of his youth been left at home, in whose descendants

the family later attained renewed renown.

After the Fabii had been destroyed as related the Romans received

rough treatment at the hands of the Etruscans. Subsequently they

concluded a peace with the enemy, but turning against one another

committed many deeds of outrage, the populace not even refraining

from attack upon the praetors. They beat their assistants and shattered

their fasces and made the praetors themselves submit to investigation

on every pretext, great and small. They actually planned to throw

Appius Claudius into prison in the very midst of his term of office,

inasmuch as he persistently opposed them at every point and had

decimated the partners of his campaign after their giving way before

the Volsci in battle. Now decimation was the following sort of

process. When the soldiers had committed any grave offence the leader

told them off in groups of ten and taking one man of each ten (who had

drawn the lot) he would punish him by death. At Claudius's retirement

from office the popular party straightway brought him to trial; and

though they failed to condemn him, they forced him, by postponing

their vote, to commit suicide. And among the measures introduced by

some of the tribunes to the prejudice of the patrician interests was

one permitting the populace to convene separately, and without

interference from the patricians to deliberate upon and transact as

much business as they pleased. They also ordained that, if any one for

any cause should have a penalty imposed upon him by the praetors, the

populace might thereupon have the case appealed to them and decide it.

And they increased the number of aediles and of tribunes, in order to

have a large body of persons to act as their representatives.

[Sidenote: FRAG. 21^1] DURING THE PROGRESS OF THESE EVENTS THE

PATRICIANS OPENLY TOOK SCARCELY ANY RETALIATORY MEASURES, EXCEPT IN A

FEW CASES, BUT SECRETLY SLAUGHTERED A NUMBER OF THE BOLDEST SPIRITS.

NEITHER THIS, HOWEVER, NOR THE FACT THAT ON ONE OCCASION NINE TRIBUNES

WERE DELIVERED TO THE FLAMES BY THE POPULACE SEEMED TO RESTRAIN THE

REST. NOT ONLY WERE THOSE WHO SUBSEQUENTLY HELD THE TRIBUNESHIP NOT

CALMED, BUT ACTUALLY THEY WERE THE RATHER EMBOLDENED. [Sidenote: FRAG.

21^2] THIS WAS THE CONDITION INTO WHICH THE PATRICIANS BROUGHT THE

POPULACE. AND THEY WOULD NOT OBEY THE SUMMONS TO GO ON A CAMPAIGN,

THOUGH THE FOE ASSAILED, UNLESS THEY SECURED THE OBJECTS FOR WHICH

THEY WERE STRIVING, AND IF THEY EVER DID TAKE THE FIELD, THEY FOUGHT

LISTLESSLY, UNLESS THEY HAD ACCOMPLISHED ALL THAT THEY DESIRED. HENCE

MANY OF THE TRIBES LIVING CLOSE TO THEM, RELYING ON EITHER THE

DISSENSION OF THEIR FOES OR THEIR OWN STRENGTH, RAISED THE STANDARD OF

REVOLT. [Sidenote: FRAG. 22^1] AMONG THESE WERE ALSO THE AEQUI, WHO,

AFTER CONQUERING AT THIS TIME MARCUS MINUCIUS WHILE HE SERVED AS

PRAETOR, BECAME PRESUMPTUOUS. [Sidenote: FRAG. 22^2] THOSE AT ROME,

LEARNING THAT MINUCIUS HAD BEEN DEFEATED, CHOSE AS DICTATOR LUCIUS

QUINCTIUS, WHO WAS A POOR MAN AND HAD DEVOTED HIS LIFE TO FARMING, BUT

WAS DISTINGUISHED FOR HIS VALOR AND WISE MODERATION; AND HE LET HIS

HAIR GROW IN CURLS, WHENCE HE WAS NAMED CINCINNATUS.[10] He, being

selected as dictator, took the field that very day, used wariness as

well as speed, and simultaneously with Minucius attacked the AEqui,

killing very many of them and capturing the rest alive: the latter he

led under the yoke and then released. This matter of the yoke I shall

briefly describe. The Romans used to fix in the ground two poles

(upright wooden beams, of course, with a space between them) and

across them they would lay another transverse beam; through the frame

thus formed they led the captives naked. This conferred great

distinction upon the side that conducted the operation but vast

dishonor upon the side that endured it, so that some preferred to die

rather than submit to any such treatment. Cincinnatus also captured a

city of theirs called Corvinum[11] and returned: he removed Minucius

from his praetorship because of his defeat, and himself resigned his

office.

[Footnote 10: Zonaras spells _Cicinatus_.]

[Footnote 11: The town is called _Corbio_ by Livy (II, 39, 4).]

VII, 18.--The Romans, however, now got another war on their hands at

home, in which their adversaries were composed of slaves and some

exiles who moved unexpectedly by night and secured possession of the

Capitol. This time, too, the multitude did not arm themselves for the

fray till they had wrung some further concessions from the patricians.

Then they assailed the revolutionists and overcame them, but lost many

of their own men.

For these reasons, accordingly, and because of certain portents the

Romans became sobered and dismissed their mutual grievances and voted

to establish the rights of citizenship on a fairer basis. And they

sent three men to Greece with an eye to the laws and the customs of

the people there. Upon the return of the commission they abolished all

the political offices, including that of the tribunes, and chose

instead eight of the foremost men, and [Sidenote: B.C. 451 (_a.u._

303)] designated Appius Claudius and Titus Genucius praetors with

dictatorial powers for that one year. They empowered them to compile

laws and further voted that no case could be appealed from them,--a

latitude granted previously to none of the magistrates save the

dictators. These men held sway each for a day, assuming by turns the

dignity of rulership. They compiled laws and exposed the same to view

in the Forum. These statutes being found pleasing to all were put

before the people, and after receiving their ratification were

inscribed on ten tablets; for all records that were deemed worthy of

safekeeping used to be preserved on tablets.

[Sidenote: B.C. 450 (_a.u._ 304)] The above mentioned magistrates at

the expiration of the year surrendered their office, but ten more

chosen anew (for the overthrow of the State, as it almost seemed) came

to grief. They all held sway at once on equal terms and chose from

among the patricians some most brazen youths, through whom, as their

agents, they committed many acts of violence. At last, toward the end

of the year, they compiled a few additional statutes written upon two

tablets, all of which were the product of their own individual

judgment. From these not harmony, but greater disputes, were destined

to fall to the lot of the Romans.

The so-called twelve tablets were thus created at that time. But

besides doing this the lawgivers in question, when their year of

office had expired, still maintained control of affairs, occupying the

city by force; and they would not convene the senate nor the people,

lest, if they came together, they should depose them. And when the

AEqui and the Sabines now stirred up war against the Romans, these

officials by arrangement with their adherents gained their object of

having the conduct of the wars entrusted to them. Of the decemvirate

Servius Oppius and Appius Claudius remained at home: the other eight

set out against the enemy.

Absolutely all [Sidenote: FRAG. 22^3] THE INTERESTS, however, OF STATE

AND CAMP ALIKE WERE THROWN INTO CONFUSION, AND HENCE CONTENTION AGAIN

AROSE. The leaders of the force had invaded the land of the Sabines

and sent a certain Lucius Sicius, who was accounted a strong tower in

warfare and likewise one of the most prominent representatives of the

populace, with companions, avowedly to seize a certain position; but

they had the man slain by the party that had been sent out with him.

The report was brought into camp that the man with others had been

killed by the foe, and the soldiers went out to gather up the dead

bodies. They found not one corpse belonging to the enemy but many of

their own race, whom Sicius had killed in his own defence when they

attacked him. And when they saw that the dead were lying all around

him and had their faces turned toward him, they suspected what had

been done and furthermore raised a tumult.--There was still another

incident that had a bearing on the situation.

Lucius Virginius, a man of the people, had a daughter of surpassing

beauty whom he intended to bestow in marriage upon Lucius Icilius,[12]

a person of similar rank in society. For this maiden Claudius

conceived a passion, and not otherwise able to attain his ends he

arranged with certain men to declare her a slave: he was to be the

arbiter. The father of the girl accordingly came from the camp and

pled his case. When Claudius had given sentence against her and the

girl was delivered to those who had declared her a slave and no one

came to the rescue, her father wild with grief took a cleaver and

ended his daughter's life and, just as he was, rushed out to the

soldiers. They, who had been previously far from tractable, were so

wrought up that they straightway set out in haste against the city to

find Claudius. And the rest, who had gone on a campaign against the

Sabines, when they learned this abandoned their intrenchments, and,

joining with the rest, set at their head twenty men, determined to

accomplish something of importance. The remainder of the multitude in

the city likewise espoused their cause and added to the tumult.

[Footnote 12: Zonaras spells _Icillius_.]

Meanwhile Claudius in terror had hidden himself and Oppius convened

the senate; and sending to the populace he enquired what they wanted.

They demanded that Lucius Valerius and Marcus Horatius, two of the

senators who favored their cause, be sent to them, saying that through

these men they would make their reply. Owing to the fear of the ten

magistrates (for they were now all on the scene) that the people would

employ the two as leaders against them they were not sent, whereupon

the populace grew still more angry. As a consequence the senators were

inspired with no slight fear and against the will of the magistrates

they sent Valerius and Horatius to the people. By this means a

reconciliation was effected: the rioters were granted immunity for

their acts, and the decemvirate was abolished; the annual

magistracies, including that of tribunes, were restored with the same

privileges as they had formerly enjoyed. Virginius was one of the

magistrates appointed; and they cast into prison Oppius and Claudius

(who committed suicide before their cases were investigated), and

indicted, convicted, and banished the remainder of the board.

[Sidenote: B.C. 449 (_a.u._ 305)] VII, 19.--Now the consuls--it is

said that this is the first time they were known as consuls, being

previously called praetors; and they were Valerius and Horatius--both

then and thereafter showed favor to the populace and strengthened

their cause rather than that of the patricians. The patricians, though

subdued, would not readily convene and did not put matters entirely in

the power of the lower class, but granted the tribunes the right of

practicing augury in their assemblies: nominally this was an honor and

dignity for them, since from very ancient times this privilege had

been accorded the patricians alone, but really it was a hindrance. The

nobles intended that the tribunes and the populace should not

accomplish easily everything they pleased, but should sometimes be

prevented under this plea of augury. The patricians as well as the

senate were displeased at the consuls, whom they regarded as favorable

to the popular cause, and so did not vote a triumph to them--though

each had won a war--and did not assign to each a day as had been the

custom. The populace, however, both held a festival for two days and

voted triumphal honors to the consuls.

_(BOOK 6, BOISSEVAIN.)_

[Sidenote: B.C. 448 (_a.u._ 306)] When the Romans thus fell into

discord their adversaries took courage and came against them. It was

in the following year, when Marcus Genucius and Gaius Curtius were

consuls, that they turned against each other. The popular leaders

desired to be consuls, since the patricians were in the habit of

becoming tribunes by transference to their order, and the patricians

clung tenaciously to the consular office. They indulged in many words

and acts of violence against each other. But in order to prevent the

populace from proceeding to greater extremities the nobles yielded to

them the substance of authority though they would not relinquish the

name; and in place of the consuls they named military tribunes in

order that the honor of the title might not be sullied by contact with

the vulgar throng. It was agreed that three military tribunes be

chosen from each of the classes in place of the two consuls. However,

the name of consul was not lost entirely, but sometimes consuls were

appointed and at other times military tribunes. This, at all events,

is the tradition that has come down of what took place, with the

additional detail that the consuls nominated dictators, though their

own powers were far inferior to those appertaining to that office, and

even that the military tribunes likewise did so sometimes. It is

further said that none of the military tribunes, though many of them

won many victories, ever celebrated a triumph.

[Sidenote: B.C. 447 (_a.u._ 307)] It was in this way, then, that

military tribunes came to be chosen at that time: censors were

appointed in the following year, during the consulship of Barbatus and

Marcus Macrinus. Those chosen were Lucius Papirius and Lucius

Sempronius. The reason for their election was that the consuls were

unable, on account of the number of the people, to supervise them all;

the duties now assigned to the censors had until that time been

performed by the consuls as a part of their prerogatives. Two was the

original number of the censors and they were taken from the

patricians. They held office at first and at the last for five-year

periods, but during the intervening time for three half-years; and

they came to be greater than the consuls, though they had taken over

only a part of their functions. They had the right to let the public

revenues, to supervise roads and public buildings, to make complete

records of each man's wealth, and to note and investigate the lives of

the citizens, enrolling those deserving of praise in the tribes, in

the equestrian order, or in the senate (as seemed to fit the case of

each one), and similarly erasing from any class the names of those who

were not right livers: this power was greater than all those now left

to the consuls. They made declarations attested by oath, in regard to

every one of their acts, that no such act was prompted by favor or by

enmity but that their considerations and performances were both the

result of an unbiased opinion of what was advantageous for the

commonwealth. They convened the people when laws were to be introduced

and for other purposes, and employed all the insignia of the greater

offices save lictors. Such, at its inception, was the office of the

censors. If any persons did not register their property and themselves

in the census lists, the censors sold the property and the consuls the

men. This arrangement held for a certain time, but later it was

determined that a man once enrolled in the senate should be a senator

for life and that his name should not be erased, unless one had been

disgraced by being tried for the commission of a crime or was

convicted of leading an evil life: the names of such persons were

erased and others inscribed in their stead.

In the case of those who gave satisfaction in office principal honors

were bestowed upon dictators, honors of the second rank upon censors,

and third place was awarded to masters of horse. This system was

followed without distinction, whether they were still in office or

whether they had already laid it down. For if one descended from a

greater office to an inferior one, he still kept the dignity of his

former position intact. One particular man, whom they styled

_principa_ of the senate (he would be called _prokritos_ by the

Greeks) was preferred before all for the time that he was president (a

person was not chosen for this position for life) and surpassed the

rest in dignity, without wielding, however, any power.

VII, 20.--For a time they maintained peace with each other and with

the adjacent tribes, but then a famine mastered them, so severe that

some not able to endure the pangs of hunger threw themselves into the

river, and they fell to quarreling. The one class blamed the

prosperous as being at fault in the handling of the grain, and the

other class blamed the poorer men for unwillingness to till the soil.

[Sidenote: B.C. 439 (_a.u._ 315)] Spurius Maelius, a wealthy knight,

seeing this attempted to set up a tyranny, and buying corn from the

neighboring region he lowered the price of it for many and gave it

free to many others. In this way he won the friendship of a great many

and procured arms and guardsmen. And he would have gained control of

the city, had not Minucius Augurinus, a patrician, appointed to have

charge of the grain distribution and censured for the lack of grain,

reported the proceeding to the senate. The senate on receiving the

information nominated at once and at that very meeting Lucius

Quinctius Cincinnatus, though past his prime (he was eighty years

old), to be dictator. They spent the whole day sitting there, as if

engaged in some discussion, to prevent news of their action from

traveling abroad. By night the dictator had the knights occupy in

advance the Capitol and the remaining points of vantage, and at dawn

he sent to Maelius Gaius Servilius, master of the horse, to summon him

pretendedly on some other errand. But as Maelius had some suspicions

and delayed, Servilius fearing that he might be rescued by the

populace--for they were already running together--killed the man

either on his own responsibility or because ordered to do so by the

dictator. At this the populace broke into a riot, but Quinctius

harangued them and by providing them with grain and refraining from

punishing or accusing any one else he stopped the riot.

Wars with various nations now assailed the Romans, in some of which

they were victorious within a few days; but with the Etruscans they

waged a long continued contest. Postumius conquered the AEqui and had

captured a large city of theirs, but the soldiers neither had had it

turned over to them for pillage nor were awarded a share of the

plunder when they requested it. Therefore they surrounded and slew the

quaestor who was disposing of it, and when Postumius reprimanded them

for this and strove to find the assassins, they killed him also. And

they assigned to their own use not only the captive territory but all

that at the time happened to be found in the public treasury. The

uprising would have assumed even greater dimensions but for the fact

that war against the Romans was renewed by the AEqui. Alarmed by this

situation they became quiet, endured the punishment for the murders,

which touched only a few, and took the field against their opponents,

whom they engaged and conquered. For this achievement the nobles

distributed the plunder among them, and voted pay first to the

infantry and later also to the cavalry. Up to that time they were used

to undertaking campaigns without pay and lived at their own expense;

now for the first time they began to draw pay.

[Sidenote: B.C. 408 (_a.u._ 346)] A war arising between them and Veii,

the Romans won frequent victories and reduced the foe to a state of

siege as long as the latter fought with merely their own contingent:

but when allies had been added to their force they came out against

the Romans and defeated them. Meanwhile the lake situated close to the

Alban Mount, which was shut in by the surrounding ridges and had no

outlet, overflowed its banks during the siege of Veii to such an

extent that it actually poured over the crests of the hills and went

rushing down to the sea. The Romans deeming that something

supernatural was certainly signified by this event sent to Delphi to

consult the oracle about the matter. There was also among the

population of Veii an Etruscan who was a soothsayer. The Pythian

interpretation coincided with his; and both declared that the city

would be captured when the overflowing water should not fall into the

sea but be used up differently. The Romans consequently ordered

several religious services to be performed. But the Pythian god did

not specify to which of the divinities nor in what way they should

offer these, and the Etruscan appeared to have the knowledge but would

explain nothing. So the Romans who were stationed about the wall from

which he was wont to issue to consort with them pretended friendliness

toward him, permitted him to make himself at ease in every way, and

allowed him to come to visit them without interference. Thus they

succeeded in seizing him and forced him to give all the requisite

information. According to the indications he furnished they offered

sacrifices, tunneled the hill, and conducted the superfluous water by

a secret canal into the plain, so that all of it was used up there and

none ran down into the sea.

_(BOOK 7, BOISSEVAIN.)_

VII, 24.--A certain Marcus Fabius, a patrician, who chanced to be the

father of two daughters, betrothed the elder to a Licinius Stolo, much

inferior to him in rank, and married the younger to Sulpicius Rufus,

who belonged to his own class. [Sidenote: FRAG. 27^1] NOW WHILE RUFUS

WAS MILITARY TRIBUNE, ONCE WHEN HE WAS IN THE FORUM HIS WIFE HAD A

VISIT FROM HER SISTER. AT THE ARRIVAL OF THE HUSBAND THE LICTOR,

ACCORDING TO SOME ANCIENT CUSTOM, KNOCKED AT THE DOOR. THE CLATTER

STARTLED THE WOMAN, WHO WAS NOT FAMILIAR WITH THIS PROCEDURE:

THEREUPON BOTH HER SISTER AND THE OTHERS PRESENT BURST OUT LAUGHING

AND SHE WAS MADE FUN OF AS A SIMPLETON. SHE TOOK THE MATTER AS A

SERIOUS AFFRONT AND ROUSED HER HUSBAND TO CANVASS FOR OFFICE. Stolo,

accordingly, incited by his wife, confided his intentions to Lucius

Sextius, one of his peers, and both forced their way into the

tribuneship; they thus overturned the good order of the State to such

an extent that for four years the people had no rulers, since these

men repeatedly obstructed the patrician elections. This state of

affairs would have continued for a still longer time, had not news

been brought that the Celtae were again marching upon Rome.

VII, 25.--It is related that after this a disaster befell Rome. The

level land between the Palatine and the Capitoline is said to have

become suddenly a yawning gulf, without any preceding earthquake or

other phenomenon such as usually takes place in nature on the occasion

of such developments. For a long time the chasm remained _in statu

quo_, and neither closed up in the slightest degree nor was to be

filled, albeit the Romans brought and cast into it masses of earth and

stones and all sorts of other material. In the midst of the Romans'

uncertainty an oracle was given them to the effect that the aperture

could in no way be closed except they should throw into the chasm

their best possession and that which was the chief source of their

strength: then the thing would cease, and the city should command

power inextinguishable. Still the uncertainty remained unresolved, for

the oracle was obscure. But Marcus Curtius, a patrician, young in

years, of a remarkably beautiful appearance, powerful physique, and

courageous spirit, conspicuous also for intelligence, comprehended the

meaning of the oracle. He came forward before them all and addressed

them, saying: "Why, Romans, convict the revelation of obscurity or

ourselves of ignorance? We are the thing sought and debated. For

nothing lifeless may be counted better than what has life, nor shall

that which has comprehension and prudence and the adornment of speech

fail of preference before what is uncomprehending, speechless and

senseless. What should any one deem superior to Man to be cast into

the earth-fissure, that therewith we might contract it? [Sidenote:

FRAG. 28^2] THERE IS NO MORTAL CREATURE EITHER BETTER OR STRONGER THAN

MAN. FOR, IF ONE MAY SPEAK SOMEWHAT BOLDLY, MAN IS NAUGHT ELSE THAN A

GOD WITH MORTAL BODY, AND A GOD NAUGHT ELSE THAN A MAN WITHOUT BODY

AND THEREFORE IMMORTAL, and we are not far sundered from divine Power.

This, to my mind, is the matter and I urge you also to adhere to this

view. May no one think that I shall have recourse to the lot or bid

maiden or lad lose a life. I myself willingly bestow myself upon you,

that you may send me this very day as herald and envoy to the cthonian

gods, to be your representative and helper forever." At the close of

these words Curtius proceeded to put on his armor and then mounted his

horse. The rest grew mad with grief and mad with joy; they came

flocking with adornments, and some adorned the man himself with them

as a hero, and others threw some of them into the chasm. Scarcely had

Curtius sprung into it fully mounted, when the earth-fissure was

closed and no one ever again beheld either the chasm or Curtius. This

is the way the story is related by the Romans. Should any person judge

it fabulous and not to be credited, he has the right to pay no

attention to it.

And again wars were waged against the Romans both by Gauls and by

other nations, but they repelled all invaders, voting now for consuls,

now for dictators. Whereupon somewhat of the following nature took

place. Lucius Camillus was named dictator, as the Gauls were

overrunning the environs of Rome. He proceeded against the barbarians

with the intention of using up time and not risking the issue in

conflict with men animated by desperation: he expected to exhaust them

more easily and securely by the failure of provisions. And a Gaul

challenged the Romans to furnish a champion for a duel. His opponent,

accordingly, was Marcus Valerius, a military tribune, a grandson of

the famous Maximus. The course of the battle was brilliant on both

sides: the Roman excelled in cleverness and an unusual mastery of his

art, and the Gaul in strength and daring. It was regarded as still

more marvelous that a crow lighted on the helmet of Valerius and

cawing all the time made dashes at the barbarian, confusing his sight

and impeding his onset until he finally received a finishing blow. The

Gauls, consequently, indignant at being beaten by a bird, in a rage

closed at once with the Romans and suffered a severe defeat. From the

incident of the crow's assistance Valerius obtained the further name

of Corvinus.

Thereafter, as the armies began to grow insubordinate and a civil war

threatened to break out, the insurgents were brought to terms by the

enactment of laws that no one's name should be erased from the lists

against his will, that any person who had served as tribune of the

soldiers should not be centurion, that both of the consuls might

belong to and be appointed from the people, and that the same man

should not hold two offices at the same time nor hold the same office

twice within ten years.

VII, 26.--Now the Latins, although under treaty with the Romans,

revolted and provoked a conflict. They were filled with pride for the

reason that they had an abundance of youthful warriors and were

practiced in the details of warfare as a result of the constant

campaigning with the Romans. The other side, understanding the

situation, chose Torquatus consul for the third time and likewise

Decius, and came out to meet them. They fought a fierce battle, each

party thinking that that day was a precise test of their fortune and

of their valor. A certain event seemed to give the battle added

distinction. The consuls, seeing that the Latins were equipped and

spoke like the Romans, feared that some of the soldiers might make

mistakes through not distinguishing their own and the hostile force

with entire ease. Therefore they made proclamation to their men to

observe instructions carefully and in no case to fight an isolated

combat with any of the antagonists. Most observed this injunction, but

the son of Torquatus, who was on the field among the cavalry and had

been sent to reconnoitre the enemy's position, transgressed it not

through wilfulness but rather through ambition. The leader of the

Latin horse saw him approaching and challenged him to a championship

contest; and when the youth would not accept the challenge on account

of the notice that had been served, the other provoked him, saying:

"Are you not the son of Torquatus? Do you not give yourself airs with

your father's collar? Are you strong and courageous against those

low-lived Gauls but fear us Latins? Where, then, do you find your

right to rule? Why do you give orders to us as your inferiors?"--The

Roman became frenzied with rage and readily forgot the injunction: he

won the combat, and in high spirits conveyed the spoils to his father.

The latter, after assembling the army, said: "Nobly you have fought,

my child, and for this I will crown you. But because you did not

observe the orders issued, though under obligation both as a son and

as a soldier to yield obedience, [Sidenote: FRAG. 32^2] FOR THIS

REASON I SHALL EXECUTE YOU, THAT YOU MAY OBTAIN BOTH THE PRIZE FOR

YOUR PROWESS AND THE PENALTY FOR YOUR DISOBEDIENCE." Having spoken

these words he at the same moment placed the garland on his head and

cut off the very head that bore it.

Soon after, a dream that appeared to both consuls the same night, of

identical import in each case, seemed to tell them that they should

overcome the enemy, if one of the consuls should devote himself.

Discussing the dream together in the daytime, they decided that it was

of divine origin, and agreed that it must be obeyed. And they disputed

with each other, not as to which should be saved, but as to which of

them preferably should devote himself: they even presented their

arguments before the foremost men in camp. Finally they settled it

that one should station himself on the right wing and the other on the

left, and that whichever of those two divisions should be defeated,

the consul stationed there should give up his life. There was so much

rivalry between them in regard to the self-devotion that each of the

consuls prayed that he might be defeated, in order to obtain the right

to devote himself and the consequent glory. After joining battle with

the Latins they carried on a closely contested fight for a long time,

but finally Decius's wing gave way before the Latins a little. On

perceiving this Decius devoted himself. Slipping off his armor he put

on his purple-bordered clothing. Some say that in this costume he

sprang upon a horse and rode toward the enemy and met his death at

their hands, others that he was slain by a fellow-soldier of his own

race. A short time after Decius had perished a decisive victory fell

to the lot of the Romans and the Latins were all routed, yet

certainly not on account of the death of Decius. [Sidenote: FRAG.

32^4] FOR HOW CAN YOU BELIEVE THAT FROM SUCH A DEATH OF ONE MAN SO

GREAT A MULTITUDE OF HUMAN BEINGS WAS DESTROYED ON THE ONE SIDE AND ON

THE OTHER WAS SAVED AND WON A CONSPICUOUS VICTORY? So the Latins in

this way were defeated, [Sidenote: FRAG. 32^6] AND TORQUATUS, THOUGH

HE HAD KILLED HIS SON AND THOUGH HIS COLLEAGUE HAD LOST HIS LIFE,

NEVERTHELESS CELEBRATED A TRIUMPH.

Once again did they subdue these very Latins, who had revolted, and

they subjugated in battle other nations, employing now consuls and now

dictators.

_(BOOK 8, BOISSEVAIN.)_

One of the latter was Lucius Papirius, also called Cursor from his

physical condition (he was a very fleet runner) and on account of his

practicing running. After this Papirius as dictator with Fabius Rullus

as master of the horse was sent out against the Samnites and by

defeating them compelled them to agree to such terms as he wished. But

when he had resigned his leadership they again arose in arms. They

were attacked anew by the dictator Aulus Cornelius, [Sidenote: FRAG.

33^3] AND BEING DEFEATED MADE PROPOSALS OF PEACE TO THE MEN AT ROME.

THEY SENT THEM ALL THE CAPTIVES THAT THEY HAD, AND ASCRIBED THE

RESPONSIBILITY FOR THE WAR TO RUTULUS, A MAN OF INFLUENCE AMONG THEM.

HIS BONES, SINCE HE ANTICIPATED THEM IN COMMITTING SUICIDE, THEY

SCATTERED ABROAD. YET THEY DID NOT OBTAIN THEIR PEACE, BEING ACCOUNTED

UNTRUSTWORTHY; BUT THE VICTORS, THOUGH ACCEPTING THE PRISONERS, VOTED

FOR RELENTLESS WAR AGAINST THEM. [Sidenote: FRAG. 33^4] THE ROMANS,

THEN, EXPECTING IN THEIR EXTREME ARROGANCE THAT THEY SHOULD CAPTURE

THEM ALL AT THE FIRST BLOW, SUCCUMBED TO A TERRIBLE DISASTER. THE

SAMNITES, BEING BADLY FRIGHTENED AND THINKING THE REFUSAL TO MAKE

PEACE A CALAMITY, FOUGHT WITH DESPERATION; AND BY PLANTING AN

AMBUSCADE IN A NARROW SPOT RATHER CLOSELY HEMMED IN BY HILLS THEY BOTH

CAPTURED THE CAMP AND SEIZED ALIVE THE WHOLE FORCE OF THE ROMANS, ALL

OF WHOM THEY SENT UNDER THE YOKE.--What the operation of the yoke was

has already been described by me above.[13]--However, they killed not

a man but took away their arms and horses and everything else they had

save one garment, and released them thus stripped of possessions under

an agreement that they should leave Samnite territory and be their

allies on an equal footing. In order to insure the articles of the

agreement being ratified also by the senate, they retained six hundred

of the knights to serve as hostages.

[Footnote 13: Near the end of VII, 17.]

The consuls Spurius Postumius and Tiberius Calvinus with their army

immediately withdrew, and at night they and the most notable of the

rest of the force entered Rome, while the remaining soldiers scattered

through the country districts. [Sidenote: FRAG. 33^9] THE MEN IN THE

CITY ON HEARING OF THE EVENT DID NOT FIND IT POSSIBLE EITHER TO BE

PLEASED AT THE SURVIVAL OF THEIR SOLDIERS OR TO BE DISPLEASED. WHEN

THEY THOUGHT OF THE CALAMITY THEIR GRIEF WAS EXTREME, AND THE FACT

THAT THEY HAD SUFFERED SUCH A REVERSE AT THE HANDS OF THE SAMNITES

INCREASED THEIR GRIEF; WHEN THEY STOPPED TO REFLECT, HOWEVER, THAT IF

IT HAD COME TO PASS THAT ALL HAD PERISHED, ALL THEIR INTERESTS WOULD

HAVE BEEN ENDANGERED, THEY WERE REALLY PLEASED AT THE SURVIVAL OF

THEIR OWN MEN. But concealing for a time their pleasure they went into

mourning and carried on no business in the everyday fashion either at

once or subsequently, as long as they had control of affairs. The

consuls they deposed forthwith, chose others in their stead, and took

counsel about the situation. And they determined not to accept the

arrangement; but since it was impossible to take this action without

throwing the responsibility upon the men who had conducted the

negotiations, they hesitated on the one hand to condemn the consuls

and the rest who, associated with the latter in their capacity as

holders of certain offices, had made the peace, and they hesitated on

the other hand to acquit them, since by so doing they would bring the

breach of faith home to themselves. Accordingly they made these very

consuls participate in their deliberations and they asked Postumius

first of all for his opinion, that he might state separately his

sentiments touching his own case, and the shame of having disgrace

attach to all of them be avoided. So he came forward and said that

their acts ought not to be ratified by the senate and the people,

[Sidenote: FRAG. 33^11] FOR THEY THEMSELVES HAD NOT ACTED OF THEIR OWN

FREE WILL, BUT UNDER THE COMPULSION OF A NECESSITY which the enemy had

brought upon them not through valor but through craft and ambuscade.

Now men who had practiced deception could not, if they were deceived

in turn, have any just complaint against those who turned the tables

on them. When he had finished saying this and considerable more of the

same nature, the senate found itself at a loss how to act: but as

Postumius and Calvinus took the burden of responsibility upon their

own shoulders, it was voted that the agreements should not be ratified

and that these men should be delivered up.

Both the consuls, therefore, and the remaining officials who had been

present when oaths were taken were conducted back to Samnium.

[Sidenote: FRAG. 33^14] THE SAMNITES, HOWEVER, WOULD NOT ACCEPT THEM,

BUT DEMANDED BACK ALL THE CAPTIVES, AND INVOKED THE GODS AND CONJURED

THEM BY THE DIVINE POWER, AND FINALLY THEY DISMISSED THE MEN THAT HAD

BEEN SURRENDERED. The Romans were glad enough to get them back, but

were angry at the Samnites WHOM THEY ATTACKED IN BATTLE AND

VANQUISHED, AFTER WHICH THEY ACCORDED THEM A SIMILAR TREATMENT, FOR

THEY SENT THEM UNDER THE YOKE IN TURN AND RELEASED THEM without

inflicting any other injury. They also got possession of their own

knights, who were being held by the Samnites as hostages and were

unharmed.

VIII, 1.--After a long interval the Romans under the leadership of

Gaius Junius were again warring with the Samnites, when they met with

disaster. While Junius was pillaging the hostile territory, the

Samnites conveyed their possessions into the Avernian[14] woods,

so-called from the fact that on account of the closeness of the trees

no bird flies into them. Being there ensconced they set out some herds

without herdsmen or guards and quietly sent some pretended deserters

who guided the Romans to the booty apparently lying at their disposal.

But when the latter had entered the wood, the Samnites surrounded them

and did not cease from slaughter till they were completely tired out.

And though the Samnites fought on many other occasions against the

Romans and were defeated, they would not be quiet, but having acquired

the Gauls, besides others, as allies, they made preparations to march

upon Rome itself. The Romans, when they learned of it, fell into

alarm, for their original inclination to do so was augmented by many

portents. On the Capitol blood is reported to have issued for three

days from the altar of Jupiter, together with honey on one day, and

milk on a second--if anybody can believe it: and in the Forum a

bronze statue of Victory set upon a stone pedestal was found standing

upon the ground below, without any one's having moved it; and, as it

happened, it was facing in that direction from which the Gauls were

already approaching. This of itself was enough to terrify the

populace, who were even more dismayed by ill-omened interpretations

published by the seers. However, a certain Manius, by birth an

Etruscan, encouraged them by declaring that Victory, even if she had

descended, had gone forward, and being now settled more firmly on the

ground indicated to them mastery in the war. Accordingly, many

sacrifices, too, should be offered to the gods; for their altars, and

particularly those on the Capitol, where they sacrifice

thank-offerings for victory, were regularly stained with blood in the

midst of their successes and not in their disasters. From these

developments, then, he persuaded them to expect some fortunate

outcome, but from the honey to expect disease (because invalids crave

it) and from the milk famine; for they should encounter so great a

scarcity of provisions as to seek for food of native growth and

pasturage.

[Footnote 14: In Greek, _Birdless_.]

Manius, then, interpreted the omens in this way, [Sidenote: FRAG.

33^22] AND AS HIS PROPHECY TURNED OUT TO BE CORRECT, HE GAINED

THEREAFTER A REPUTATION FOR SKILL AND FOREKNOWLEDGE IN ALL MATTERS.

Now Volumnius was ordered to make war upon the Samnites; Fabius

Maximus Rullus and Publius Decius were chosen consuls and were sent to

withstand the Gauls and the other warriors in the Gallic contingent.

They, having come with speed to Etruria, saw the camp of Appius, which

was fortified by a double palisade; and they pulled up the stakes and

carried them off, instructing the soldiers to place their hope of

safety in their weapons. So they joined battle with the enemy.

Meanwhile a wolf in pursuit of a deer had invaded the space between

the two armies and darting toward the Romans passed through their

ranks. This encouraged them, for they regarded themselves as having a

bond of union with him, since, according to tradition, a she-wolf had

reared Romulus. But the deer ran to the other side and was struck

down, thus leaving to _them_ fear and the issue of disaster. When the

armies collided, Maximus quite easily conquered the foes opposed to

him, but Decius was defeated. And recalling the self-devotion of his

father, undertaken on account of the dream, he likewise devoted

himself, though without giving anybody any information about his act.

Scarcely had he let himself be slain, when the men ranged at his side,

partly through shame at his deed (feeling that he had perished

voluntarily for them) and partly in the hopes of certain victory as a

result of this occurrence, checked their flight and nobly withstood

their pursuers. At this juncture Maximus, too, assailed the latter in

the rear and slaughtered vast numbers. The survivors took to their

heels and were annihilated. Fabius Maximus then burned the corpse of

Decius together with the spoils and made a truce with such as asked

for peace.

The following year Atilius Regulus again waged war with the Samnites.

And for a time they carried on an evenly contested struggle, but

eventually, after the Samnites had won a victory, the Romans conquered

them in turn, took them captive, led them beneath the yoke, and so

released them. [Sidenote: FRAG. 33^23] THE SAMNITES, ENRAGED AT WHAT

HAD OCCURRED, RESORTED TO DESPERATE MEASURES WITH THE INTENTION OF

EITHER CONQUERING OR BEING UTTERLY DESTROYED, THREATENING WITH DEATH

HIM WHO SHOULD REMAIN AT HOME. So these invaded Campania: but the

consuls ravaged Samnium, since it was destitute of soldiers, and

captured a few cities. Therefore the Samnites abandoning Campania made

haste to reach their own land; and having come into hostile collision

with one of the consuls they were defeated by a trick and in their

flight met with terrible reverses, losing their camp and in addition

the fortress to the assistance of which they were advancing. The

consul celebrated a triumph and devoted to public uses the goods

gathered from the spoils. The other consul made a campaign against the

Etruscans and reduced them in short order: he then levied upon them

contributions of grain and money, of which he distributed a part to

the soldiers and deposited the rest in the treasuries.

However, there befell a mighty pestilence, and the Samnites and

Falisci began to bestir themselves; they entertained a contempt for

the Romans both on account of the disease and because, since no war

menaced, they had chosen the consuls not on grounds of excellence. The

Romans, ascertaining the situation, sent out Carvilius along with

Junius Brutus, and with Quintus Fabius his father Rullus Maximus, as

subcommanders or lieutenants. Brutus worsted the Falisci and

plundered their possessions as well as those of the other Etruscans:

Fabius marched out of Rome before his father and pushed rapidly

forward when he learned that the Samnites were plundering Campania.

Falling in with some scouts of theirs and seeing them quickly retire

he got the impression that all the enemy were at that point and

believed they were in flight. Accordingly, in his hurry to come to

blows with them before his father should arrive, in order that the

success might appear to be his own and not his elder's, he went ahead

with a careless formation. Thus he encountered a compact body of foes

and would have been utterly destroyed, had not night intervened. Many

of his men died also after that with no physician or relative to

attend them, because they had hastened on far ahead of the baggage

carriers in the expectation of immediate victory. Of a surety they

would have perished on the following day but for the fact that the

Samnites, thinking Fabius's father to be near, felt afraid and

withdrew.

[Sidenote: FRAG. 33^24] THOSE IN THE CITY ON HEARING THIS BECAME

TERRIBLY ANGRY, SUMMONED THE CONSUL, AND WANTED TO PUT HIM ON TRIAL.

BUT THE OLD MAN HIS FATHER BY ENUMERATING HIS OWN AND HIS ANCESTORS'

BRAVE DEEDS, BY PROMISING THAT HIS SON SHOULD MAKE NO RECORD THAT WAS

UNWORTHY OF THEM, AND BY URGING HIS SON'S YOUTH TO ACCOUNT FOR THE

MISFORTUNE, IMMEDIATELY ABATED THEIR WRATH. JOINING HIM IN THE

CAMPAIGN HE CONQUERED THE SAMNITES IN BATTLE, CAPTURED THEIR CAMP,

RAVAGED THEIR COUNTRY, AND DROVE AWAY GREAT BOOTY. A PART OF IT HE

DEVOTED TO PUBLIC USES AND A PART HE ACCORDED TO THE SOLDIERS. FOR

THESE REASONS THE ROMANS EXTOLLED HIM AND ORDERED THAT HIS SON ALSO

SHOULD COMMAND FOR THE FUTURE WITH CONSULAR POWERS AND STILL EMPLOY

HIS FATHER AS LIEUTENANT. THE LATTER MANAGED AND ARRANGED EVERYTHING

FOR HIM, SPARING HIS OLD AGE NOT A WHIT, YET HE DID NOT LET IT BE SEEN

THAT HE WAS EXECUTING THE BUSINESS ON HIS OWN RESPONSIBILITY, BUT MADE

THE GLORY OF HIS EXPLOITS ATTACH TO HIS CHILD.

[Sidenote: FRAG. 37] VIII, 2.--AFTER THIS, WHEN THE TRIBUNES MOVED AN

ANNULMENT OF DEBTS, THE PEOPLE, SINCE THIS WAS NOT YIELDED BY THE

LENDERS AS WELL, FELL INTO TURMOIL: and their turbulent behavior was

not quieted until foes came against the city.

_(BOOK 9, BOISSEVAIN.)_

Those to begin the wars were the Tarentini, [Sidenote: FRAG. 39^1] WHO

HAD ASSOCIATED WITH THEMSELVES THE ETRUSCANS AND GAULS AND SAMNITES

AND SEVERAL OTHER TRIBES. These allies the Romans engaged and defeated

in various battles, with different consuls on different occasions, but

the Tarentini, although they had themselves been the authors of the

war, nevertheless did not yet openly present an imposing array in

battle. [Sidenote: FRAG. 39^3] NOW LUCIUS VALERIUS WHILE ADMIRAL

WANTED TO ANCHOR WITH HIS TRIREMES OFF TARENTUM (BEING ON HIS WAY TO A

PLACE WHITHER HE HAD BEEN DESPATCHED WITH THEM), FOR HE DEEMED THE

COUNTRY FRIENDLY. [Sidenote: FRAG. 39^4] BUT THE TARENTINI, OWING TO

A GUILTY SENSE OF THEIR OWN OPERATIONS, SUSPECTED THAT VALERIUS WAS

SAILING AGAINST THEM, AND IN A PASSION SET SAIL LIKEWISE AND ATTACKING

HIM WHEN HE WAS EXPECTING NO HOSTILE ACT SENT HIM TO THE BOTTOM ALONG

WITH MANY OTHERS. OF THE CAPTIVES THEY IMPRISONED SOME AND PUT OTHERS

TO DEATH. WHEN THE ROMANS HEARD OF THIS, THEY WERE INDIGNANT, TO BE

SURE, BUT NEVERTHELESS DESPATCHED ENVOYS UPBRAIDING THEM AND DEMANDING

SATISFACTION. THE OFFENDERS NOT ONLY FAILED TO VOUCHSAFE THEM ANY

DECENT ANSWER, BUT ACTUALLY JEERED AT THEM, GOING SO FAR AS TO SOIL

THE CLOTHING OF LUCIUS POSTUMIUS, THE HEAD OF THE EMBASSY. AT THIS AN

UPROAR AROSE AND THE TARENTINI INDULGED IN CONTINUED GUFFAWS. BUT

POSTUMIUS CRIED: "LAUGH ON, LAUGH ON WHILE YOU MAY! FOR LONG WILL BE

THE PERIOD OF YOUR WEEPING, WHEN YOU SHALL WASH THIS GARMENT CLEAN

WITH YOUR BLOOD."

Upon the return of the envoys the Romans, learning what had been done,

were grieved and voted that Lucius AEmilius the consul make a campaign

against the Tarentini. He advanced close to Tarentum and sent them

favorable propositions, thinking that they would choose peace on fair

terms. Now they were at variance among themselves in their opinions.

[Sidenote: FRAG. 39^6?] The elderly and well-to-do were anxious for

peace, but those who were youthful and who had little or nothing were

for war. The younger generation had its way. Being timid for all that

they planned to invite Pyrrhus of Epirus to form an alliance, and sent

to him envoys and gifts. AEmilius, learning this, proceeded to pillage

and devastate their country. They made sorties but were routed, so

that the Romans ravaged their country with impunity and got possession

of some strongholds. AEmilius showed much consideration for those taken

prisoners and liberated some of the more influential, and the

Tarentini, accordingly, filled with admiration for his kindness, were

led to hope for reconciliation and so chose as leader with full powers

Agis, who was of kindred to the Romans. Scarcely had he been elected

when Cineas, sent ahead by Pyrrhus, planted himself in the pathway of

negotiations. [Sidenote: FRAG. 40^1] FOR PYRRHUS, KING OF THE

SO-CALLED EPIRUS, SURPASSED EVERYBODY THROUGH NATURAL CLEVERNESS AND

THROUGH THE INFLUENCE AND EXPERIENCE BESTOWED BY EDUCATION; AND HE HAD

MADE THE LARGER PART OF HELLAS HIS OWN, PARTLY BY BENEFITS AND PARTLY

BY FEAR. [Sidenote: FRAG. 40^2] ACCORDINGLY, CHANCE HAVING THROWN THE

ENVOYS OF THE TARENTINI IN HIS WAY, HE DEEMED THE ALLIANCE A PIECE OF

GOOD LUCK. FOR A CONSIDERABLE TIME HE HAD HAD HIS EYE ON SICILY AND

CARTHAGE AND SARDINIA, BUT NEVERTHELESS HE SHRANK FROM PERSONALLY

TAKING THE INITIATIVE IN HOSTILITIES AGAINST THE ROMANS. He announced

that he would lead the Tarentini, but in order that the motive of his

declaration might not be suspected (for reasons indicated) he stated

that he should return home without delay, and insisted upon a clause

being added to the agreement to the effect that he should not be

detained by them in Italy further than actual need required. After

settling this agreement he detained the majority of the envoys as

hostages, giving out that he wanted them to help him get the armies

ready: a few of them together with Cineas he sent in advance with

troops. As soon as they arrived the Tarentini took courage, gave up

their attempted reconciliation with the Romans, and deposing Agris

from his leadership elected one of the envoys leader. Shortly

afterward Milo, sent by Pyrrhus with a force, took charge of their

acropolis and personally superintended the manning of their wall. The

Tarentini were glad at this, feeling that they did not have to do

guard duty or undergo any other troublesome labor, and they sent

regular supplies of food to the men and consignments of money to

Pyrrhus.

AEmilius for a time held his ground, but when he perceived that the

Pyrrhic soldiers had come, and recognized his inability on account of

the winter to maintain an opposition, he set out for Apulia. The

Tarentini laid an ambush at a narrow passage through which he was

obliged to go, and by their arrows, javelins and slingshots rendered

progress impossible for him. But he put at the head of his line their

captives whom he was conveying. Fear fell upon the Tarentini that they

might destroy their own men instead of the Romans, and they ceased

their efforts.

Now Pyrrhus set off, [Sidenote: FRAG. 40^4] NOT EVEN AWAITING THE

COMING OF SPRING, taking a large, picked army, and twenty elephants,

beasts never previously beheld by the Italians. Hence the latter were

invariably filled with alarm and astonishment. While crossing the

Ionian Sea he encountered a storm and lost many soldiers of his army:

the remainder were scattered by the violent waters. Only with

difficulty, then, and by land travel did he reach Tarentum. He at once

impressed those in their prime into service alongside of his own

soldiers so as to make sure that they should not be led, by having a

separate company, to think of rebellion; he closed the theatre,

presumably on account of the war and to prevent the people from

gathering there and setting on foot any uprising; also he forbade them

to assemble for banquets and revels, and ordered the youth to practice

in arms instead of spending all day in the market-place. When some,

indignant at this, left the ranks, he stationed guards from his own

contingent so that no one could leave the city. The inhabitants,

oppressed by these measures, and by supplying food, compelled as they

were, too, to receive the guardsmen into their houses, repented, since

they found in Pyrrhus only a master, not an ally. He, fearing for

these reasons that they might lean to the Roman cause, took note of

all the men who had any ability as politicians or could dominate the

populace and sent them one after another to Epirus to his son on

various excuses; occasionally, however, he would quietly assassinate

them instead. A certain Aristarchus, who was accounted one of the

noblest of the Tarentini and was a most persuasive speaker, he made

his boon companion to the end that this man should be suspected by the

people of having the interests of Pyrrhus at heart. When, however, he

saw that he still had the confidence of the throng, he gave him an

errand to Epirus. Aristarchus, not daring to dispute his behest, set

sail, but went to Rome.

VIII, 3.--Such was the behavior of Pyrrhus toward the Tarentini.

[Sidenote: FRAG. 40^8] THOSE IN ROME LEARNING THAT PYRRHUS HAD COME TO

TARENTUM WERE SMITTEN WITH TERROR BECAUSE THE ITALIAN STATES HAD BEEN

SET AT ENMITY WITH THEM AND BECAUSE HE WAS REPORTED TO BE WITHOUT

DOUBT A GOOD WARRIOR AND TO HAVE A FORCE THAT WAS BY NO MEANS

DESPICABLE AS AN ADVERSARY. So they proceeded to enlist soldiers and

to gather money and to distribute garrisons among the allied cities to

prevent them from likewise revolting; and learning that some were

already stirred with sedition they punished the principal men in them.

A handful of those from Praeneste were brought to Rome late in the

afternoon and thrown into the treasury for security. Thereby a certain

oracle was fulfilled for the Romans. For an oracle had told them once

that these people should occupy the Roman treasure-house. The oracle,

then, resulted this way: the men lost their lives.

Valerius Lavinius was despatched against Pyrrhus, the Tarentini, and

the rest of their associates, but a part of the army was retained in

the city. As for Lavinius, he at once set out on his march so that he

might carry on the war as far as possible from his own territory. He

hoped to frighten Pyrrhus by showing the latter those men advancing

against him of their own accord whom he had thought to besiege. In the

course of his journey he seized a strong strategic point in the land

of the Lucanians, and he left behind a force in Lucania to hinder the

people from giving aid to his opponents.

Pyrrhus on learning of Lavinius's approach made a start before the

latter came in sight, established a camp, and was desirous of using up

time while waiting for allies to join. He sent a haughty letter to

Lavinius with the design of overawing him. The writing was couched

thus: "King Pyrrhus to Lavinius, Greeting. I learn that you are

leading an army against Tarentum. Send it away, therefore, and come

yourself to me with few attendants. For I will judge between you, if

you have any blame to impute to each other, and I will compel the

party at fault, however unwilling, to grant justice." Lavinius wrote

the following reply to Pyrrhus: "You seem to me, Pyrrhus, to have been

quite daft when you set yourself up as judge between the Tarentini and

us before rendering to us an account of your crossing over into Italy

at all. I will come, therefore, with all my army and will exact the

appropriate recompense both from the Tarentini and from you. What use

can I have for nonsense and palaver, when I can stand trial in the

court of Mars, our progenitor?" After sending such an answering

despatch he hurried on and pitched camp, leaving the stream of the

river at that point between them. Having apprehended some scouts he

showed them his troops and after telling them he had more of them,

many times that number, he sent them back. Pyrrhus, struck with alarm

by this, was not desirous of fighting because some of the allies had

not yet joined his force, and he was constantly hoping that provisions

would fail the Romans while they delayed on hostile soil. Lavinius,

too, reckoned on this and was eager to join issue. As the soldiers had

become terrified at the reputation of Pyrrhus and on account of the

elephants, he called them together and delivered a speech containing

many exhortations to courage; then he busily prepared to close with

Pyrrhus, willing or unwilling. The latter had no heart to fight, but

in order to avoid an appearance of fearing the Romans he also in

person addressed his own men, inciting them to the conflict. Lavinius

tried to cross the river opposite the camp, but was prevented. So he

retired and himself remained in position with his infantry, but sent

the cavalry off (apparently on some marauding expedition) with

injunctions to march some distance and then make the attempt. In this

way both they assailed the enemy unexpectedly in the rear, and

Lavinius, in the midst of the foe's confusion, crossed the river and

took part in the battle. Pyrrhus came to the aid of his own men, who

were in flight, but lost his horse by a wound and was thought by them

to have been killed. Then, the one side being dejected and the other

scornfully elated, their actions were correspondingly altered. He

became aware of this and gave his clothing, which was more striking

than that of the rest, to Megacles, bidding him put it on and ride

about in all directions to the end that thinking him safe his

opponents might be brought to fear and his followers to feel

encouragement. As for himself, he put on an ordinary uniform and

encountered the Romans with his full army, save the elephants, and by

bringing assistance to the contestants wherever they were in trouble

he did his supporters a great deal of good. At first, then, for a

large part of the day they fought evenly; but when a man killed

Megacles, thinking to have killed Pyrrhus and creating this impression

in the minds of the rest, the Romans gained vigor and their opponents

began to give way. [Sidenote: FRAG. 40^12] PYRRHUS, NOTING WHAT WAS

TAKING PLACE, CAST OFF HIS CAP AND WENT ABOUT WITH HIS HEAD BARE; AND

THE BATTLE TOOK AN OPPOSITE TURN. Seeing this, Lavinius, who had

horsemen in hiding somewhere, outside the battle, ordered them to

attack the enemy in the rear. In response to this Pyrrhus, as a device

to meet it, raised the signal for the elephants. Then, indeed, at the

sight of the animals, which was out of all common experience, at their

bloodcurdling trumpeting, and at the clatter of arms which their

riders, seated in the towers, made, both the Romans themselves became

panic stricken and their horses, in a frenzy, either shook off their

riders or bolted, carrying them away. Disheartened at this the Roman

army was turned to flight and in their rout some soldiers were

destroyed by the men in the towers on the elephants' backs, and others

by the beasts themselves, which with their trunks and horns (or

teeth?) took the lives of many and crushed and trampled under foot no

less. The cavalry, following after, slew many; not one, indeed, would

have been left, had not an elephant been wounded, and by its own

struggles as a result of the wound as well as by its trumpeting thrown

the rest into confusion. Only this restrained Pyrrhus from pursuit and

only in this way did the Romans manage to cross the river and make

their escape into an Apulian city. Many of Pyrrhus's soldiers and

officers alike fell, so that [Sidenote: FRAG. 40^13] WHEN CERTAIN MEN

CONGRATULATED HIM ON HIS VICTORY, HE SAID; "IF WE EVER CONQUER AGAIN

IN LIKE FASHION, WE SHALL BE RUINED." THE ROMANS, HOWEVER, HE ADMIRED

EVEN IN THEIR DEFEAT, DECLARING: "I SHOULD ALREADY HAVE MASTERED THE

WHOLE INHABITED WORLD, WERE I KING OF THE ROMANS."

[Sidenote: FRAG. 40^14] PYRRHUS, ACCORDINGLY, ACQUIRED A GREAT

REPUTATION FOR HIS VICTORY AND MANY CAME OVER TO HIS SIDE: THE ALLIES

ALSO ESPOUSED HIS CAUSE. THESE HE REBUKED SOMEWHAT ON ACCOUNT OF THEIR

TARDINESS, BUT GAVE THEM A SHARE OF THE SPOIL. VIII, 4.--The men of

Rome felt grief at the defeat, but they sent an army to Lavinius; and

they summoned Tiberius from Etruria and put the city under guard when

they learned that Pyrrhus was hastening against it. Lavinius, however,

as soon as he had cured his own followers of their wounds and had

collected the scattered, the reinforcements from Rome now having

arrived, followed on the track of Pyrrhus and harassed him. Finding

out that the king was ambitious to capture Capua he occupied it in

advance and guarded it. Disappointed there Pyrrhus set out for

Neapolis. Since he developed no power to accomplish anything at this

place either and was in haste to occupy Rome, he passed on through

Etruria with the object of winning that people also to his cause. He

learned that they had made a treaty with the Romans and that Tiberius

was moving to meet him face to face. (Lavinius was dogging his

footsteps.) [Sidenote: FRAG. 40^19] A DREAD SEIZED HIM OF BEING CUT

OFF ON ALL SIDES BY THEM WHILE HE WAS IN UNFAMILIAR REGIONS and he

would advance no farther. [Sidenote: FRAG. 40^20] WHEN, AS HE WAS

RETREATING AND HAD REACHED THE VICINITY OF CAMPANIA, LAVINIUS

CONFRONTED HIM AND THE LATTER'S ARMY WAS MUCH LARGER THAN IT WAS

BEFORE, HE DECLARED THAT THE ROMAN TROOPS WHEN CUT TO PIECES GREW

WHOLE AGAIN, HYDRA-FASHION. AND HE MADE PREPARATIONS IN HIS TURN, BUT

DID NOT COME TO THE ISSUE OF BATTLE. He had ordered his own soldiers

before the shock of conflict, in order to terrify the Romans, to smite

their shields with their spears and cry aloud while the trumpeters and

the elephants raised a united blare. But when the other side raised a

much greater shout, actually scaring the followers of Pyrrhus, he

no longer wanted to come to close quarters, but retired, as if he

found the omens bad. And he came to Tarentum. [Sidenote: FRAG.

40^21] THITHER CAME ROMAN ENVOYS TO TREAT IN BEHALF OF THE

CAPTIVES,--FABRICIUS AMONG OTHERS. THESE HE ENTERTAINED LAVISHLY AND

SHOWED THEM HONOR, EXPECTING THAT THEY WOULD CONCLUDE A TRUCE AND MAKE

TERMS AS THE DEFEATED PARTY. [Sidenote: FRAG. 40^22] FABRICIUS ASKED

THAT HE MIGHT GET BACK THE MEN CAPTURED IN BATTLE FOR SUCH RANSOM AS

SHOULD BE PLEASING TO BOTH. PYRRHUS, QUITE DUMFOUNDED BECAUSE THE MAN

DID NOT SAY THAT HE WAS ALSO COMMISSIONED TO TREAT ABOUT PEACE, TOOK

COUNSEL PRIVATELY WITH HIS FRIENDS, AS WAS HIS WONT, ABOUT THE RETURN

OF THE CAPTIVES, BUT ALSO ABOUT THE WAR AND HOW HE SHOULD CONDUCT IT.

Milo advised neither returning the captives nor making a truce, but

overcoming all remaining resistance by war, since the Romans were

already defeated: Cineas, however, gave advice just the opposite of

his; he approved of surrendering the captives without price and

sending envoys and money to Rome for the purpose of obtaining an

armistice and peace. [Sidenote: FRAG. 40^23] TO HIS DECISION DID THE

REST ALSO CLEAVE, AND PYRRHUS, TOO, CHANCED TO BE OF THIS MIND. HAVING

CALLED THE AMBASSADORS, THEREFORE, HE SAID: "NOT WILLINGLY, ROMANS,

DID I LATELY MAKE WAR UPON YOU, AND I HAVE NO WISH TO WAR AGAINST YOU

NOW. IT WAS MY DESIRE TO BECOME YOUR FRIEND. WHEREFORE I RELEASE TO

YOU THE CAPTIVES WITHOUT RANSOM AND ASK THE PRIVILEGE OF MAKING

PEACE."