alleviation of your present distress, perfect relief is not possible,
except with time. You cannot now realize that you will ever feel better.
Is not this so? And yet it is a mistake. You are sure to be happy again.
To know this, which is certainly true, will make you some less miserable
now. I have had experience enough to know what I say, and you need only to
believe it to feel better at once. The memory of your dear father, instead
of an agony, will yet be a sad, sweet feeling in your heart, of a purer
and holier sort than you have known before.
Please present my kind regards to your afflicted mother.
Your sincere friend,
A. LINCOLN.
TO SECRETARY OF WAR.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, December 26, 1862
HONORABLE SECRETARY OF WAR.
Sir:--Two Ohio regiments and one Illinois regiment which were captured at
Hartsville have been paroled and are now at Columbus, Ohio. This brings
the Ohio regiments substantially to their homes. I am strongly impressed
with the belief that the Illinois regiment better be sent to Illinois,
where it will be recruited and put in good condition by the time they are
exchanged so as to re-enter the service. They did not misbehave, as I
am satisfied, so that they should receive no treatment nor have anything
withheld from them by way of punishment.
Yours truly,
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL CURTIS.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, December 27, 1862.
MAJOR-GENERAL CURTIS, Saint Louis, Mo.:
Let the order in regard to Dr. McPheeters and family be suspended until
you hear from me.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR GAMBLE.
WAR DEPARTMENT, December 27, 1862.
HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR GAMBLE:
I do not wish to leave the country north of the Missouri to the care of
the enrolled militia except upon the concurrent judgment of yourself and
General Curtis. His I have not yet obtained. Confer with him, and I shall
be glad to act when you and he agree.
A. LINCOLN
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL A. E. BURNSIDE.
WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, D.C., December 30, 1862. 3.30 PM.
MAJOR-GENERAL BURNSIDE:
I have good reason for saying you must not make a general movement of the
army without letting me know.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL DIX.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, December 31, 1862.
MAJOR-GENERAL Dix, Fort Monroe, Va.:
I hear not a word about the Congressional election of which you and I
corresponded. Time clearly up.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO H. J. RAYMOND.
(Private.)
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, December 31, 1862.
HON. H. J. RAYMOND:
The proclamation cannot be telegraphed to you until during the day
to-morrow.
JNO. G. NICOLAY.
[Same to Horace Greeley]
1863
EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION, JANUARY 1, 1863.
THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
A Proclamation.
Whereas on the 22d day of September, A.D. 1862, a proclamation was issued
by the President of the United States, containing, among other things, the
following, to wit:
"That on the 1st day of January, A.D., 1863, all persons held as slaves
within any State or designated part of a State the people whereof
shall then be in rebellion against the United States shall be then,
thenceforward, and forever free; and the executive government of the
United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will
recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons and will do no act or
acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make
for their actual freedom.
"That the executive will on the 1st day of January aforesaid, by
proclamation, designate the States and parts of States, if any, in which
the people thereof, respectively, shall then be in rebellion against the
United States; and the fact that any State or the people thereof shall on
that day be in good faith represented in the Congress of the United States
by members chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority of the qualified
voters of such States shall have participated shall, in the absence of
strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such
State and the people thereof are not then in rebellion against the United
States."
Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, by
virtue of the power in me vested as Commander-in-Chief of the Army and
Navy of the United States in time of actual armed rebellion against the
authority and government of the United States, and as a fit and necessary
war measure for suppressing said rebellion, do, on this 1st day of
January, A. D. 1863, and in accordance with my purpose so to do, publicly
proclaimed for the full period of one hundred days from the first day
above mentioned, order and designate as the States and parts of States
wherein the people thereof, respectively, are this day in rebellion
against the United States the following, to wit:
Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana (except the parishes of St. Bernard,
Plaquemines, Jefferson, St. John, St. Charles, St. James, Ascension,
Assumption, Terre Bonne, Lafourche, St. Mary, St. Martin, and Orleans,
including the city of New Orleans), Mississippi, Alabama, Florida,
Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, and Virginia (except the
forty-eight counties designated as West Virginia, and also the counties of
Berkeley, Accomac, Northampton, Elizabeth City, York, Princess Anne,
and Norfolk, including the cities of Norfolk and Portsmouth), and which
excepted parts are for the present left precisely as if this proclamation
were not issued.
And by virtue of the power and for the purpose aforesaid, I do order and
declare that all persons held as slaves within said designated States
and parts of States are, and henceforward shall be, free; and that the
Executive Government of the United States, including the military and
naval authorities thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of said
persons.
And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be free to abstain from
all violence, unless in necessary self-defense; and I recommend to them
that, in all cases when allowed, they labor faithfully for reasonable
wages.
And I further declare and make known that such persons of suitable
condition will be received into the armed service of the United States to
garrison forts, positions, stations, and other places, and to man vessels
of all sorts in said service.
And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice, warranted
by the Constitution upon military necessity, I invoke the considerate
judgment of mankind and the gracious favor of Almighty God.
In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the
United States to be affixed.
Done at the city of Washington, this first day of January, A.D. 1863, and
of the independence of the United States of America the eighty-seventh.
A. LINCOLN.
By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.
TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON January 1, 1863
MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK.
DEAR SIR:--General Burnside wishes to cross the Rappahannock with his
army, but his grand division commanders all oppose the movement. If in
such a difficulty as this you do not help, you fail me precisely in the
point for which I sought your assistance You know what General Burnside's
plan is, and it is my wish that you go with him to the ground, examine it
as far as practicable, confer with the officers, getting their judgment,
and ascertaining their temper--in a word, gather all the elements for
forming a judgment of your own, and then tell General Burnside that you
do approve or that you do not approve his plan. Your military skill is
useless to me if you will not do this.
Yours very truly,
A. LINCOLN
[Indorsement]
January 1, 1863 Withdrawn, because considered harsh by General Halleck.
A. LINCOLN.
MESSAGE TO CONGRESS
WASHINGTON, January 2, 1863
TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:
I submit to Congress the expediency of extending to other departments
of the government the authority conferred on the President by the eighth
section of the act of the 8th of May, 1792, to appoint a person to
temporarily discharge the duties of Secretary of State, Secretary of the
Treasury, and Secretary of War, in case of the death, absence from the
seat of government, or sickness of either of those officers.
A. LINCOLN.
TO GENERAL S. R. CURTIS.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON JANUARY 2, 1863
MAJOR-GENERAL CURTIS.
MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of December 29 by the hand of Mr. Strong is just
received. The day I telegraphed you suspending the order in relation to
Dr. McPheeters, he, with Mr. Bates, the Attorney-General, appeared before
me and left with me a copy of the order mentioned. The doctor also showed
me the Copy of an oath which he said he had taken, which is indeed very
strong and specific. He also verbally assured me that he had constantly
prayed in church for the President and government, as he had always done
before the present war. In looking over the recitals in your order, I do
not see that this matter of the prayer, as he states it, is negatived,
nor that any violation of his oath is charged nor, in fact, that anything
specific is alleged against him. The charges are all general: that he has
a rebel wife and rebel relations, that he sympathies with rebels, and
that he exercises rebel influence. Now, after talking with him, I tell
you frankly I believe he does sympathize with the rebels, but the question
remains whether such a man, of unquestioned good moral character, who has
taken such an oath as he has, and cannot even be charged with violating
it, and who can be charged with no other specific act or omission, can,
with safety to the government, be exiled upon the suspicion of his secret
sympathies. But I agree that this must be left to you, who are on the
spot; and if, after all, you think the public good requires his removal,
my suspension of the order is withdrawn, only with this qualification,
that the time during the suspension is not to be counted against him. I
have promised him this. But I must add that the United States Government
must not, as by this order, undertake to run the churches. When an
individual in a church or out of it becomes dangerous to the public
interest, he must be checked; but let the churches, as such, take care
of themselves. It will not do for the United States to appoint trustees,
supervisors, or other agents for the churches.
Yours very truly,
A. LINCOLN.
P. S.--The committee composed of Messrs. Yeatman and Filley (Mr. Broadhead
not attending) has presented your letter and the memorial of sundry
citizens. On the whole subject embraced exercise your best judgment,
with a sole view to the public interest, and I will not interfere without
hearing you.
A. LINCOLN., January 3, 1863.
TO SECRETARY WELLES.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 4, 1863.
HON. GIDEON WELLES, Secretary of the Navy.
DEAR SIR:--As many persons who come well recommended for loyalty and
service to the Union cause, and who are refugees from rebel oppression in
the State of Virginia, make application to me for authority and permission
to remove their families and property to protection within the Union
lines, by means of our armed gunboats on the Potomac River and Chesapeake
Bay, you are hereby requested to hear and consider all such applications,
and to grant such assistance to this class of persons as in your judgment
their merits may render proper, and as may in each case be consistent with
the perfect and complete efficiency of the naval service and with military
expediency.
A. LINCOLN.
TO GENERAL S. L CURTIS.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 5, 1863
MAJOR-GENERAL CURTIS.
MY DEAR SIR:--I am having a good deal of trouble with Missouri matters,
and I now sit down to write you particularly about it. One class of
friends believe in greater severity and another in greater leniency in
regard to arrests, banishments, and assessments. As usual in such cases,
each questions the other's motives. On the one hand, it is insisted that
Governor Gamble's unionism, at most, is not better than a secondary spring
of action; that hunkerism and a wish for political influence stand
before Unionism with him. On the other hand, it is urged that arrests,
banishments, and assessments are made more for private malice, revenge,
and pecuniary interest than for the public good. This morning I was told,
by a gentleman who I have no doubt believes what he says, that in one
case of assessments for $10,000 the different persons who paid compared
receipts, and found they had paid $30,000. If this be true, the inference
is that the collecting agents pocketed the odd $20,000. And true or not
in the instance, nothing but the sternest necessity can justify the
making and maintaining of a system so liable to such abuses. Doubtless the
necessity for the making of the system in Missouri did exist, and whether
it continues for the maintenance of it is now a practical and very
important question. Some days ago Governor Gamble telegraphed me, asking
that the assessments outside of St. Louis County might be suspended, as
they already have been within it, and this morning all the members of
Congress here from Missouri but one laid a paper before me asking the same
thing. Now, my belief is that Governor Gamble is an honest and true man,
not less so than yourself; that you and he could confer together on this
and other Missouri questions with great advantage to the public; that each
knows something which the other does not; and that acting together you
could about double your stock of pertinent information. May I not hope
that you and he will attempt this? I could at once safely do (or you could
safely do without me) whatever you and he agree upon. There is absolutely
no reason why you should not agree.
Yours as ever,
A. LINCOLN.
P. S.--I forgot to say that Hon. James S. Rollins, member of Congress
from one of the Missouri districts, wishes that, upon his personal
responsibility, Rev. John M. Robinson, of Columbia, Missouri; James L.
Matthews, of Boone County, Missouri; and James L. Stephens, also of Boone
County, Missouri, may be allowed to return to their respective homes.
Major Rollins leaves with me very strong papers from the neighbors of
these men, whom he says he knows to be true men. He also says he has many
constituents who he thinks are rightly exiled, but that he thinks these
three should be allowed to return. Please look into the case, and oblige
Major Rollins if you consistently can.
Yours truly,
A. LINCOLN.
[Copy sent to Governor Gamble.]
TO CALEB RUSSELL AND SALLIE A. FENTON.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 5, 1863.
MY GOOD FRIENDS: The Honorable Senator Harlan has just placed in my hands
your letter of the 27th of December, which I have read with pleasure and
gratitude.
It is most cheering and encouraging for me to know that in the efforts
which I have made and am making for the restoration of a righteous peace
to our country, I am upheld and sustained by the good wishes and prayers
of God's people. No one is more deeply than myself aware that without His
favor our highest wisdom is but as foolishness and that our most strenuous
efforts would avail nothing in the shadow of His displeasure.
I am conscious of no desire for my country's welfare that is not in
consonance with His will, and of no plan upon which we may not ask His
blessing. It seems to me that if there be one subject upon which all good
men may unitedly agree, it is imploring the gracious favor of the God of
Nations upon the struggles our people are making for the preservation of
their precious birthright of civil and religious liberty.
Very truly your friend;
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL ROSECRANS.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 5. 1863.
MAJOR-GENERAL W. S. ROSECRANS, Murfreesborough, Tenn.: Your despatch
announcing retreat of enemy has just reached here. God bless you and all
with you! Please tender to all, and accept for yourself, the nation's
gratitude for your and their skill, endurance, and dauntless courage.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL DIX.
WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D.C., January 7, 1863.
MAJOR-GENERAL DIX, Fort Monroe, Va.:
Do Richmond papers of 6th say nothing about Vicksburg, or if anything,
what?
A. LINCOLN.
TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON January 7, 1863.
MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK.
MY DEAR SIR:--What think you of forming a reserve cavalry corps of, say,
6000 for the Army of the Potomac? Might not such a corps be constituted
from the cavalry of Sigel's and Slocum's corps, with scraps we could pick
up here and there?
Yours truly,
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO B. G. BROWN.
WASHINGTON, D. C., January 7, 1863. 5.30 P.M.
HON. B. GRATZ BROWN, Jefferson City, Mo.:
Yours of to-day just received. The administration takes no part between
its friends in Missouri, of whom I, at least, consider you one; and I have
never before had an intimation that appointees there were interfering, or
were inclined to interfere.
A. LINCOLN.
CORRESPONDENCE WITH GENERAL A. E. BURNSIDE, JANUARY 8, 1863.
HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF THE POTOMAC January 5, 1863.
HIS EXCELLENCY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES:
Since my return to the army I have become more than ever convinced that
the general officers of this command are almost unanimously opposed to
another crossing of the river; but I am still of the opinion that the
crossing should be attempted, and I have accordingly issued orders to the
engineers and artillery to prepare for it. There is much hazard in it, as
there always is in the majority of military movements, and I cannot begin
the movement without giving you notice of it, particularly as I know so
little of the effect that it may have upon other movements of distant
armies.
The influence of your telegram the other day is still upon me, and has
impressed me with the idea that there are many parts of the problem which
influence you that are not known to me.
In order to relieve you from all embarrassment in my case, I inclose with
this my resignation of my commission as major-general of volunteers, which
you can have accepted if my movement is not in accordance with the views
of yourself and your military advisers.
I have taken the liberty to write to you personally upon this subject,
because it was necessary, as I learned from General Halleck, for you to
approve of my general plan, written at Warrenton, before I could commence
the movement; and I think it quite as necessary that you should know of
the important movement I am about to make, particularly as it will have to
be made in opposition to the views of nearly all my general officers, and
after the receipt of a despatch from you informing me of the opinion of
some of them who had visited you.
In conversation with you on New Year's morning I was led to express some
opinions which I afterward felt it my duty to place on paper, and to
express them verbally to the gentleman of whom we were speaking, which I
did in your presence, after handing you the letter. You were not disposed
then, as I saw, to retain the letter, and I took it back, but I now return
it to you for record if you wish it.
I beg leave to say that my resignation is not sent in in any spirit of
insubordination, but, as I before said, simply to relieve you from any
embarrassment in changing commanders where lack of confidence may have
rendered it necessary.
The bearer of this will bring me any answer, or I should be glad to hear
from you by telegraph in cipher.
I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
A. E. BURNSIDE,
Major-General, Commanding Army of the Potomac.
HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY, WASHINGTON, January 7, 1863.
MAJOR-GENERAL BURNSIDE, Commanding, etc., Falmouth:
GENERAL:--Your communication of the 5th was delivered to me by your
aide-de-camp at 12 M. to-day.
In all my communications and interviews with you since you took command
of the Army of the Potomac I have advised a forward movement across the
Rappahannock. At our interview at Warrenton I urged that you should cross
by the fords above Fredericksburg rather than to fall down to that
place; and when I left you at Warrenton it was understood that at least
a considerable part of your army would cross by the fords, and I so
represented to the President. It was this modification of the plan
proposed by you that I telegraphed you had received his approval. When
the attempt at Fredericksburg was abandoned, I advised you to renew the
attempt at some other point, either in whole or in part, to turn the
enemy's works, or to threaten their wings or communications; in other
words, to keep the enemy occupied till a favorable opportunity offered to
strike a decisive blow. I particularly advised you to use your cavalry
and light artillery upon his communications, and attempt to cut off his
supplies and engage him at an advantage.
In all our interviews I have urged that our first object was, not
Richmond, but the defeat or scattering of Lee's army, which threatened
Washington and the line of the upper Potomac. I now recur to these things
simply to remind you of the general views which I have expressed, and
which I still hold.
The circumstances of the case, however, have somewhat changed since the
early part of November. The chances of an extended line of operations
are now, on account of the advanced season, much less than then. But
the chances are still in our favor to meet and defeat the enemy on the
Rappahannock, if we can effect a crossing in a position where we can meet
the enemy on favorable or even equal terms. I therefore still advise a
movement against him. The character of that movement, however, must depend
upon circumstances which may change any day and almost any hour. If the
enemy should concentrate his forces at the place you have selected for a
crossing, make it a feint and try another place. Again, the circumstances
at the time may be such as to render an attempt to cross the entire
army not advisable. In that case, theory suggests that, while the enemy
concentrates at that point, advantages can be gained by crossing smaller
forces at other points to cut off his lines, destroy his communication,
and capture his rear-guards, outposts, etc. The great object is to occupy
the enemy to prevent his making large detachments or distant raids, and to
injure him all you can with the least injury to yourself. If this can
be best accomplished by feints of a general crossing and detached real
crossings, take that course; if by an actual general crossing, with feints
on other points, adopt that course. There seem to me to be many reasons
why a crossing at some point should be attempted. It will not do to keep
your large army inactive. As you yourself admit, it devolves on you to
decide upon the time, place, and character of the crossing which you
may attempt. I can only advise that an attempt be made, and as early as
possible.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
H. W. HALLECK, General-in-Chief.
[Indorsement.]
January 8, 1863.
GENERAL BURNSIDE:
I understand General Halleck has sent you a letter of which this is a
copy. I approve this letter. I deplore the want of concurrence with you
in opinion by your general officers, but I do not see the remedy. Be
cautious, and do not understand that the government or country is driving
you. I do not yet see how I could profit by changing the command of the
Army of the Potomac; and if I did, I should not wish to do it by accepting
the resignation of your commission.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR JOHNSON.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 8, 1863.
GOVERNOR JOHNSON, Nashville Tenn.:
A dispatch of yesterday from Nashville says the body of Captain Todd, of
the Sixth Kentucky, was brought in to-day.
Please tell me what was his Christian name, and whether he was in our
service or that of the enemy. I shall also be glad to have your impression
as to the effect the late operations about Murfreesborough will have on
the prospects of Tennessee.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL S. R. CURTIS.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 10, 1863.
MAJOR-GENERAL CURTIS, St. Louis, MO.:
I understand there is considerable trouble with the slaves in Missouri.
Please do your best to keep peace on the question for two or three weeks,
by which time we hope to do something here toward settling the question in
Missouri.