to bondage the class of persons therein contemplated. Some of them,
doubtless, in the property sense belong to loyal owners, and hence
Provision is made in this article for compensating such.
The third article relates to the future of the freed people. It does not
oblige, but merely authorizes Congress to aid in colonizing such as may
consent. This ought nut to be regarded as objectionable on the one hand or
on the other, insomuch as it comes to nothing unless by the mutual
consent of the people to be deported and the American voters through their
representatives in Congress.
I cannot make it better known than it already is that I strongly favor
colonization; and yet I wish to say there is an objection urged against
free colored persons remaining in the country which is largely imaginary,
if not sometimes malicious.
It is insisted that their presence would injure and displace white labor
and white laborers. If there ever could be a proper time for mere catch
arguments that time surely is not now. In times like the present men
should utter nothing for which they would not willingly be responsible
through time and in eternity. Is it true, then, that colored people can
displace any more white labor by being free than by remaining slaves?
If they stay in their old places, they jostle no white laborers; if they
leave their old places, they leave them open to white laborers. Logically,
there is neither more nor less of it. Emancipation, even without
deportation, would probably enhance the wages of white labor, and very
surely would not reduce them. Thus the customary amount of labor would
still have to be performed. The freed people would surely not do more than
their old proportion of it, and very probably for a time would do less,
leaving an increased part to white laborers, bringing their labor
into greater demand, and consequently enhancing the wages of it. With
deportation, even to a limited extent, enhanced wages to white labor
is mathematically certain. Labor is like any other commodity in the
market-increase the demand for it and you increase the price of it. Reduce
the supply of black labor by colonizing the black laborer out of the
country, and by precisely so much you increase the demand for and wages of
white labor.
But it is dreaded that the freed people will swarm forth and cover the
whole land. Are they not already in the land? Will liberation make them
any more numerous? Equally distributed among the whites of the whole
country, and there would be but one colored to seven whites. Could the
one in any way greatly disturb the seven? There are many communities now
having more than one free colored person to seven whites, and this without
any apparent consciousness of evil from it. The District of Columbia
and the States of Maryland and Delaware are all in this condition. The
District has more than one free colored to six whites, and yet in its
frequent petitions to Congress I believe it has never presented the
presence of free colored persons as one of its grievances. But why should
emancipation South send the free people North? People of any color seldom
run unless there be something to run from. Heretofore colored people to
some extent have fled North from bondage, and now, perhaps, from both
bondage and destitution. But if gradual emancipation and deportation be
adopted, they will have neither to flee from. Their old masters will give
them wages at least until new laborers can be procured, and the freedmen
in turn will gladly give their labor for the wages till new homes can be
found for them in congenial climes and with people of their own blood and
race. This proposition can be trusted on the mutual interests involved.
And in any event, cannot the North decide for itself whether to receive
them?
Again, as practice proves more than theory in any case, has there been
any irruption of colored people northward because of the abolishment of
slavery in this District last spring?
What I have said of the proportion of free colored persons to the whites
in the District is from the census of 1860, having no reference to
persons called contrabands nor to those made free by the act of Congress
abolishing slavery here.
The plan consisting of these articles is recommended, not but that a
restoration of the national authority would be accepted without its
adoption.
Nor will the war nor proceedings under the proclamation of September 22,
1862, be stayed because of the recommendation of this plan. Its timely
adoption, I doubt not, would bring restoration, and thereby stay both.
And notwithstanding this plan, the recommendation that Congress provide
by law for compensating any State which may adopt emancipation before this
plan shall have been acted upon is hereby earnestly renewed. Such would be
only an advance part of the plan, and the same arguments apply to both.
This plan is recommended as a means, not in exclusion of, but additional
to, all others for restoring and preserving the national authority
throughout the Union. The subject is presented exclusively in its
economical aspect. The plan would, I am confident, secure peace more
speedily and maintain it more permanently than can be done by force alone,
while all it would cost, considering amounts and manner of payment and
times of payment, would be easier paid than will be the additional cost of
the war if we rely solely upon force. It is much, very much, that it would
cost no blood at all.
The plan is proposed as permanent constitutional law. It cannot become
such without the concurrence of, first, two thirds of Congress, and
afterwards three fourths of the States. The requisite three fourths of
the States will necessarily include seven of the slave States. Their
concurrence, if obtained, will give assurance of their severally adopting
emancipation at no very distant day upon the new constitutional terms.
This assurance would end the struggle now and save the Union forever.
I do not forget the gravity which should characterize a paper addressed to
the Congress of the nation by the chief magistrate of the nation, nor do
I forget that some of you are my seniors, nor that many of you have more
experience than I in the conduct of public affairs. Yet I trust that in
view of the great responsibility resting upon me you will perceive no want
of respect to yourselves in any undue earnestness I may seem to display.
Is it doubted, then, that the plan I propose, if adopted, would shorten
the war, and thus lessen its expenditure of money and of blood? Is
it doubted that it would restore the national authority and national
prosperity and perpetuate both indefinitely? Is it doubted that we
here--Congress and executive--can secure its adoption? Will not the good
people respond to a united and earnest appeal from us? Can we, can they,
by any other means so certainly or so speedily assure these vital objects?
We can succeed only by concert. It is not "Can any of us imagine better?"
but "Can we all do better?" Object whatsoever is possible, still the
question recurs, "Can we do better?" The dogmas of the quiet past
are inadequate to the stormy present. The occasion is piled high with
difficulty, and we must rise with the occasion. As our case is new, so we
must think anew and act anew. We must disenthrall ourselves, and then we
shall save our country.
Fellow-citizens, we can not escape history. We of this Congress and this
administration will be remembered in spite of ourselves. No personal
significance or insignificance can spare one or another of us. The fiery
trial through which we pass will light us down in honor or dishonor to the
latest generation. We say we are for the Union. The world will not forget
that we say this. We know how to save the Union. The world knows we
do know how to save it. We, even we here, hold the power and bear the
responsibility. In giving freedom to the slave we assure freedom to the
free--honorable alike in what we give and what we preserve. We shall nobly
save or meanly lose the last, best hope of earth. Other means may succeed;
this could not fail. The way is plain, peaceful, generous, just--a way
which if followed the world will forever applaud and God must forever
bless.
A. LINCOLN.
MESSAGE TO CONGRESS.
WASHINGTON, December 3, 1862.
TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:
On the 3d of November, 1861, a collision took place off the coast of Cuba
between the United States war steamer San Jacinto and the French brig
Jules et Marie, resulting in serious damage to the latter. The obligation
of this Government to make amends therefor could not be questioned if the
injury resulted from any fault On the part of the San Jacinto. With a view
to ascertain this, the subject was referred to a commission of the United
States and French naval officers at New York, with a naval officer of
Italy as an arbiter. The conclusion arrived at was that the collision was
occasioned by the failure of the San Jacinto seasonably to reverse
her engine. It then became necessary to ascertain the amount of
indemnification due to the injured party. The United States consul-general
at Havana was consequently instructed to confer with the consul of France
on this point, and they have determined that the sum of $9,500 is an
equitable allowance under the circumstances.
I recommend an appropriation of this sum for the benefit of the owners of
the Jules et Marie.
A copy of the letter of Mr. Shufeldt, the consul-general of the United
States at Havana, to the Secretary of State on the subject is herewith
transmitted.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO H. J. RAYMOND.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,
December 7, 1862.
Hon. H. J. RAYMOND, Times Office, New York:
Yours of November 25 reached me only yesterday. Thank you for it. I shall
consider and remember your suggestions.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO B. G. BROWN.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON December 7, 1862.
HON. B. GRATZ BROWN, Saint Louis, Missouri:
Yours of the 3d received yesterday. Have already done what I can in the
premises.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR JOHNSON.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, December 8, 1862. GOVERNOR ANDREW JOHNSON,
Nashville, Tenn.:
Jesse H. Strickland is here asking authority to raise a regiment of
Tennesseeans. Would you advise that the authority be given him?
A. LINCOLN.
MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. December 8, 1862.
WASHINGTON, D. C.
TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:
In conformity to the law of July 16, 1862, I most cordially recommend,
that Commander John L. Worden, United States Navy, receive a vote of
thanks of Congress for the eminent skill and gallantry exhibited by him
in the late remarkable battle between the United States ironclad steamer
Monitor, under his command, and the rebel ironclad steamer Merrimac, in
March last.
The thanks of Congress for his services on the occasion referred to were
tendered by a resolution approved July 11, 1862, but the recommendation is
now specially made in order to comply with the requirements of the ninth
section of the act of July 16, 1862, which is in the following words,
viz.:
"That any line officer of the navy or marine corps may be advanced one
grade if upon recommendation of the President by name he receives the
thanks of Congress for highly distinguished conduct in conflict with the
enemy or for extraordinary heroism in the line of his profession."
A. LINCOLN.
TO GENERAL S. R. CURTIS.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,
December 10, 1862.
MAJOR-GENERAL CURTIS, St. Louis, Missouri:
Please suspend, until further order, all proceeding on the order made by
General Schofield, on the twenty-eighth day of August last, for assessing
and collecting from secessionists and Southern sympathizers the sum of
five hundred thousand dollars, etc., and in the meantime make out and
send me a statement of facts pertinent to the question, together with your
opinion upon it.
A. LINCOLN.
TO J. K. DUBOIS.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,
December 10, 1862.
Hon. J. K. DuBois.
MY DEAR SIR:--In the summer of 1859, when Mr. Freeman visited Springfield,
Illinois, in relation to the McCallister and Stebbins bonds I promised him
that, upon certain conditions, I would ask members of the Legislature to
give him a full and fair hearing of his case. I do not now remember, nor
have I time to recall, exactly what the conditions were, nor whether they
were completely performed; but there can be in no case any harm [in] his
having a full and fair hearing, and I sincerely wish it may be given him.
Yours truly,
A. LINCOLN.
MESSAGE TO THE SENATE.
December 11, 1862.
TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES:
In compliance with your resolution of December 5, 1862, requesting the
President "to furnish the Senate with all information in his possession
touching the late Indian barbarities in the State of Minnesota, and also
the evidence in his possession upon which some of the principal actors
and head men were tried and condemned to death," I have the honor to
state that on receipt of said resolution, I transmitted the same to the
Secretary of the Interior, accompanied by a note, a copy of which is
herewith inclosed, marked A, and in response to which I received, through
that department, a letter of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, a copy of
which is herewith inclosed, marked B.
I further state that on the eighth day of November last I received a long
telegraphic despatch from Major-General Pope, at St. Paul, Minnesota,
simply announcing the names of the persons sentenced to be hanged. I
immediately telegraphed to have transcripts of the records in all cases
forwarded to me, which transcripts, however, did not reach me until two
or three days before the present meeting of Congress. Meantime I received,
through telegraphic despatches and otherwise, appeals in behalf of the
condemned, appeals for their execution, and expressions of opinion as to
the proper policy in regard to them and to the Indians generally in that
vicinity, none of which, as I understand, falls within the scope of your
inquiry. After the arrival of the transcripts of records, but before I had
sufficient opportunity to examine them, I received a joint letter from
one of the senators and two of the representatives from Minnesota, which
contains some statements of fact not found in the records of the trials,
and for which reason I herewith transmit a copy, marked C. I also, for
the same reason, inclose a printed memorial of the citizens of St. Paul,
addressed to me, and forwarded with the letter aforesaid.
Anxious to not act with so much clemency as to encourage another outbreak
on the one hand, nor with so much severity as to be real cruelty on the
other, I caused a careful examination of the records of trials to be made,
in view of first ordering the execution of such as had been proved guilty
of violating females. Contrary to my expectation, only two of this class
were found. I then directed a further examination and a classification of
all who were proven to have participated in massacres, as distinguished
from participation in battles. This class numbered forty, and included
the two convicted of female violation. One of the number is strongly
recommended, by the commission which tried them, for commutation to ten
years imprisonment I have ordered the other thirty-nine to be executed on
Friday the 19th instant. The order was despatched from here on Monday, the
8th instant, by a messenger to General Sibley, and a copy of which order
is herewith transmitted, marked D.
An abstract of the evidence as to the forty is herewith inclosed, marked
E.
To avoid the immense amount of copying, I lay before the Senate the
original transcripts of the records of trials, as received by me.
This is as full and complete a response to the resolution as it is in my
power to make.
A. LINCOLN.
MESSAGE TO CONGRESS.
December 12, 1862.
FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:
I have in my possession three valuable swords, formerly the property of
General David E. Twiggs, which I now place at the disposal of Congress.
They are forwarded to me from New Orleans by Major-General Benjamin F.
Butler. If they or any of them shall be by Congress disposed of in reward
or compliment of military service, I think General Butler is entitled to
the first consideration. A copy of the General's letter to me accompanying
the swords is herewith transmitted.
A. LINCOLN.
TO FERNANDO WOOD.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON DECEMBER 12, 1862.
HON. FERNANDO WOOD.
MY DEAR SIR:--Your letter of the 8th, with the accompanying note of same
date, was received yesterday. The most important paragraph in the letter,
as I consider, is in these words:
"On the 25th of November last I was advised by an authority which I deemed
likely to be well informed, as well as reliable and truthful, that the
Southern States would send representatives to the next Congress, provided
that a full and general amnesty should permit them to do so. No guarantee
or terms were asked for other than the amnesty referred to."
I strongly suspect your information will prove to be groundless;
nevertheless, I thank you for communicating it to me. Understanding the
phrase in the paragraph just quoted--"the Southern States would send
representatives to the next Congress"--to be substantially the same as
that "the people of the Southern States would cease resistance, and would
reinaugurate, submit to, and maintain the national authority within the
limits of such States, under the Constitution of the United States," I say
that in such case the war would cease on the part of the United States;
and that if within a reasonable time "a full and general amnesty" were
necessary to such end, it would not be withheld.
I do not think it would be proper now to communicate this, formally or
informally, to the people of the Southern States. My belief is that they
already know it; and when they choose, if ever, they can communicate
with me unequivocally. Nor do I think it proper now to suspend military
operations to try any experiment of negotiation.
I should nevertheless receive with great pleasure the exact information
you now have, and also such other as you may in any way obtain. Such
information might be more valuable before the 1st of January than
afterwards.
While there is nothing in this letter which I shall dread to see in
history, it is, perhaps, better for the present that its existence should
not become public. I therefore have to request that you will regard it as
confidential.
Your obedient servant,
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL CURTIS.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, December 14, 1862
MAJOR-GENERAL CURTIS, St. Louis, Missouri:
If my friend Dr. William Fithian, of Danville, Ill., should call on YOU,
please give him such facilities as you consistently can about recovering
the remains of a step-son, and matters connected therewith.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL H. H. SIBLEY.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, December 16, 1862.
BRIG. GEN. H. H. SIBLEY, Saint Paul, Minn.:
As you suggest, let the executions fixed for Friday the 19th instant be
postponed to, and be done on, Friday the 26th instant.
A. LINCOLN. (Private.) Operator please send this very carefully and
accurately. A. L.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL CURTIS.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, December 16, 1862.
MAJOR-GENERAL CURTIS, Saint Louis, Missouri:
N. W. Watkins, of Jackson, Mo., (who is half brother to Henry Clay),
writes me that a colonel of ours has driven him from his home at Jackson.
Will you please look into the case and restore the old man to his home if
the public interest will admit?
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BURNSIDE.
WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, D. C., December 16, 1862.
MAJOR-GENERAL BURNSIDE, Falmouth:
Your despatch about General Stahel is received. Please ascertain from
General Sigel and his old corps whether Stahel or Schurz is preferable
and telegraph the result, and I will act immediately. After all I shall be
governed by your preference.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL CURTIS.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, December 17, 1862.
MAJOR-GENERAL CURTIS:
Could the civil authority be reintroduced into Missouri in lieu of the
military to any extent, with advantage and safety?
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BURNSIDE.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, December 17, 1862.
MAJOR-GENERAL BURNSIDE
George Patten says he was a classmate of yours and was in the same
regiment of artillery. Have you a place you would like to put him in? And
if so what is it?
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR GAMBLE.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, December 18, 1862.
GOVERNOR GAMBLE, Saint Louis, MO.:
It is represented to me that the enrolled militia alone would now maintain
law and order in all the counties of your State north of the Missouri
River. If so all other forces there might be removed south of the river,
or out of the State. Please post yourself and give me your opinion upon
the subject.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL CURTIS.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,
December 19, 1862.
MAJOR-GENERAL CURTIS, Saint Louis, Mo.:
Hon. W. A. Hall, member of Congress here, tells me, and Governor Gamble
telegraphs me; that quiet can be maintained in all the counties north of
the Missouri River by the enrolled militia. Confer with Governor Gamble
and telegraph me.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL A. E. BURNSIDE.
WASHINGTON, December 19, 1862.
MAJOR-GENERAL BURNSIDE:
Come, of course, if in your own judgment it is safe to do so.
A. LINCOLN.
TO SECRETARIES SEWARD AND CHASE.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,
December 20, 1862.
HON. WILLIAM H. SEWARD AND HON. SALMON P. CHASE.
GENTLEMEN:--You have respectively tendered me your resignations as
Secretary of State and Secretary of the Treasury of the United States. I
am apprised of the circumstances which may render this course personally
desirable to each of you; but after most anxious consideration my
deliberate judgment is that the public interest does not admit of it.
I therefore have to request that you will resume the duties of your
departments respectively.
Your obedient servant,
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR ANDREW.
WASHINGTON, D. C., December 20, 1862.
GOVERNOR ANDREW, Boston, Mass.:
Neither the Secretary of War nor I know anything except what you tell us
about the "published official document" you mention.
A. LINCOLN.
TO T. J. HENDERSON.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, December 20, 1862.
HON. T. J. HENDERSON.
DEAR SIR:-Your letter of the 8th to Hon. William Kellogg has just been
shown me. You can scarcely overestimate the pleasure it would give me to
oblige you, but nothing is operating so ruinously upon us everywhere as
"absenteeism." It positively will not do for me to grant leaves of absence
in cases not sufficient to procure them under the regular rules.
It would astonish you to know the extent of the evil of "absenteeism." We
scarcely have more than half the men we are paying on the spot for service
anywhere.
Yours very truly,
A. LINCOLN.
CONGRATULATIONS TO THE ARMY OF THE POTOMAC
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,
December 22, 1862.
TO THE ARMY OF THE POTOMAC:
I have just read your general's report of the battle of Fredericksburg.
Although you were not successful, the attempt was not an error, nor the
failure other than accident. The courage with which you, in an open field,
maintained the contest against an intrenched foe, and the consummate skill
and success with which you crossed and recrossed the river in the face of
the enemy, show that you possess all the qualities of a great army,
which will yet give victory to the cause of the country and of popular
government.
Condoling with the mourners for the dead, and sympathizing with
the severely wounded, I congratulate you that the number of both is
comparatively so small.
I tender to you, officers and soldiers, the thanks of the nation.
A. LINCOLN.
LETTER OF CONDOLENCE
TO MISS FANNY McCULLOUGH.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, December, 23, 1862.
DEAR FANNY:--It is with deep regret that I learn of the death of your kind
and brave father, and especially that it is affecting your young heart
beyond what is common in such cases. In this sad world of ours sorrow
comes to all, and to the young it comes with bittered agony because it
takes them unawares.