TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR JOHNSON.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 10, 1863
GOVERNOR JOHNSON, Nashville, Tenn.:
Yours received. I presume the remains of Captain Todd are in the hands of
his family and friends, and I wish to give no order on the subject; but
I do wish your opinion of the effects of the late battles about
Murfreesborough upon the prospects of Tennessee.
A. LINCOLN.
INSTRUCTION TO THE JUDGE-ADVOCATE-GENERAL.
WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, January 12, 1863.
The Judge-Advocate-General is instructed to revise the proceedings of the
court-martial in the case of Major-General Fitz-John Porter, and to report
fully upon any legal questions that may have arisen in them, and upon the
bearing of the testimony in reference to the charges and specifications
exhibited against the accused, and upon which he was tried.
A. LINCOLN.
MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. JANUARY 14, 1863.
TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: The Secretary of State has submitted to
me a resolution of the House of Representatives of the 5th instant, which
has been delivered to him, and which is in the following words:
"Resolved, That the Secretary of State be requested to communicate to this
House, if not, in his judgment, incompatible with the public interest,
why our Minister in New Granada has not presented his credentials to
the actual government of that country; also the reasons for which
Senor Murillo is not recognized by the United States as the diplomatic
representative of the Mosquera government of that country; also,
what negotiations have been had, if any, with General Herran as the
representative of Ospina's government in New Granada since it went into
existence."
On the 12th day of December, 1846, a treaty of amity, peace, and concord
was concluded between the United States of America and the Republic of
New Granada, which is still in force. On the 7th day of December, 1847,
General Pedro Alcantara Herran, who had been duly accredited, was received
here as the envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of that,
republic. On the 30th day of August, 1849, Senor Don Rafael Rivas was
received by this government as charge d'affaires of the same republic. On
the 5th day of December, 1851, a consular convention was concluded between
that republic and the United States, which treaty was signed on behalf of
the Republic of Granada by the same Senor Rivas. This treaty is still in
force. On the 27th of April, 1852, Senor Don Victoriano de Diego Paredes
was received as charge d'affaires of the Republic of New Granada. On the
20th of June, 1855, General Pedro Alcantara Herran was again received as
envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary, duly accredited by the
Republic of New Granada, and he has ever since remained, under the same
credentials, as the representative of that republic near the Government of
the United States. On the 10th of September, 1857, a claims convention
was concluded between the United States and the Republic of Granada. This
convention is still in force, and has in part been executed. In May, 1858,
the constitution of the republic was remodelled; and the nation assumed
the political title of "The Granadian Confederacy." This fact was
formally announced to this Government, but without any change in
their representative here. Previously to the 4th day of March, 1861, a
revolutionary war against the Republic of New Granada, which had thus
been recognized and treated with by the United States, broke out in New
Granada, assuming to set up a new government under the name of "United
States of Colombia." This war has had various vicissitudes, sometimes
favorable, sometimes adverse, to the revolutionary movements. The
revolutionary organization has hitherto been simply a military
provisionary power, and no definitive constitution of government has
yet been established in New Granada in place of that organized by the
constitution of 1858. The minister of the United States to the Granadian
Confederacy, who was appointed on the 29th day of May, 1861, was directed,
in view of the occupation of the capital by the revolutionary party and of
the uncertainty of the civil war, not to present his credentials to either
the government of the Granadian Confederacy or to the provisional military
government, but to conduct his affairs informally, as is customary in such
cases, and to report the progress of events and await the instructions of
this Government. The advices which have been received from him have not
hitherto, been sufficiently conclusive to determine me to recognize the
revolutionary government. General Herran being here, with full authority
from the Government of New Canada, which has been so long recognized
by the United States, I have not received any representative from the
revolutionary government, which has not yet been recognized, because such
a proceeding would be in itself an act of recognition.
Official communications have been had on various incidental and occasional
questions with General Herran as the minister plenipotentiary and envoy
extraordinary of the Granadian Confederacy, but in no other character. No
definitive measure or proceeding has resulted from these communications,
and a communication of them at present would not, in my judgment, be
compatible with the public interest.
A. LINCOLN.
TO SECRETARY OF WAR.
WASHINGTON, January 15, 1863.
SECRETARY OF WAR:
Please see Mr. Stafford, who wants to assist in raising colored troops in
Missouri.
A. LINCOLN.
PRINTING MONEY
MESSAGE TO CONGRESS.
January 17, 1863.
TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:
I have signed the joint resolution to provide for the immediate payment
of the army and navy of the United States, passed by the House of
Representatives on the 14th and by the Senate on the 15th instant.
The joint resolution is a simple authority, amounting, however, under
existing circumstances, to a direction, to the Secretary of the Treasury
to make an additional issue of $100,000,000 in United States notes, if so
much money is needed, for the payment of the army and navy.
My approval is given in order that every possible facility may be afforded
for the prompt discharge of all arrears of pay due to our soldiers and our
sailors.
While giving this approval, however, I think it my duty to express my
sincere regret that it has been found necessary to authorize so large an
additional issue of United States notes, when this circulation and that
of the suspended banks together have become already so redundant as to
increase prices beyond real values, thereby augmenting the cost of living
to the injury of labor, and the cost of supplies to the injury of the
whole country.
It seems very plain that continued issues of United States notes without
any check to the issues of suspended banks, and without adequate provision
for the raising of money by loans and for funding the issues so as to keep
them within due limits, must soon produce disastrous consequences; and
this matter appears to me so important that I feel bound to avail myself
of this occasion to ask the special attention of Congress to it.
That Congress has power to regulate the currency of the country can hardly
admit of doubt, and that a judicious measure to prevent the deterioration
of this currency, by a seasonable taxation of bank circulation or
otherwise, is needed seems equally clear. Independently of this general
consideration, it would be unjust to the people at large to exempt banks
enjoying the special privilege of circulation from their just proportion
of the public burdens.
In order to raise money by way of loans most easily and cheaply, it is
clearly necessary to give every possible support to the public credit. To
that end a uniform currency, in which taxes, subscriptions to loans, and
all other ordinary public dues as well as all private dues may be paid,
is almost if not quite indispensable. Such a currency can be furnished
by banking associations organized under a general act of Congress, as
suggested in my message at the beginning of the present session. The
securing of this circulation by the pledge of United States bonds, as
therein suggested, would still further facilitate loans, by increasing the
present and causing a future demand for such bonds.
In view of the actual financial embarrassments of the government, and of
the greater embarrassment sure to come if the necessary means of relief
be not afforded, I feel that I should not perform my duty by a simple
announcement of my approval of the joint resolution, which proposes relief
only by increased circulation, without expressing my earnest desire that
measures such in substance as those I have just referred to may receive
the early sanction of Congress. By such measures, in my opinion, will
payment be most certainly secured, not only to the army and navy, but to
all honest creditors of the government, and satisfactory provision made
for future demands on the treasury.
A. LINCOLN.
TO THE WORKING-MEN OF MANCHESTER, ENGLAND.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January, 1863.
TO THE WORKING-MEN OF MANCHESTER:
I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of the address and resolutions
which you sent me on the eve of the new year. When I came, on the 4th of
March, 1861, through a free and constitutional election to fireside in
the Government of the United States, the country was found at the verge of
civil war. Whatever might have been the cause, or whosesoever the fault,
one duty, paramount to all others, was before me, namely, to maintain
and preserve at once the Constitution and the integrity of the Federal
Republic. A conscientious purpose to perform this duty is the key to
all the measures of administration which have been and to all which will
hereafter be pursued. Under our frame of government and my official oath,
I could not depart from this purpose if I would. It is not always in the
power of governments to enlarge or restrict the scope of moral results
which follow the policies that they may deem it necessary for the public
safety from time to time to adopt.
I have understood well that the duty of self-preservation rests solely
with the American people; but I have at the same time been aware that
favor or disfavor of foreign nations might have a material influence
in enlarging or prolonging the struggle with disloyal men in which the
country is engaged. A fair examination of history has served to authorize
a belief that the past actions and influences of the United States were
generally regarded as having been beneficial toward mankind. I have,
therefore, reckoned upon the forbearance of nations. Circumstances--to
some of which you kindly allude--induce me especially to expect that if
justice and good faith should be practised by the United States, they
would encounter no hostile influence on the part of Great Britain. It is
now a pleasant duty to acknowledge the demonstration you have given of
your desire that a spirit of amity and peace toward this country may
prevail in the councils of your Queen, who is respected and esteemed in
your own country only more than she is by the kindred nation which has its
home on this side of the Atlantic.
I know and deeply deplore the sufferings which the workingmen at
Manchester, and in all Europe, are called to endure in this crisis. It has
been often and studiously represented that the attempt to overthrow this
government, which was built upon the foundation of human rights, and to
substitute for it one which should rest exclusively on the basis of human
slavery, was likely to obtain the favor of Europe. Through the action of
our disloyal citizens, the working-men of Europe have been subjected to
severe trials, for the purpose of forcing their sanction to that attempt.
Under the circumstance, I cannot but regard your decisive utterances upon
the question as an instance of sublime Christian heroism which has not
been surpassed in any age or in any country. It is indeed an energetic and
inspiring assurance of the inherent power of truth and of the ultimate and
universal triumph of justice, humanity, and freedom. I do not doubt that
the sentiments, you have expressed will be sustained by your great nation;
and, on the other hand, I have no hesitation in assuring you that they
will excite admiration, esteem, and the most reciprocal feelings of
friendship among the American people.
I hail this interchange of sentiment, therefore, as an augury that
whatever else may happen, whatever misfortune may befall your country or
my own, the peace and friendship which now exist between the two nations
will be, as it shall be my desire to make them, perpetual.
A. LINCOLN.
MESSAGE TO CONGRESS.
WASHINGTON, January 21, 1863.
GENTLEMEN OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:
I submit herewith for your consideration the joint resolutions of the
corporate authorities of the city of Washington, adopted September a 7,
1862, and a memorial of the same under date of October 28, 1862, both
relating to and urging the construction of certain railroads concentrating
upon the city of Washington.
In presenting this memorial and the joint resolutions to you, I am not
prepared to say more than that the subject is one of great practical
importance, and that I hope it will receive the attention of Congress.
A. LINCOLN.
FITZ-JOHN PORTER COURT-MARTIAL.
INDORSEMENT ON THE PROCEEDINGS AND SENTENCE
HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY, WASHINGTON,
January 13, 1863.
In compliance with the Sixty-fifth Article of War, these whole proceedings
are transmitted to the Secretary of War, to be laid before the President
of the United States.
H. W. HALLECK,
General-in-Chief.
January 21, 1863.
The foregoing proceedings, findings, and sentence in the foregoing case
of Major-General Fitz-John Porter are approved and confirmed, and it is
ordered that the said Fitz-John Porter be, and he hereby is, cashiered
and dismissed from the service of the United States as a major-general
of volunteers, and as colonel and brevet brigadier-general in the regular
service of the United States, and forever disqualified from holding any
office of trust or profit under the Government of the United States.
A. LINCOLN.
FROM GENERAL HALLECK TO GENERAL U. S. GRANT.
HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY, WASHINGTON
January 21, 1863.
MAJOR-GENERAL GRANT, Memphis.
GENERAL:--The President has directed that so much of Arkansas as you may
desire to control be temporarily attached to your department. This will
give you control of both banks of the river.
In your operations down the Mississippi you must not rely too confidently
upon any direct co-operation of General Banks and the lower flotilla, as
it is possible that they may not be able to pass or reduce Port Hudson.
They, however, will do everything in their power to form a junction with
you at Vicksburg. If they should not be able to effect this, they will
at least occupy a portion of the enemy's forces, and prevent them from
reinforcing Vicksburg. I hope, however, that they will do still better and
be able to join you.
It may be proper to give you some explanation of the revocation of your
order expelling all Jews from your department. The President has no
objection to your expelling traitors and Jew peddlers, which, I suppose,
was the object of your order; but as it in terms proscribed an entire
religious class, some of whom are fighting in our ranks, the President
deemed it necessary to revoke it.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
H. W. HALLECK, General-in-Chief.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BURNSIDE.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 23, 1863
GENERAL BURNSIDE:
Will see you any moment when you come.
A. LINCOLN.
ORDER RELIEVING GENERAL A. E. BURNSIDE AND MAKING OTHER CHANGES.
(General Orders No.20.)
WAR DEPARTMENT, ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE, WASHINGTON, D.C. JANUARY 25,
1863.
I. The President of the United States has directed:
1st. That Major-General A. E. Burnside, at his own request, be relieved
from the command of the Army of the Potomac.
2d. That Major-General E. V. Sumner, at his own request, be relieved from
duty in the Army of the Potomac.
3d. That Major-General W. B. Franklin be relieved from duty in the Army of
the Potomac.
4th. That Major-General J. Hooker be assigned to the command of the Army
of the Potomac.
II. The officers relieved as above will report in person to the
adjutant-general of the army.
By order of the Secretary of War: D. TOWNSEND, Assistant Adjutant-General
TO GENERAL J. HOOKER.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., January 26, 1863.
MAJOR-GENERAL HOOKER.
GENERAL:--I have placed you at the head of the Army of the Potomac. Of
course I have done this upon what appear to me to be sufficient reasons,
and yet I think it best for you to know that there are some things in
regard to which I am not quite satisfied with you. I believe you to be a
brave and skillful soldier, which of course I like. I also believe you do
not mix politics with your profession, in which you are right. You have
confidence in yourself, which is a valuable if not an indispensable
quality. You are ambitious, which within reasonable bounds does good
rather than harm; but I think that during General Burnside's command of
the army you have taken counsel of your ambition and thwarted him as much
as you could, in which you did a great wrong to the country and to a most
meritorious and honorable brother officer. I have heard, in such a way
as to believe it, of your recently saying that both the army and the
government needed a dictator. Of course it was not for this, but in spite
of it, that I have given you the command. Only those generals who gain
successes can set up dictators. What I now ask of you is military success,
and I will risk the dictatorship. The government will support you to the
utmost of its ability, which is neither more nor less than it has done
and will do for all commanders. I much fear that the spirit that you
have aided to infuse into the army, of criticizing their commander and
withholding confidence from him, will now turn upon you. I shall assist
you as far as I can to put it down. Neither you nor Napoleon, if he
were alive again, could get any good out of an army while such a spirit
prevails in it. And now beware of rashness. Beware of rashness, but with
energy and sleepless vigilance go forward and give us victories.
Yours very truly,
A. LINCOLN.
MESSAGE TO CONGRESS.
WASHINGTON CITY, January 28,1863,
TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:
In conformity to the law of July 16, 1862, I most cordially recommend
that Commander David D. Porter, United States Navy, acting rear-admiral,
commanding the Mississippi Squadron, receive a vote of thanks of Congress
for the bravery and skill displayed in the attack on the post of Arkansas,
which surrendered to the combined military and naval forces on the 10th
instant.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BUTLER
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 28, 1863.
MAJOR-GENERAL BUTLER, Lowell, Mass.:
Please come here immediately. Telegraph me about what time you will
arrive.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL DIX.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 29, 1863
MAJOR-GENERAL DIx, Fort Monroe, Va.:
Do Richmond papers have anything from Vicksburg?
A. LINCOLN.
TO THURLOW WEED.
WASHINGTON, January 29, 1863.
HON. THURLOW WEED.
DEAR SIR:--Your valedictory to the patrons of the Albany Evening journal
brings me a good deal of uneasiness. What does it mean?
Truly Yours,
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL DIX.
WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY,
January 30, 1863. 5.45 P.M.
MAJOR-GENERAL Dix, Fort Monroe, Va.:
What iron-clads, if any, have gone out of Hampton Roads within the last
two days?
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL DIX.
WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, D. C., January 31, 1863.
MAJOR-GENERAL Dix, Fort Monroe, Va.: Corcoran's and Pryor's battle
terminated. Have you any news through Richmond papers or otherwise?
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL SCHENCK.
WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, D. C., January 31, 1863.
MAJOR-GENERAL SCHENCK, Baltimore, Md.:
I do not take jurisdiction of the pass question. Exercise your own
discretion as to whether Judge Pettis shall have a pass.
A. LINCOLN.
TO THE WORKING-MEN OF LONDON, ENGLAND.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, February 1, 1863.
TO THE WORKING-MEN OF LONDON:
I have received the New Year's address which you have sent me, with a
sincere appreciation of the exalted and humane sentiments by which it was
inspired.
As these sentiments are manifestly the enduring support of the free
institutions of England, so I am sure also that they constitute the only
reliable basis for free institutions throughout the world.
The resources, advantages, and powers of the American people are
very great, and they have consequently succeeded to equally great
responsibilities. It seems to have devolved upon them to test whether
a government established on the principles of human freedom can be
maintained against an effort to build one upon the exclusive foundation of
human bondage. They will rejoice with me in the new evidences which your
proceedings furnish that the magnanimity they are exhibiting is justly
estimated by the true friends of freedom and humanity in foreign
countries.
Accept my best wishes for your individual welfare, and for the welfare and
happiness of the whole British people.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL SCHENCK. [Cipher.] WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C.,
February 4, 1863.
MAJOR-GENERAL SCHENCK, Baltimore, Md.:
I hear of some difficulty in the streets of Baltimore yesterday. What is
the amount of it?
A. LINCOLN.
MESSAGE TO THE SENATE.
WASHINGTON, D. C., February 12, 1863.
TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES:
On the 4th of September, 1862, Commander George Henry Preble, United
States Navy, then senior officer in command of the naval force off the
harbor of Mobile, was guilty of inexcusable neglect in permitting the
armed steamer Oreto in open daylight to run the blockade. For his omission
to perform his whole duty on that occasion, and the injury thereby
inflicted on the service and the country, his name was stricken from the
list of naval officers and he was dismissed [from] the service.
Since his dismissal earnest application has been made for his restoration
to his former position by senators and naval officers, on the ground that
his fault was an error of judgment, and that the example in his case has
already had its effect in preventing a repetition of similar neglect.
I therefore on this application and representation, and in consideration
of his previous fair record, do hereby nominate George Henry Preble to
be a commander in the navy from the 16th July, 1862, to take rank on the
active list next after Commander Edward Donaldson, and to fill a vacancy
occasioned by the death of Commander J. M. Wainwright.
A. LINCOLN.
MESSAGE TO THE SENATE.
WASHINGTON, D. C., February 12, 1863.
TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES:
On the 24th August, 1861, Commander Roger Perry, United. States Navy,
was dismissed from the service under a misapprehension in regard to his
loyalty to the Government, from the circumstance that several oaths
were transmitted to him and the Navy Department failed to receive any
recognition of them. After his dismissal, and upon his assurance that
the oath failed to reach him and his readiness to execute it, he was
recommissioned to his original position on the 4th September following.
On the same day, 4th September, he was ordered to command the sloop of war
Vandalia; on the 22d this order was revoked and he was ordered to duty in
the Mississippi Squadron, and on the 23d January, 1862, was detached sick,
and has since remained unemployed. The advisory board under the act of
16th July, 1862, did not recommend him for further promotion.
This last commission, having been issued during the recess of the Senate,
expired at the end of the succeeding session, 17th July, 1862, from which
date, not having been nominated to the Senate, he ceased to be a commander
in the navy.