him unless assured of the support of Germany. The feeling in Russia
grew more bitter when the election in Bulgaria showed a total defeat
of the pro-Russian party, and the crown was offered to Prince Waldemar
of Denmark, who declined at the instance of the czar. The Bulgarians
then made an offer to Prince Ferdinand of Saxe-Coburg, who accepted,
and in August made his formal entry in Tirnova. Alexander once more
protested to the powers, but it passed unheeded and he urged the
sultan to expel Ferdinand. Abdul Hamid declined with thanks,
preferring to have as neighbor a small independent country to Russia.
Alexander then demanded payment of the war indemnity due since the
Treaty of San Stefano, but could obtain nothing except a profusion of
excuses and apologies. Soon after the sultan had trouble in Armenia,
which was Russia's latest resort to arouse public opinion against the
Turk.
This is the age of colossal enterprises and combinations in every
direction, in politics as well as in other branches of human activity.
In Russia Slavophilism, gave way to Panslavism, that is, the scheme to
unite all Slav nations. Germany was quick to respond with Pan (p. 246)
Germanism, that is, to bring all German-speaking nations under one
scepter. The czar, obeying this impulse, made every effort to convert
the Baltic provinces,--which Germany called the German Provinces,--into
Slavs by making the Russian language the only language that was taught
in the schools; and Germany retaliated in the Polish provinces. Under
these circumstances friendship ceased. Russia established a protective
tariff, which was a rude blow to Germany's commerce; and that country
replied by refusing to loan Russia any more money. The czar's
government applied to France which responded with unexpected
generosity. From that time Russia's internal improvements have been
made with French capital.
Prudent as he was, Alexander allowed his anger and dislike to master
him, when Prince Alexander of Battenberg was accepted as suitor to a
daughter of Queen Victoria. Troops were hurried from the Caucasus into
Poland, but Germany averted war by having the match broken off. When
the present German emperor, William II, succeeded to the throne, he
attempted to make friends with the czar by dismissing Prince Bismarck,
in 1890, but Alexander could neither forgive nor forget. It was
chiefly owing to this that Russia and France drew closer together
until it ended in an alliance.
Strong, self-willed, and masterful, Alexander did love his people in
his own way. In January, 1884, he ordered the poll-tax to be
abolished, and thereby relieved the peasants of a heavy burden; he
also compelled the landowners to sell to their former serfs the land
cultivated by them. Since the price was payable in installments (p. 247)
and the owners needed the money, the government assumed the position
of creditor, but Alexander reduced the total indebtedness by
12,000,000 rubles, and granted 5,000,000 rubles for the relief of
overburdened villages. He calculated that the land would be paid for
in 1930, when the title will be vested in the mir,--unless one of his
successors should please to appropriate the past payments for other
purposes.
In the black earth belt the allotments had been according to the needs
of the population, but the increase among the people rendered them too
small and several severe famines followed. The government tried to
induce the surplus population to emigrate to Siberia, but the Russian
peasant lacks education and has been held in tutelage so long that he
is not fit for the life of a pioneer settler. Transportation
facilities increased by the aid of French capital, and added to the
prosperity of merchants and speculators, but did not help the moujik
who did not know how to profit by them.
Alexander, as autocrat of all the Russias, did not suffer any
authority but his own. The zemstvos, volosts, and mirs, were all
placed under officials appointed by him. Every shadow of
self-government was destroyed. This demanded a reorganization of the
army, which was increased by 900,000 men. The reserves were called out
once a year, and drilled as in actual war. Strategic railways were
built for the speedy transportation of troops. Coast defenses were
constructed and the navy was increased. In 1884, Batoum was closed as
a port and converted into a naval base, and when England protested,
claiming that this was in violation of the Treaty of Berlin,--as (p. 248)
it was,--Russia, referring to the changes in the Balkan, inquired if
the duty of observing the treaties was reserved exclusively for
Russia.
Alexander's reign was especially discouraging for the Poles who still
hoped for the revival of their country. Poles were made into Russians;
but Panslavism demanded that the German should be banished. In 1887,
Alexander ordered that, when a foreign landowner in Poland died, his
estate must be sold unless his heirs had been residents of Poland
before this order was published. Germany, suffering from
Pan-Germanism, collected several thousand Russian Poles who had
settled in Germany, and put them across the frontier. Russia replied
by making a law in the Baltic provinces that nothing but Russian could
be taught in any school, and that no more Lutheran churches could be
built without the permission of the Holy Synod.
Then came Finland's turn. In 1890, Russian money, Russian stamps, and
worse than that, Russian taxes were introduced. There were loud
protests, which received courteous answers, but the process continued.
In 1891, the Finnish Committee at St. Petersburg, which had directed
the affairs of Finland, was abolished, and Russian censorship
abolished the free press. The Russian language was made obligatory,
and the Finns who could afford it emigrated to the United States and
settled in the northwest.
In 1890, Alexander ordered the construction of the Trans-Siberian
railway, of which more will be said in the chapter on Asiatic Russia.
All these years Alexander had battled with nihilism and (p. 249)
revolution. His policy neither gave nor asked for quarter. In May,
1888, an army officer named Timovief made an attempt upon the czar's
life. On October 29th of the same year, as he was traveling in
southern Russia an accident occurred in which twenty-one were killed
and many injured; it was ascribed to nihilists, but may have been
caused by defects. Be that as it may, Alexander never recovered from
the shock. In March, 1890, another plot against his life was
discovered. In November, 1891, the secret police came on the scent of
a conspiracy at Moscow, and in April, 1894, they learned of one at St.
Petersburg. In constant fear of assassination, Alexander resided at
Gatschina, twenty-five miles south of St. Petersburg, as in an armed
fortress. The never-ceasing tension wore out the strong man. He caught
cold and suffering from inflammation of the kidneys he went south, but
experienced no relief. He died on the 1st of November, 1894.
In his private life he was essentially a good man; as czar, he acted
according to his convictions. He gave much thought to the welfare of
the peasants and as such deserved the surname of The Peasants' Friend.
[Illustration: Nicholas II] (p. 250)
XXVII--RUSSIA UNDER THE PRESENT CZAR. (p. 251)
NICHOLAS II.
"Neglect nothing that can make my son truly a man!" This was the
instruction given by Alexander to the tutors of his son. Consequently,
Nicholas in his youth was allowed to indulge in manly exercises and
sports, while special tutors taught him mathematics, natural
philosophy, history, political economy, English, French, and German,
besides his native language. Destined for the throne, he began his
military career at the age of thirteen as hetman of the Cossacks, and
passed successively through the different grades. In 1889, at the age
of twenty-one, he was appointed president of a committee to prepare
plans for the Trans-Siberian railway, and the following year he made a
tour in the Far East, visiting China and Japan. In the last-named
country he was attacked and wounded by a police officer who had been
brooding over the wrongs which his country had suffered at the hands
of Russia. Nicholas recovered and proceeded to Vladivostok, where he
initiated the building of the great continental line. He returned to
St. Petersburg by way of Siberia and Moscow, and was the first czar
who had ever visited his Asiatic empire.
Born on May 18, 1868, he was twenty-six years old when he was (p. 252)
called to the throne. He announced that he would "promote the progress
and peaceful glory of our beloved Russia, and the happiness of all our
faithful subjects." On the 26th of November, 1894, the czar married
Princess Alice of Hesse-Darmstadt, the granddaughter of Queen
Victoria, who, on entering the Greek Church, received the name of
Alexandra Feodorofna. The czar retained his father's ministers, except
that Prince Khilkof, who had learned practical railroading in the
United States, was appointed Minister of Public Works. Pobiédonostzeff
continued as Procurator of the Holy Synod.
Nicholas showed greater leniency toward Poland and Finland than his
father had done. He revoked several of his father's ukases and seemed
to be willing to treat them fairly. Finland's forests are a source of
great prosperity and the Russian officials have long been anxious to
secure a share. When the Secretary of State for Finland resigned,
General Kuropatkin became Minister of War, and he wished to introduce
Russia's military system. General Bobrikof, a brusque and haughty man,
was appointed Governor-general with instructions to proceed with the
conversion of the Finns into Slavs. He convoked an extraordinary
session of the Diet, January 24, 1899, and submitted Kuropatkin's
scheme, with a strong hint that it must pass. The Diet ignored the
hint and rejected the scheme, whereupon Bobrikof ignored the Diet and
published it as a law to go into effect in 1903. An imperial ukase of
February 15, 1899, reorganized the Diet according to a plan drawn up
by Pobiédonostzeff. Bobrikof increased the rigor of the press
censorship, but the Finns remained within the law. A petition was (p. 253)
circulated which in ten days secured 500,000 signatures, and a
delegation was sent to St. Petersburg to present it. The delegation
was not admitted.
In January, 1895, the czar received a deputation of all classes of his
subjects who hinted that the zemstvos might be used as the germ of a
constitutional government. He replied that he believed in autocracy
and that he intended to maintain it as his predecessors had done. On
the 26th of May, 1896, he was crowned at Moscow with more than usual
splendor, and in the same year he and the czarina made a tour through
Europe. After visiting the German Emperor and Queen Victoria, they
went to Paris where the czar, after reviewing 100,000 soldiers
declared that the Empire and the Republic were united in indissoluble
friendship. The visit was returned by the President of the French
Republic, M. Faure, in August, 1897. On this occasion the world
received notice that an alliance existed between the two powers, and
that, if one of them was attacked by more than one power, the other
would assist with the whole of its military and naval strength, and
peace could be concluded only in concert between the allies.
Two great reforms are noticeable under the present reign. The sale of
spirits has greatly decreased since the government took the monopoly
of the manufacture and sale of liquor. The French loans made the
establishment of the gold standard possible and speculation in Russian
paper money ceased.
The completion of the Trans-Siberian Railway aroused great expectation
for the future of Russia's commerce. The war with Japan has (p. 254)
prevented the possibility of estimating the effect it will have upon
oceanic trade. But Russia's manufactures have had a wonderful
increase; its effect is shown in the population of the cities. In
1870, Russia contained only six cities with a population of over
100,000; their number was doubled in 1897. Warsaw, the old capital of
Poland, had 243,000 inhabitants in 1865; in 1897, they had increased
to 615,000. Lotz, also in Poland, rose from 12,000 to 315,000. This
cannot fail to exert a powerful influence upon the future of the
empire; first, on account of the creation of a middle class which,
even at this early day, numbers nine per cent of the population; and
next, because the mechanics and factory hands are recruited from among
the peasants, who thus are brought into daily contact with more
intelligent people, and acquire new ideas and new necessities. The
official class is bitterly opposed to this new departure, because it
foreshadows the day when the drag upon Russia will be cast off.
Nicholas seems to have reversed his father's policy in the Balkan
States. He also acted in concert with Europe in 1896, when trouble
arose between Turkey and Greece. It began in Crete, where Turk and
Christian could not agree. Stories of massacres infuriated the Greeks
and the king had to choose between a revolution and a declaration of
war. In April, 1897, an army of 80,000 men under Prince George crossed
into Thessaly, but was driven back by a Turkish army of 150,000 men.
Prince George had invaded Crete in February, but the powers compelled
him to evacuate the island. The czar interceded with the sultan, and
the absurd war was ended.
The Slavophils, after their failure in the Balkan provinces had (p. 255)
excited the Armenians in the provinces near the Russian Caucasus. They
attacked the Kurds, a nomadic tribe of Mussulmans, when the Turks took
the side of their co-religionists and treated the Armenians with no
soft hand. The Panslavists demanded autonomy for Armenia, but this did
not suit Prince Lobanof, who had succeeded de Giers as Minister of
Foreign Affairs, because he feared trouble in the Caucasus. In 1895,
Russia, France, and England, presented a note to the sultan,
suggesting the appointment of a high commissioner, the abolition of
torture, and reforms in taxation. Turkey agreed, but Shakir Pasha, the
high commissioner, failed to restore order and the disorder threatened
to become a revolt. Even in Constantinople a condition of anarchy
prevailed.
The atrocities committed by the Turks aroused indignation everywhere,
when the Armenians seized the Ottoman Bank, but the conspirators were
forced to flee from the building and to seek refuge on an English
yacht. The Turks were furious and killed more than 5,000 Armenians.
Again the powers remonstrated; but at this time it began to dawn upon
the public that the Armenians were a least quite as much to blame as
the Turks, and the interest subsided. Russia had discovered that the
Armenians are undesirable citizens, and sent back some 40,000 of them
who had settled in the Russian Caucasus. Germany, intent upon securing
concessions from Turkey, left the sultan a free hand; meanwhile the
British public was engrossed by the Boer war, and the Armenians,
seeing that they were left to their own devices, subsided.
The civilized world was startled when, on August 24, 1898, Russia (p. 256)
issued a note to the powers, declaring that "military and naval
budgets attack public prosperity at its very source, and divert
national energies from useful aims," and suggesting a conference to
discuss the subject of displacing war by an International Court.
The note received generous applause, especially in the United States
and Great Britain, the two foremost nations devoted to the arts of
peace. The several governments agreed to participate in the proposed
conference. The place selected was The Hague, the capital of the
Netherlands, where the sessions opened on May 18, 1899.
Of all the great powers, the United States was the only one
unreservedly in favor of an arrangement whereby war would be
prevented. Most of the other powers looked upon an International Court
as visionary, and so far as the ostensible purpose is concerned, the
conference was a failure. Still, it bore fruit in defining and adding
strength to international law. Among its most important results is the
clause that "When a conflict seems imminent, one or several powers
shall have the right to offer mediation, and its exercise shall not be
regarded as an unfriendly act." A permanent Court of Arbitration was
established at The Hague. It is composed of judges selected from a
list on which every country is represented. On the 29th of July, the
delegates of sixteen nations signed the protocol embodying the
conclusions; it was afterwards signed by sixteen more. It remained,
however, with the United States, to give vitality to an institution
which was looked upon with ill favor by many governments.
Although the reign of terror from the nihilists has passed, (p. 257)
political murder is still rampant in Russia, and recent events in the
Far East have caused a renewal of the agitation for reforms. In 1904,
the Governor-general of Finland was assassinated, and soon afterwards,
the hated and dreaded Minister of the Interior de Plehve shared that
fate. His successor seems to be anxious to grant greater liberties to
the people. The united action of the zemstvos, and the final issue of
the war in the Far East, may have important results. Nicholas II, amid
all his perplexities, was made glad by the birth of a son and heir,
who received the name of Alexis.
[Illustration: Map] (p. 258)
XXVIII--THE ORIGIN AND GROWTH OF THE ASIATIC EMPIRE. (p. 259)
A close study of the history of Asiatic Russia reveals the fact that,
until within a comparatively recent date, the Russian government had
no fixed policy in or toward Asia. There was a national instinct which
impelled Russia eastward. Twice had Europe been invaded by Asiatic
hordes, and, owing to its position, Russia was doomed to bear the
brunt of the onset. Russia's history points out a ceaseless desire to
be a European nation, to share with Europe its progress and its
burdens. It is within a few years that the heir to the throne first
visited the extensive Asiatic dominions. No czar had ever put foot in
them. Until the reign of Nicholas I (1825-1855), the Russian Empire
spread eastward much as the United States expanded westward, by
individual effort.
The movement began in 1558, when Ivan the Terrible granted to Gregory
Strogonof ninety-two miles of waste land on the banks of the Kama. The
new owner explored the mineral resources of the Urals, crossed the
mountains, and found himself in the kingdom of Sibir. Strogonof had
become acquainted with one Yermak or Irmak, a Cossack and captain of a
robber band known as the Good Companions of the Don. He had been (p. 260)
condemned to death, if the government could lay hands on him, which,
on account of the sparsity of the population, was exceedingly
doubtful. Strogonof discussed with him a raid into Sibir, and the
Cossack consented, provided his pardon could be secured. Strogonof
went to Moscow and submitted his scheme to Ivan who gave his approval.
Upon his return to the Urals, Strogonof found that he had 850 men,
Russians, Cossacks, Tartars, and German and Polish prisoners of war,
all hardy adventurers. They marched east terrifying the natives with
their firelocks, and levying tribute, that is, taking whatever was
worth the trouble. They defeated the khan, and took his capital,
Sibir, on the Irtish. Yermak then visited Moscow, where he was the
hero of the day. Had he not struck at the very heart of the mysterious
continent whence so much trouble and disgrace had come upon Russia?
And had he not exacted tribute from the very people who not very long
ago held Russia under tribute.
Yermak was therefore praised and entertained and graciously told to go
ahead, Ivan had neither men nor money to spare, but he was quite
willing that these adventurers should despoil the Asiatics, instead of
holding up Russian travelers and traders. Ivan gave him a suit of
armor as a token of good will. After Yermak's return to Siberia, he
was surprised by the natives and drowned by the weight of his armor as
he was trying to escape by swimming the Irtish. (1584.) Other Cossacks
had heard of his success and followed his example. In 1587, Tobolsk
was founded on the Irtish, ten miles below Sibir.
There was little or no communication between Siberia and Moscow, (p. 261)
owing to the distance separating them, and the successors of Ivan had
ample trouble on their hands. It was, therefore, left to the Cossacks
to make such explorations and conquests as they could. In 1619, Tomsk
was founded. Farther and farther did the Cossacks advance among the
isolated tribes. In 1632, a log fort was built where Yakoutsk now
stands, and six years later they gazed upon the broad waters of the
Pacific and planted the czar's flag on the shore of the Sea of
Okhotsk.
It was a congenial occupation for the Cossack, to roam where he
pleased and to take what suited his fancy, and he did not lack either
the skill or the courage needed by the explorer. In 1639, a party of
Cossacks under Max Perfirief, discovered the Upper Amoor, and heard
tales of such vast wealth that they hastened to Yakoutsk and placed
their discovery before Peter Petrovitch, the first Russian Governor.
Men and money were scarce, but the governor, after many efforts
managed to collect 132 men whom he placed in command of Vassili
Poyarkof, with instructions to do the best he could. The party started
on the 15th of July, 1643, and followed the usual course with the
natives with the result that he returned to Yakoutsk in June 1646,
having lost most of his men in attacks by infuriated and outraged
natives, but in possession of a fund of information, and some skins as
tribute.
During the reign of Alexis Michaelovitch (1645-1676), explorations
of the Amoor regions were pursued vigorously. A young officer
of considerable wealth, named Khabarof, offered to conduct an (p. 262)
expedition at his own expense. This was gladly accepted, and he left
Yakoutsk in 1649. He reached the Amoor and formed a line of forts, and
met a small party among whom was the khan, who asked what his object
was. Khabarof replied that he had come to trade, but that the czar
would probably take the khan under his powerful protection in return
for a small annual tribute. The khan did not answer, and Khabarof
after burning most of the forts and leaving some of his men in
another, returned to Yakoutsk to report.
In June, 1651, he was on the way back to the Amoor, where he came in
conflict with the Manchus. He, however, forced his way, and gained for
the Russians the reputation that they were "devils, who would make
gridirons of the parents to roast the children on." At this time a
report that the Amoor region contained untold wealth reached Moscow,
where it produced an effect very similar to that felt in Spain after
the return of Columbus.
Alexis intended to send an expedition of 3,000 men to occupy and hold
this treasure grove, but he was prudent enough to dispatch an officer
to order Khabarof to Moscow, so that he might learn the facts. This
officer, Simovief left Moscow in March, 1652, and met Khabarof in
August of the following year. Leaving the command to his lieutenant
Stepanof, Khabarof obeyed the czar's call. He arrived at Moscow and
after the czar had heard his report, the expedition was given up, but
Alexis wrote to Stepanof, upon whom he conferred some honors, and told
him to continue the good work.
The interest manifested by the czar inaugurated an exploration (p. 263)
fever among the Russian authorities. Pashkof, the Governor of
Yeniseisk started on the 18th of July, 1656, for the Amoor at the head
of 400 Cossacks; in 1658, he built a fort which was the beginning of
Nerchinsk. It was 1662 before he returned to Yeniseisk.
Unfortunately the Russians came into a clash with the Manchus, at that
time in full vigor; they had made themselves masters of China, and
their emperor, Kang-hi, was an exceptionably able and strong man. He
did not want war, but on the other hand he did not intend to suffer an
injustice.
When the government at Moscow became aware that further encroachment
would entail a war with China an ambassador, Feodor Golovin, was
dispatched to come to an understanding. He left Moscow on January 20,
1686, but took his time. Kang-hi had been notified, and ambassadors
were sent from Peking to meet Golovin. The Russian met the Chinese at
Nerchinsk on the 22d August, 1689, and on the 27th the terms of a
treaty were agreed upon. Two days later the treaty was exchanged.
Russia was compelled to withdraw from the Amoor. After this no changes
in the boundary line occurred until after the year 1847.