close friendship with Russia. The result was seen when Austria and
Prussia, in 1864, invaded the German provinces of Denmark, when Russia
prevented intervention, and Denmark lost the two provinces by the
Treaty of Vienna, October 30, 1864. Soon after Prussia and Austria
quarreled about the spoils. The countries of South Germany supported
Austria. War began on June 18, 1866, and little over two months later,
on August 23, 1866, it ended by the Peace of Prague, which gave to
Prussia Hanover, Schleswig-Holstein, Hesse, Nassau, and the city of
Frankfort. Prussia did not annex Wurtemburg in compliment to the czar,
who was related to its king by marriage.
If Russia looked carelessly upon Prussia's growth, not so Napoleon III
of France. He saw in it a threat, and to offset Prussia's increase of
power, tried to secure other territory. It was evident that nothing
but a pretext was needed to bring on war. It was found, and Napoleon
declared war on July 15, 1870. Once again it was Alexander who protected
Prussia on the east, by threatening Austria which would gladly have
seized the opportunity to avenge 1866. As a consequence France (p. 230)
had to fight the whole of Germany; and Russia seized the opportunity
for repudiating the treaty of Paris of 1856, which forbade the
construction of arsenals on the coast of the Black Sea and did not
permit any war vessels in it. None of the powers felt any inclination
to fight Russia single-handed, but Prussia proposed a conference,
which was held at London. The result was that Russia was left free in
the Black Sea, but the sultan has the right to close the Dardanelles
to warships.
On January 18, 1871, the King of Prussia became German Emperor, and in
the following year the Emperor of Russia, the Emperor of Austria, and
the German Emperor met at Vienna, with the result that an alliance was
concluded among the three powers.
In 1867 Russia resolved to dispose of its possessions on the western
hemisphere by selling Alaska, a territory covering 590,884 square
miles, to the United States. In the same year a Slavophil Congress was
held at Moscow with the czar's approval. The object was said to be to
unite all the nations of Slav origin by a bond of friendship; but the
real purpose was to bring them under the rule of the czar. This was
apparent when it was resolved to send emissaries among the Slavs under
Turkish rule. They met with encouragement in Montenegro, Bulgaria,
Bosnia, and Herzegovina. General Ignatieff, the Russian ambassador at
Constantinople, thought that this might be the means to bring about
the longed-for annexation of the old Czargrad. He worked upon the
Turkish subjects belonging to the Greek Church, but showed his hand
when, under his decision, the Bulgarians were released from the (p. 231)
authority of the Patriarch of Constantinople. In 1875, the Bulgarian
Christians rose against the Turkish tax-farmers. The revolt was fanned
by the Russian emissaries, and it spread to Servia and Montenegro.
Ignatieff did not think that the time was ripe and interfered; but he
threatened the Sultan with European intervention and Abdul Aziz
granted the insurgents the privileges enjoyed by the Christians in
Turkey.
Austria looked with apprehension upon the increasing influence of
Russia in Turkey, and suggested drastic reforms in a note addressed to
the powers on December 30, 1875. It was approved and presented to the
sultan by the five great European powers. Abdul Aziz quietly accepted
it. This was not what the Russian Slavophils expected, and they
incited the Servians to revolt. A religious insurrection followed
which was put down by the Turks with such cruelty that it aroused
universal indignation in Europe, especially in Russia. In
Constantinople the Turks were indignant at the sultan's evident fear
of Ignatieff. The situation became so alarming that Great Britain
assembled a fleet in Besika Bay. The triple alliance, Russia, Austria
and Prussia, demanded of the sultan an armistice and the execution of
reforms under foreign supervision. The situation changed by a
revolution in Turkey on May 29, 1876, when Abdul Aziz was assassinated
and succeeded by his nephew Murad V.
Russia felt that war was inevitable and approached Austria with proposals
to take joint action. The reply was that Austria could not permit the
creation of a Slav state on the frontier and that, if any changes were
made in the Balkans, Austria must receive compensation. This was (p. 232)
admitted by Russia. A number of Russian officers took service in
Servia, among them General Chernaiev, who had gained distinction in
Central Asia. Montenegro declared war against Turkey on July 2, 1876.
On the 31st of August, of the same year, Sultan Murad V was deposed,
and his half-brother became sultan as Abdul Hamid II. Meanwhile the
Turks were victorious, and on September, 17, the Servians asked for an
armistice.
The reports of Turkish atrocities aroused great indignation in Great
Britain; its government was forced to join the other great powers in a
note to the sultan demanding reforms. Abdul Hamid made vague promises
but when the Servians, trusting to intervention, again took up arms,
they were badly defeated and a great number of Russian officers were
killed. The czar was forced to interfere. On October 31, he demanded
an armistice of six weeks, to which Abdul Hamid replied that he would
make it six months. This was declined because it would keep the
Servians too long in suspense, and the war continued. In the beginning
of November Chernaiev admitted that the Slav cause was lost unless
foreign help came.
Alexander was really concerned in seeking a peaceable solution, but
his high officers were equally earnest in preventing it. Ignatieff, at
Constantinople, was especially active with every means at his
disposal. Alexander suggested a European conference but before it
assembled he declared publicly at Moscow (Nov. 10), that, anxious as
he was to avoid the shedding of Russian blood, he would act alone (p. 233)
to support his brethren in race and religion unless the conference
brought relief.
The representatives of the powers met at Constantinople on the 5th of
December, 1876. The sultan, a man of rare ability and cunning, knew
that Turkey's disintegration was discussed in its own capital. He did
not object, but made one of the reform party his Grand Vizier, and
astonished the world by proclaiming a constitution on December 25.
The conference concluded its deliberations, and presented its
conclusions to the sultan who agreed to submit them to the National
Assembly, which was to meet in March, 1877. Abdul Hamid was wise. He
made the first legislature Turkey ever had,--and he had firmly
resolved that it should also be the last,--responsible for whatever
might happen. The session was brief, but long enough to refuse the
conditions imposed by the powers.
Alexander demanded that the sultan make peace with Montenegro which
was declined. On the 24th of April the czar declared war. England
protested against Russia's independent action, but 250,000 men crossed
the Turkish frontier. The principal incident was the siege and fall of
Plevna (July 20--Dec. 10, 1877), under Osman Pasha. The surrender of
this brave Turk alarmed England, which, however, did not grant
Turkey's appeal for intervention. It was at the battle of Senova, Jan.
9, 1878, when he captured 27,000 prisoners and 43 Krupp guns, that
Skobelef won fame. On January 23, Constantinople was at the czar's
mercy.
But this awoke England. On February 13, the British fleet passed (p. 234)
through the Dardanelles without obtaining the sultan's consent, and
thereby ruined Russia's schemes. In vain did its government complain
of the violation of the Treaty of Paris; before the czar could make
good his threat that he would occupy Constantinople,--the object of
the Russian's most fervid hope,--a fleet of British ironclads
prevented its consummation.
Peace negotiations were opened at San Stefano, when Russia imposed
exaggerated demands which the cunning sultan hastened to grant,
convinced that the other powers would prevent their execution. He was
right. Great Britain, Austria, and Turkey entered into an alliance.
England sent for Indian troops to occupy Malta, and called out the
reserves. The war had cost Russia $600,000,000 and 90,000 men, and she
was not in a condition to fight the three powers. Thus, for the second
time, Czargrad slipped out of Russia's clutches, and each time she
owed the disappointment to Great Britain.
The Balkan question was settled at the Congress at Berlin which opened
on June 13, 1878, and finished its sessions a month later. Turkey
ceded to Russia a part of Bessarabia, and in Asia, Kars, Ardahan, and
Batoum. This ending of the war, so different from what was expected by
the Slavophils, caused great dissatisfaction in Russia, and the czar
dissolved all Slavophil committees. This gained him the dislike of the
high officers and of the tchinovnik.
The absurd and dangerous doctrine of nihilism, that is, the destruction
of everything that constitutes society, penetrated into Russia by way
of Germany. At first it was nothing but a theory, fascinating for (p. 235)
young and inexperienced people such as students of the universities
who, unless properly guided, are apt to adopt any idea that appeals to
the generous sentiments of youth. In 1864, an exile named Bakunin
escaped from Siberia, and made his way to London where he secured
employment on the _Kolokol_ or "Bell," a revolutionary paper published
in Russia which was smuggled over the frontier and scattered broadcast
in the czar's domains. Under Bakunin's influence this paper became
hostile to society, and preached nihilism. In 1869, a Congress of
Nihilists was held at Basel, Switzerland; Bakunin proposed to create
an International Committee of active workers.
Soon unmistakable signs of trouble appeared in Russia, but the
government was on the alert and took strong means of suppression.
Nicholas I, the man with the iron will, had sent an average number of
9,000 persons annually to Siberia; this number under Alexander the
Liberator increased to from 16,000 to 20,000. Bakunin urged his
followers to "go among the people," and a host of young persons, male
and female, many of them belonging to the wealthy classes, adopted the
life of the moujik in the villages. But the Russian peasant possesses
a degree of cunning which shows his dormant intelligence, and
suspected the motives of those who said they wanted to benefit him,
and this, added to his real affection for the czar, rendered the
attempt of the nihilists a failure. The Russian peasant dreads a
change in his condition, because experience has taught him that it
will end to his disadvantage. In 1876 there were still 2,000,000
peasants who preferred serfdom.
The Turkish war, when the government was occupied elsewhere, (p. 236)
afforded an opportunity which was not neglected by the nihilists. On a
July night of the year 1877, fifteen young men met in the forest near
Litepsk, and formed a conspiracy against all existing institutions.
Two papers, _The Popular Will_ and _The Black Partition_ advised
assassination as the means to gain their object. We may judge of
conditions in Russia from knowing that many good and wealthy people
made contributions, well aware that arrest and punishment would follow
if the secret police should hear of it. In October, 1877, 253
nihilists were arrested, and 160 were convicted at the trial. In
February, 1878, General Trepof, Governor of St. Petersburg was openly
accused in the papers of gross cruelty toward a prisoner, and Vera
Zazulich, a young woman, sought to kill him. She was arrested,
tried,--and acquitted, much to the disgust of the authorities who made
every effort to re-arrest her. Then began a reign of terror. Officials
were condemned to death by an "Executive Committee," composed of
members whose names were unknown. The police did not know whom to
suspect, and therefore suspected everybody, and no one was safe. Often
the condemned officer was warned of his doom by letter or paper, but
the messenger could not be found. In April, the president of the Kief
University was dangerously wounded, and a police officer was stabbed
in public. In August, General Mezensof, Chief of the dreaded Secret
Police, was killed, and when the government abolished trial by jury in
favor of a military court, it seemed as if the public took the part of
the terrorists. These men grew bolder. On the 22d of February, (p. 237)
1878, Prince Krapotkine, the Governor of Kharkof, was shot, and his
death sentence was found posted in many cities. On the following 7th
of March, Colonel Knoop of the Odessa police, was killed, and as a
climax, on the 14th of April a school-teacher named Solovief fired a
pistol at the czar. Not satisfied with assassination, the terrorists
resorted to incendiarism at Moscow, Nishni Novgorod, and other cities,
and there were riots at Rostof. In April, 1878, the government
proclaimed martial law, and the most renowned generals, Melikof,
Gourko, Todleben, and others were appointed governors with unlimited
authority. At St. Petersburg the _dvorniks_ or house janitors were
directed to spy upon the residents and to report their movements to
the secret police. Executions, imprisonment, and exile multiplied
until it seemed as if the government wished to terrify the terrorists.
Still the situation went from bad to worse. On December 1, 1879, as
the imperial train was entering Moscow, it was wrecked by a mine.
Alexander escaped because he had traveled in an earlier section. Three
days later the "Executive Committee" issued a proclamation excusing
the attempt and announcing that the czar had been condemned to death.
On February 17, 1880, an explosion of dynamite in the guard room of
the Winter Palace, just beneath the imperial dining-room, killed and
maimed a large number of soldiers, but the imperial family escaped by
a hair's breadth, as the czar had not entered the room. On the 24th of
the same month Louis Melikof was placed in charge of the city of St.
Petersburg, and eight days later there was an attempt upon his life.
There was a panic in the capital, when a nihilist proclamation (p. 238)
announced that these attempts would cease, provided the czar would
renounce his autocracy and "leave the task of establishing social
reforms to an assembly representing the entire Russian people."
Whatever may have been his motive, Melikof urged the czar to try what
conciliation would effect. Upon his advice, a large number of exiles
in Siberia were pardoned, and persons imprisoned for political
offenses were released. About 2,000 students expelled from the
universities were readmitted, and in several cases the death sentence
pronounced against nihilists was commuted. Only two men out of the
sixteen convicted of the attempt to blow up the Winter Palace, were
executed. The effect of this new policy was so satisfactory, that on
the 18th of August, 1880, the czar revoked the ukase of February 24,
and Melikof was appointed as Minister of the Interior. He advised the
czar to grant a constitution, and in February 1881, placed before
Alexander a plan to effect this important change gradually. It was
discussed in the Council of State. The majority approved, but a bitter
opposition was manifested by the other members. The czar himself was
in favor of it, but the persons with whom he came into daily contact
caused him to hesitate. He told Melikof that he would give his final
decision on March 12.
On that day he had not made up his mind, but on the 13th, he ordered
that Melikof's scheme should become a law, and that it be published in
the Official Gazette. That afternoon, as he was returning from his
usual drive, and his carriage was passing between the Catherine Canal
and Michael's Garden, a bomb was thrown under his carriage and (p. 239)
exploded, killing or wounding a number of the guard, but Alexander was
unhurt. He was hurrying to assist the wounded, when another bomb
exploded near him and he was dreadfully mangled. He regained
consciousness for a moment while his attendants were bearing him to
the palace, but died at 3.30 P.M., without having spoken a word.
A man named Rissakof, said to be a nihilist, was arrested for throwing
the bomb; but there were ugly rumors that the assassination was
committed under the direction of parties interested in maintaining an
autocratic government at all risks. Owing to the secret proceedings in
Russian courts, the murder of Alexander the Liberator still remains a
mystery.
[Illustration: Alexander III] (p. 240)
XXVI--ALEXANDER III, THE PEASANTS' FRIEND. (p. 241)
The atrocious death of The Liberator gave the throne to his son, who
succeeded as Alexander III. The new czar was thirty-six years old.
Nicholas, the eldest son of Alexander II, had died of consumption in
1865, and, since he had been the heir, his younger brother had not
received any special training. His principal tutor had been
Pobiédonostzeff, a man who believed in autocracy. He had imbued his
pupil with a deeply religious feeling, and imparted to him a thorough
knowledge of Russia's history. Alexander III was of powerful build and
possessed unusual strength. He was loyal to his word, and tenacious in
his likes and dislikes. Married to Princess Dagmar of Denmark, he was
a model husband and father. His education made him a firm believer in
autocracy.
The sudden and tragic death of his father moved him so deeply that he
gave orders that the last wishes of the late czar should be respected.
"Change nothing in my father's orders;" he said to Melikof; "they are
his last will and testament." He issued two proclamations; in the
first he announced that he would strengthen the bond with Poland and
Finland, and thus gained the support of the Slavophils; and in the
second, he reminded the peasants of the freedom given to them by (p. 242)
his father, and ordered them to swear allegiance to himself and his
heir. Six men and a woman implicated in the murder of the late czar
were arrested, tried, condemned to death, and, with the exception of
the woman, they were executed on April 15. The czar appointed his
former tutor as Procurator of the Holy Synod. Pobiédonostzeff
persuaded his pupil that this was not the time to make concessions. On
the 11th of May, 1881, Alexander issued a proclamation in which he
declared his intention to maintain the absolute power. Melikof
resigned as Minister of the Interior and was replaced by Ignatieff,
the former Russian Minister at Constantinople.
Shortly after his succession to the throne, Alexander made a journey
to Moscow, and was everywhere received with unmistakable tokens of
loyalty and affection. This confirmed his opinion that the great bulk
of the population was satisfied with the form of government, and
strengthened his determination to defend it.
In 1881, an anti-semitic movement was felt in Germany; that is, an
outburst of hatred for the Jews broke out, which spread to Russia. It
is not generally known that of all the Jews in the world, four fifths
live in Russia in the southwest, in an area of 356,681 square miles.
This is sometimes mentioned as the Jewish territory. Few of these
people engage in agriculture; they are sometimes mechanics, but more
often peddlers, storekeepers, bankers and moneylenders. The principal
objection to them was that they succeed where others fail. In May,
1881, there were anti-Jewish riots at Kief and other places.
Pobiédonostzeff's motto was, "One Russia, One Religion, One Czar;" (p. 243)
prompted by him, Alexander did not take any energetic measures to
suppress the disorder, for he, too, disliked to see in Russia a people
differing in religion, language, and outward appearance. Ignatieff
began a system of persecution by removing the Jews who had profited by
the late czar's permission to settle anywhere, and when the act which
recalled the Middle Ages was hotly condemned by the foreign press,
even the Slavophils said that Ignatieff had gone too far. The
persecution died out until 1884, when the Jews were deprived of their
civil rights, and an attempt was made to compel them to enter the
Greek Church. But the Jew is steadfast under persecution, and the only
result was that some of them heartily joined the nihilists.
The public condemnation which followed these acts, induced Ignatieff
to advise the czar to adopt Melikof's scheme of a constitution.
Alexander did not understand this change of views and when de Giers
was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ignatieff resigned. He was
succeeded by D. Tolstoï.
Misunderstandings and the clashing of interests were dissolving the
triple alliance of Russia, Austria, and Germany. This was apparent in
the Balkan States which had been formed after the last Russo-Turkish
war. Charles I, King of Roumania, was a German prince who mistrusted
Russia's schemes. In March, 1882, Prince Milan Obrenovitch of Servia
assumed the title of king, and the czar offered no objection. The
ruler of Bulgaria was Alexander of Battenberg who was a relative of
the czar and had served in the Russian army, which may have been the
reason of his appointment. The Russian Minister at his court was (p. 244)
evidently of the opinion that his word, as representative of the czar,
was law, and when he found out that his orders were set at naught, he
withdrew from his post, whereupon the Russian officers serving in the
Bulgarian army, were dismissed. This gave grave offense at St.
Petersburg, but the affair was arranged, and the Russian Minister
returned. In September, 1885, there was a revolution in Sofia, the
capital of Eastern Roumelia, when the crown was offered to Alexander
of Battenberg, who accepted. He hastened to inform the czar, who was
too angry to pay any attention to letters or telegrams.
Bulgaria and Eastern Roumelia, although united under one prince, sent
deputations to St. Petersburg to appease the czar, but were informed
that their future would be decided by the great powers. Soon after
Servia declared war against Bulgaria; after a few unimportant
skirmishes, they were driven back by Prince Alexander, who would have
captured the capital Belgrad, if he had not been stopped by Austria's
intervention. Alexander, after another fruitless attempt to mollify
the czar, applied to the sultan, who appointed him as Governor-general
over Eastern Roumelia for five years. The czar protested and invited
the powers to a conference which was held at Constantinople on April
5, 1886. To the infinite disgust of the czar, the dispute was decided
in favor of Prince Alexander.
Russia, however, had a pro-Russian party in Bulgaria. On August 21,
1886, Prince Alexander was kidnaped and carried across the Danube,
after being compelled to abdicate. At Lemberg, in Austrian territory
he was set free. The Bulgarians rallied under the President of the (p. 245)
National Assembly and forced the pro-Russians to flee, after which
Prince Alexander returned on the 3d of September. Once more he made an
attempt to pacify the czar, but when his telegram remained unanswered,
he abdicated three days later, rather than involve the country in a
war with Russia. He left on the same day, to the sorrow of the people.