encouragement of such manufactures in particular, as will diminish the
consumption of Foreign Articles and exhibit a real balance in our
favor, is the common concern of the whole Union--Such encouragement as
will spread the spirit of Industry individually through the body of the
people, will tend to increase their happy feelings of Independence, and
give them an exalted idea of the truly noble character of Free
Citizens. Industry naturally leads to sobriety of sentiment, rectitude
of manners, a due observance of wise and constitutional laws, and of
course to public and private virtue.
Fellow Citizens,
IT is wisdom often to recur to first principles. The people of this
Commonwealth, as well as those of the United States, have voluntarily
formed such constitutions of government, as they have judged well
adapted to secure their own political safety.--These Constitutions are
founded upon the same principles; and they avow the great and
fundamental political truth that all power is derived from the people.
As these and all new forms of Government which recognize principles,
never reduced to practice until the period of our illustrious
Revolution must be in their nature experiments, the provision of a
peaceable and constitutional remedy for such defects as experience may
point out, is with great propriety established in our State and
National Governments.--The citizens of this Commonwealth, have lately
discovered their acquiescence under their Constitution as it now
stands. But it still remains recorded in our declaration of rights,
that the people alone have an incontestible, unalienable and
indefeasible right to institute government; & to reform, alter, or
totally change the same when their protection, safety, prosperity and
happiness require it. And the Federal Constitution, according to the
mode prescribed therein has already undergone such amendments in
several parts of it, as from experience has been judged necessary.
The Government of the United States is entrusted solely with such
powers as regard our safety as a nation; and all powers not given to
Congress by the Constitution remain in the individual States and the
people. In all good Governments the Legislative, Executive and
Judiciary powers are confined within the limits of their respective
Departments. If therefore it should be found that the Constitutional
rights of our federal and local Governments should on either side be
infringed, or that either of the Departments aforesaid should interfere
with another, it will, if continued, essentially alter the
Constitution, and may in time, I hope far distant, be productive of
such convulsions as may shake the political ground upon which we now
happily stand.
Under these impressions, I cannot forbear to mention to you a subject
which has lately arrested the public attention and employed the pens of
ingenious men of different sentiments concerning it. In discussing a
subject so exceedingly momentous as a national Treaty, no personal
attachment or prejudice, no private or selfish feelings, no arts of
deception should be suffered to intermingle: Truth should be the
object, and reason the guide.
By the Constitution of the United States, it is provided, that all
Legislative powers therein granted, shall be vested in a Congress, to
consist of a Senate and a House of Representatives. These several
branches have, and exercise a positive negative upon each other: No
Legislative act, therefore, can pass without their joint concurrence.
But in another part of the Constitution, under the head of Executive,
the President has the power with the advice and consent of the Senate,
provided two thirds of the Senate present, concur, to make Treaties;
and all Treaties which are made or shall be made under the authority of
the United States, shall be among the Supreme Laws of the Land: The
Senate therefore partakes with the Executive, so far as to advise and
consent; but the most popular branch of Congress has no concern
therein. I do earnestly recommend to you to turn your attention to
those parts of the Constitution, at least, which relate to the
Legislative and Executive powers, and judge for yourself, whether they
may not be construed to militate with each other and lead to an absurd
conclusion--that there actually exists in the Government of the United
States, two distinct and decisive Legislatives.
I am far from being desirous that unnecessary alterations of our
Constitution, should be proposed: but it is of great consequence to the
liberties of a nation, to review its civil Constitution and compare the
practice of its administrators with the essential principles upon which
it is founded. We, fellow-citizens, are under the strongest
obligations, from the solemnity of our mutual compacts, and even our
sacred oaths, with a watchful eye at every point to defend and support
our Constitutions; and to strengthen the essential principles upon
which they are founded, when it shall be needful, falls in my opinion
within those solemn obligations.
I hope, fellow-citizens, that what I am now about to say will not be
deemed improper.
I have been accustomed to speak my mind upon matters of great moment to
our common country with freedom; and every citizen of the United States
has the same right that I have. I may never hereafter have an
opportunity of publicly expressing my opinion on the Treaty made with
the Court of London: I am therefore constrained with all due respect to
our Constituted Authority to declare, that the Treaty appears to me to
be pregnant with evil. It controuls some of the powers specially vested
in Congress for the security of the people; and I fear that it may
restore to Great Britain such an influence over the Government and
people of this country as may not be consistent with the general
welfare. This subject however it is expected will come before the
Congress whose immediate province it is to discuss it, and to
determine, so far as it may be in their power, as they shall think, for
the safety and welfare of the people.
I shall use my best endeavor to dispatch the business which you shall
lay before me. And it is my cordial wish that all your decisions may
tend to the prosperity of the Commonwealth, and afford to you the most
agreeable reflections.
SAMUEL ADAMS.
TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS.
MAY 31, 1796.
[Independent Chronicle, June 2, 1796; two texts are in the
Massachusetts Archives.]
FELLOW CITIZENS,
It is not my intention to interrupt your business by a lengthy Address.
I have requested a meeting with you at this time, principally with a
view of familiarizing the several branches of government with each
other, of cultivating harmony in sentiment upon constitutional
principles, and cherishing that mutual friendship which always invites
a free discussion in matters of important concern.
The Union of the States is not less important than that of the several
departments of each of them. We have all of us recently laid ourselves
under a sacred obligation to defend and support our Federal and State
Constitutions: A principal object in the establishment of the former,
as it is expressed in the preamble, was "to form a more perfect Union:"
To preserve this Union entire, and transmit it unbroken to posterity,
is the duty of the People of United America, and it is for their
lasting interest, their public safety and welfare. Let us then be
watchful for the preservation of the Union, attentive to the
fundamental principles of our free Constitutions, and careful in the
application of those principles in the formation of our laws, lest that
great object which the people had in view in establishing the
independence of our country, may be imperceptibly lost.
The Members of the General Court, coming from all parts of the
Commonwealth, must be well acquainted with the local circumstances and
wants of the citizens; to alleviate and provide for which, it is
presumed you will diligently enquire into the state of the
Commonwealth, and render such Legislative aid as may be found
necessary, for the promoting of useful improvements, and the
advancement of those kinds of industry among the people, which
contribute to their individual happiness, as well as that of the
public.--Honest industry, tends to the increase of sobriety, temperance
and all the moral and political virtues--I trust also that you will attend
to the general police of the Commonwealth, by revising and making such
laws and ordinances, conformably to our Constitution, as in your wisdom
you may think further necessary to secure as far as possible, the
safety and prosperity of the people at large.
It is yours, Fellow Citizens, to legislate, and mine only to revise
your bills, under limited and qualified powers; and I rejoice, that
they are thus limited:-- These are features which belong to a free
government alone.
I do not, I ought not to forget that there are other important duties
constitutionally attached to the Supreme Executive--I hope I shall be
enabled within my department, with the continued advice of a wise and
faithful Council, so to act my part, as that a future retrospect of my
conduct may afford me consoling reflections; and that my administration
may be satisfactory to reasonable and candid men, and finally meet with
the approbation of God, the Judge of all.--May his wisdom preside in all
our Councils and deliberations, and lead to such decisions as may be
happily adapted to confirm and perpetuate the public liberty, and
secure the private and personal rights of the citizens from suffering
any injury.
I shall further communicate to you by subsequent message as occasion
may offer.
SAMUEL ADAMS.
PROCLAMATION.
OCTOBER 6, 1796
[Independent Chronicle, October 17, 1796.]
Published by Authority [Seal] Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
BY THE GOVERNOR.
A PROCLAMATION FOR A DAY OF PUBLIC THANKSGIVING.
WHEREAS it has pleased God, the Father of all Mercies, to bestow upon
us innumerable unmerited favours in the course of the year past; it
highly becomes us duly to recollect his goodness, and in a public and
solemn manner to express the greatful feelings of our hearts:
I have therefore thought fit, with the advice and consent of the
Council, to appoint THURSDAY the 15th day of December next, to be
observed as a Day of PUBLIC THANKSGIVING and PRAISE to our Divine
BENEFACTOR throughout this Commonwealth--Calling upon the Ministers of the
Gospel, with their respective Congregations, and the whole body of the
People, religiously to observe the said Day by celebrating the Praises
of that all-gracious Being, of whose Bounty we have experienced so
large a share.
He hath prevented Epidemical Diseases from spreading, and afforded us a
general state of Health. He hath regarded our Pastures and Fields with
an Eye of the most indulgent Parent, and rewarded the Industry of our
Husbandmen with a plentiful Harvest.
Notwithstanding the unreasonable obstructions to our trade on the seas,
it has generally been prosperous and our fisheries successful.
Our civil Constitutions of Government, formed by ourselves, and
administered by Men of our own free Election, are by His Grace
continued to us. And we still enjoy the inestimable Blessings of the
Gospel and right of worshipping God according to His own Institutions
and the honest dictates of our Consciences.
And, together with our thanksgiving, earnest Supplication to God is
hereby recommended for the forgiveness of our Sins which have rendered
us unworthy of the least of his Mercies; and that by the sanctifying
influence of his Spirit, our hearts and manners may be corrected, and
we become a reformed and happy People--That he would direct and prosper
the Administration of the Government of the United States, and of this
and the other States in the Union. That he would still afford his
Blessings on our Trade, Agriculture, Fisheries and all the labours of
our hands. That he would smile upon our University, and all Seminaries
of Learning--That Tyranny and Usurpation may everywhere come to an end--That
the Nations who are contending for true liberty may still be succeeded
by his Almighty aid--That every Nation and Society of Men may be inspired
with the knowledge and feeling of their natural and just rights, and
enabled to form such systems of Civil Government as shall be fully
adopted to promote and establish their Social Security and Happiness--And,
finally, that in the course of God's Holy Providence, the great Family
of Mankind may bow to the sceptre of the Prince of Peace so that mutual
Friendship and Harmony may universally prevail.
And I do recommend to the People of this Commonwealth to abstain from
all such Labours and Recreations as may not be consistent with the
Solemnity of the said Day.
Given at the Council Chamber in Boston, this sixth day of October, in
the year of our Lord, one Thousand seven Hundred and Ninety-six, and in
the twenty-first Year of the Independence of the United States of
America.
SAMUEL ADAMS.
Attest
JOHN AVERY, Sec'ry
GOD save the Commonwealth of Massachusetts!
TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS.
NOVEMBER 17,1796.
[Independent Chronicle, November 21, 1796; two texts are in the
Massachusetts Archives.]
You are sensible, Fellow Citizens, that the principal motive which
induced your adjournment to the 16th current, was to transact the
business prescribed by law, respecting the Electors of a President and
Vice-President of the United States of America.
Not being able to determine in my own mind, whether you would probably
be inclined to begin the business of a winter session at this season,
or not, I did, by the advice of the Council, appoint a later day for a
Public Thanksgiving, than has been usual; intending thereby, to afford
you an opportunity to finish the business above mentioned, and, if you
should then think it proper, keep the festival in your respective
families. This matter, however, it becomes me to leave to your own
discretion. Which ever, you may determine upon, while you continue this
session, I will endeavour to finish the business which you may lay
before me, with all convenient dispatch, always considering, that
harmony and union among the several branches and governmental powers,
consistent with their respective Constitutional rights and duties, to
be essential to the security and welfare of our constituents at large.
SAMUEL ADAMS.
TO THE SENATE OF MASSACHUSETTS.
NOVEMBER 23, 1796.
[Independent Chronicle, November 28, 1796.]
GENTLEMEN OF THE SENATE,
HAVING had before me a Resolve of the 22d inst. providing for filling
up any vacancies in the Electors of President and Vice President of the
United States, which may be occasioned by death or resignation before
the time of their meeting for the purpose of giving their suffrages,
have prematurely approved the same; since which, having more fully
considered the subject, I find a strong objection operating upon my
mind, and I have erased my name: That the Electors chosen by the People
and their Representatives for the great and important purpose of
electing a President and Vice-President of the United States, should
have the power of filling up vacancies in their own body, under any
circumstances whatever, appears to be dangerous to the Liberties of the
People, and ought not to form a precedent in a free government. If upon
further deliberation you should be of my opinion, I shall be happy to
concur with you, in a mode more consonant to the spirit of our
government.
SAMUEL ADAMS.
TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS.
NOVEMBER 24, 1796.
[Independent Chronicle, November 28, 1796 , a text is in the
Massachusetts Archives, and a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers,
Lenox Library.]
Gentlemen of the Senate,
and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives.
BY a Message, which I yesterday laid before the Senate, I gave a full,
free and candid account of my proceedings respecting a Resolve of the
two Houses, for filling up vacancies which may possibly happen in the
Electors of President and Vice-President of the United States.
My mode of conduct on this occasion, I know is, and I flatter myself,
will be considered, to be as well the result of an ardent wish to
preserve free, important and secure the Elections of those very
important Officers, as a desire to dispatch the business at this
juncture before the Legislature.--I wish to promote the true interest of
my country--I have no other object in view; and therefore, it can be of no
consequence to me, in what mode this question is discussed nor in what
form your opinions shall be expressed. I am not, at present, for
supporting the idea that after the Resolve had been signed by me, and
delivered to the Secretary, that it was not a formal act of government.
Be that as it may--the question is now properly before the General Court,
and if the Resolve, to which I have made an objection, was, under all
considerations an Act of the Government upon my signing the same, the
only question now is whether it ought to be repealed, and another
provision made for the same object?
My objection to the Resolve, or my reason why it should be repealed,
(if it is one) is, that a delegation by the Legislature to the Electors
appointed by the Citizens in their individual capacity for the Election
of President and Vice President, to fill up vacancies in their own
number, by death or resignation, is a dangerous power, and tends to the
establishing a dangerous Precedent; but should my fellow citizens of
the Senate and House, think differently from me, while I shall feel
quite contented with your decision, I shall be happy, that I have
candidly acknowledged an error in signing that Resolve, and yet done,
with firmness, what has appeared to me as the true interest of the
State of which I am a Member, and of a Nation of which I am a Citizen.
SAMUEL ADAMS.
1797
TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS.
JANUARY 27, 1797.
[Independent Chronicle, January 30, 1797; a text is in the
Massachusetts Archives].
FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS,
SINCE your last adjournment, the President of the United States has
officially announced to the Legislature of the Union his determination
to retire from the cares of public life.--When a citizen so distinguished
by his country withdraws himself from the Councils of the Nation, and
retires to peaceful repose, it must afford very pleasurable feelings in
his own mind, to be conscious of the good will of the people towards
him--how much more consoling must his feelings be, in reflecting that he
has served them many years with purity of intention and disinterested
zeal. We sincerely wish him tranquility in his retirement and strong
consolation in the latter stage of life.
In pursuance of the provision in the Constitution, the people have
recently exercised their own sovereign power in the election of another
President. Elections to offices, even in the smallest Corporations, are
and ought to be deemed highly important; of how much more importance is
it, that elections to the highest offices in our extensive Republic,
should be conducted in a manner and with a spirit becoming a free,
virtuous and enlightened people, who justly estimate the value of their
sacred rights. In the late elections, the people have turned their
attention to several citizens, who have rendered eminent services to
our federal Commonwealth in exalted stations. Upon which ever of the
Candidates the lot may have fallen, the people have reason to expect,
that his administration will be strictly conformable to the letter and
true intent of the Constitution, that it may long continue to be the
guarantee of our freely elective Republican Government.--On fair and
uncontrouled elections, depend, under God, the whole superstructure of
our government--should corruption ever insert itself in our elections,
there would be great danger of corruption in our governments.--Although it
is not long since the subject of elections was under the consideration
of the Legislature, and a law passed for the purpose of further
security to the people in the free exercise of this invaluable right;
yet give me leave to suggest for your consideration, whether still
further securities may not be provided, so that the rightful electors
may not be frustrated in their honest intentions. That elections may
not be contaminated by strangers, or unqualified persons, may it not be
necessary that every man may be known, as far as possible, when he
presents himself to give his vote; this may be more especially
important in our seaports and other populous towns, in which many
foreigners of all sorts frequently reside. I would be far from
dictating to you, but I would submit to your judgment whether,
considering the liberality of this country to foreigners, and the
frequency of their naturalizations, it may not be eligible that such
foreigners should be required when they offer their votes to the
Selectmen of the towns, to produce authentic certificates from the
Courts, by which they were endowed with so high a privilege, as a test
of their citizenship. As Piety, Religion and Morality have a happy
influence on the minds of men, in their public as well as private
transactions, you will not think it unseasonable, although I have
frequently done it, to bring to your remembrance the great importance
of encouraging our University, town schools, and other seminaries of
education, that our children and youth while they are engaged in the
pursuit of useful science, may have their minds impressed with a strong
sense of the duties they owe to their God, their instructors and each
other, so that when they arrive to a state of manhood, and take a part
in any public transactions, their hearts having been deeply impressed
in the course of their education with the moral feelings--such feelings
may continue and have their due weight through the whole of their
future lives.