Commonwealth.--A well regulated militia "held in an exact subordination to
the civil authority and governed by it," is the most safe defence of a
Republic.--In our Declaration of Rights, which expresses the sentiments of
the people, the people have a right to keep and bear arms for the
common defence. The more generally therefore they are called out to be
disciplined, the stronger is our security. No man I should think, who
possesses a true republican spirit, would decline to rank with his
fellow-citizens, on the fancied idea of a superiority in circumstances:
This might tend to introduce fatal distinctions in our country. We can
all remember the time when our militia, far from being disciplined, as
they are at present, kept a well appointed hostile army for a
considerable time confined to the capital; and when they ventured out,
indeed they took possession of the ground they aimed at, yet they
ventured to their cost, and never forgot the battle of Bunker Hill. The
same undisciplined militia under the command and good conduct of
General Washington, continued that army confined in or near the
capital, until they thought proper to change their position and
retreated with haste to Halifax.--If the Militia of the Commonwealth can
be made still more effective, I am confident that you will not delay a
measure of so great magnitude. I beg leave to refer you to the
seventeenth article in our Declaration of Rights, which respects the
danger of standing armies in time of peace. I hope we shall ever have
virtue enough to guard against their introduction.--But may we not hazard
the safety of our Republic should we ever constitute, under the name of
a select militia, a small body to be disciplined in a camp with all the
pomp & splendor of a regular army? Would such an institution be likely
to be much less dangerous to our free government and to the morals of
our youth, than if they were actually enlisted for permanent service?
And would they not as usual in standing armies feel a distinct interest
from that of our fellow-citizens at large? The great principles of our
present militia system are undoubtedly good, constituting one simple
body, and embracing so great a proportion of the citizens as will
prevent a separate interest among them, inconsistent with the welfare
of the whole.--Those principles, however, I conceive should equally apply
to all the active citizens, within the age prescribed by law.--All are
deeply interested in the general security; and where there are no
invidious exemptions, partial distinctions or privileged bands, every
Man, it is presumed, would pride himself in the right of bearing arms,
and affording his personal appearance in common with his
fellow-citizens. If upon examination you shall find, that the duties
incident to our present system bear harder on one class of citizens,
than on another, you will undoubtedly endeavour, as far as possible, to
equalize its burthens.
FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS,
I THINK it a duty incumbent upon me to acquaint you, and our
fellow-citizens at large, that having arrived to a stage of life,
marked in holy writ, and verified by constant experience, as a time of
labour and sorrow; it is highly proper both upon my own account, as
well as that of the public, to decline the future suffrages of my
fellow-citizens for the office I have now the honor to sustain.1 I have
had this in contemplation near a twelve month past. The infirmities of
age render me an unfit person in my own opinion, and very probably in
the opinion of others, to continue in this station; and I mention it
now, that those of the electors who may probably be too warmly attached
to me, may not nullify their own votes by giving them for me. I have
always been convinced that many others might have been found to fill my
place with greater advantage to the Commonwealth than is now or ever
has been in my power.--In the Civil Department during the times of War and
of Peace, I have served her in various stations to the best of my
ability, and I hope with general approbation; and I can say with truth,
that I have not enriched myself in her service.--My warmest thanks are
justly due to my constituents for the confidence they have repeatedly
placed in me.--When I shall be released from the burthens of my public
station, I shall not forget my country.-- Her welfare and happiness, her
peace and prosperity, her liberty and independence will always have a
great share in the best wishes of my heart.
I will endeavour to consider the business you may lay before me with
fidelity and dispatch. SAMUEL ADAMS.2
1 In May, 1797, Adams was succeeded as governor by Increase Sumner.
2 There are in the Massachusetts Archives additional papers by Adams
which have here been omitted, but certain of which may well be noted,
as follows: 1782, October 15, statement as to funds for South Carolina
and Georgia; 1790, May 28, letter accepting office of Lieutenant
Governor; 1794, February 3, veto message; 1795, February 18, veto
message; 1795, June 12, message on the resignation of Major General
Lithgow; 1795, June 17, message upon the election of an additional
major general; 1795, June 22, message as to suspicious vessel in Boston
Harbor; 1796, February 2, message on petition of Willard Griffith;
1796, February 24, message as to suit on bond of S. Ely; 1796, February
27, message as to vacancies in excise offices; 1796, June I, message as
to the Massachusetts-Connecticut boundary; 1796, June I, message as to
troubles in Hancock County; 1796, November 22, message as to vacancies
in Council; 1797, February 1, message on the militia system; 1797,
February 13, message on the Nantucket Bank.
The Independent Chronicle contains the following papers which have not
been used: 1794, June 27, proclamation upon rioting in Boston; 1795,
June 21, proclamation as to the burning of the "Betsey"; 1795, June 26,
proclamation offering a reward in connection with the "Betsey."
The Life of Samuel Adams, by W. V. Wells, vol. iii., pp. 379-381,
contains the will of Samuel Adams, dated December 29, 1790, and also a
number of letters printed only in part, which have not been used.
There have also been omitted a number of relatively unimportant papers,
such as a brief committee report of November 30, 1785 (Manuscript
Documents, 1785, Boston City Clerk's office); a brief letter to
Elbridge Gerry, recommending Thomas Melville, February 20, 1789 (Emmet
Papers, Lenox Library); a note of introduction to John Adams, June 18,
1782 (Washburn Papers, Massachusetts Historical Society); two letters
to Thomas McKean, November 7, 1781, and June 7, 1782, and one to
Woodbury Langdon, September 1, 1784 (Library of the Historical Society
of Pennsylvania); a note of introduction to Richard Henry Lee, December
9, 1784 (Lee Papers, American Philosophical Society); and a brief note
to Rochambeau, May, 17, 1794 (Library of Congress). A few original
manuscripts, such as a letter of November 8, 1784, to John Avery and a
letter of January 22, 1794, to George Clinton, have passed into private
hands at auction sales. Certain manuscripts have been withheld by their
owners; but in most instances the entire text of the same has been
available, so that it is believed that all the important existing
materials of Adams have been comprised in these volumes.
PROCLAMATION.
MARCH 20, 1797.
[Independent Chronicle, March 30, 1797; the text is in W. V. Wells,
Life of Samuel Adams, vol. iii., pp. 365, 366.]
By Authority. Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
BY THE GOVERNOR,
A PROCLAMATION FOR A DAY OF SOLEMN FASTING AND PRAYER.
IT having been the invariable practice derived from the days of our
renowned ancestors, at this season of the year to set apart a Day of
Public Fasting and Prayer: And the practice appearing to be in itself
productive, if well improved, of happy effects on the public mind--
I have therefore thought fit, by & with the advice and consent of the
Council, to appoint Thursday, the FOURTH day of May next ensuing, to be
observed and improved throughout this Commonwealth for the purpose of
PUBLIC FASTING AND PRAYER: Earnestly recommending to the Ministers of
the Gospel with their respective Congregations then to assemble
together and seriously to consider, and with one united voice confess
our past sins and transgressions, with holy resolutions, by the Grace
of God, to turn our feet into the path of His Law-- Humbly beseeching him
to endue us with all the Christian Spirit of Piety, Benevolence and the
Love of our Country; and that in all our public deliberations we may be
possessed of a sacred regard to the fundamental principles of our free
elective civil Constitutions--That we may be preserved from consuming
Fires and all other desolating Judgments.
And as at this season the general business of the year commences, it
seems highly proper humbly to implore the divine blessing on our
Husbandry, Trade, and Fishery, and all the labour of our hands--On our
University and Schools of Education--On the Administration of the
Government of the United States and of this and the other States of the
Union --On the foreign relations of the United States; and in a particular
manner that all misunderstanding between them and a Sister Republic may
be happily, so adjusted as to prevent an open Rupture, and establish
Peace.
And as it is our duty to extend our wishes to the happiness of the
great Family of Man, I concede we cannot better express ourselves than
by humbly supplicating the Supreme Ruler of the World--That the rod of
tyrants may be broken into pieces, and the oppressed made Free--That wars
may cease in all the Earth, and that the confusions that are and have
been among the Nations may be overruled for the promoting and speedily
bringing on that holy and happy period, when the Kingdom of our Lord
and Saviour Jesus Christ may be everywhere established, and all the
people willingly bow to the Sceptre of Him who is the Prince of Peace.
And I do hereby recommend that all unnecessary labour and recreation
may be suspended on the said day.
Given at the Council Chamber in Boston, this 20th day of March, in the
Year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and Ninety seven, and in
the twenty first Year of the Independence of the United States of
America.
SAMUEL ADAMS.
Attest, JOHN AVERY, Secretary.
GOD SAVE THE COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS!
TO JOHN ADAMS.
[MS., Adams Papers, Quincy.]
BOSTON April 17th 1797
SIR
I am loth to trespass one moment upon your time, which at present must
be very precious. But I am induced even to offer Mr Wyllys this
recommendatory Letter to you. He is a native of our Commonwealth, and
lately a traveller in Europe. Tho his travels have been merely on
Mercantile Business, he appears to be very intelligent, observing, and
impartial. He has seen Italy; and conversed among others with Genl
Buonoparte and the Pope. He has visited a number of the Italian States,
also Algiers and France.--I flatter myself you will be pleased with his
conversation and hope you will find it usefull to you. This is the only
motive for my addressing a Letter to you at this Time. I congratulate
you as the first Citizen of the United States--I may add of the World. I
am my dear Sir, notwithstanding I have been otherwise represented in
party papers.
Your Old and unvaried Friend,
1801
TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.
[MS., Library of Congress; a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox
Library.]
BOSTON, April 24th, 1801
MY VERY DEAR FRIEND
Your Letter of the 29th of March came duly to my hand. I sincerely
congratulate our Country on the arrival of the day of Glory which has
called you to the first office in the administration of our federal
Government. Your warm feeling of friendship must certainly have carried
you to a higher tone of expression than my utmost merits will bear. If
I have at any time been avoided or frowned upon, your kind ejaculation
in the language of the most perfect friend of Man, surpasses every
injury. The Storm is now over, and we are in port, and I dare say, the
ship will be rigged for her proper service; she must also be well man'd
and very carefully officered. No man can be fit to sustain an office
who cannot consent to the principles by which he must be governed. With
you, I hope, we shall once more see harmony restored; but after so
severe and long a storm, it will take a proportionate time to still the
raging of the waves. The World has been governed by prejudice and
passion, which never can be friendly to truth; and while you nobly
resolve to retain the principles of candour and of justice, resulting
from a free elective Representative Government, such as they have been
taught to hate and despise; you must depend upon being hated yourself,
because they hate your principles, not a man of them dare openly to
despise you; your inaugural speech, to say nothing of your eminent
services to the acceptance of our Country, will secure you from
contempt. It may require some time before the great body of our fellow
citizens will settle in harmony good humour and peace. When deep
prejudices shall be removed in some, the self interestedness of others
shall cease and many honest Men, whose minds for want of better
information have been clouded, shall return to the use of their own
understanding, the happy and wished for time will come. The Eyes of the
people have too generally been fast closed from the view of their own
happiness, such alass has been always the lot of Man! but Providence,
who rules the World, seems now to be rapidly changing the sentiments of
Mankind in Europe and America. May Heaven grant that the principles of
Liberty and virtue, truth and justice may pervade the whole Earth. I
have a small circle of intimate friends, among whom Doctr Charles
Jarvis is one; he is a man of much information and great integrity. I
heartily wish there may be an epistolary correspondence between him and
you. I should have written this Letter before, had not my faithfull
friend and amanuensis John Avery, who is your friend as well as mine,
been occupied in the business of his office of Secretary of this
Commonwealth, which he attends with great punctuality and integrity. It
is not in my power my dear friend, to give you council; an Old Man is
apt to flatter himself, that he stands upon an equal footing with
younger Men; he indeed cannot help feeling that the powers of his Mind,
as well as his body are weakened; but he relies upon his memory, and
fondly wishes his young friends to think that he can instruct them by
his Experience, when in all probability he has forgot every trace of
it, that was worth his memory. Be assured, that my esteem for you is as
cordial, if possible, as yours is to me. Though an Old Man cannot
advise you, he can give you his Blessing. You have devoutly my Blessing
and my Prayers.
My dear Mrs. Adams will not suffer me to close this Letter, till I let
you know, that she recollects the pleasure and entertainment you
afforded us, when you was about to embark for France, and hopes that
your administration may be happy to yourself and prosperous to our
Country.
TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.
[MS., Library of Congress , a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers,
Lenox Library.]
BOSTON Novemr 18th 1801
MY DEAR FRIEND
Doctr Eustis will be so kind as to deliver you this Letter.--I am
persuaded you will find him a man of a candid and fair Mind and liberal
sentiments.
I congratulate you on the return of Peace. The War both in America and
Europe was designed by Tyrant Kings to exterminate those rights and
liberties which the Gracious Creator has granted to Man, and to sink
the happiness resulting therefrom in ruin and oblivion.--Is there not, my
friend, reason to believe, that the principles of Democratic
Republicanism are already better understood than they were before; and
that by the continued efforts of Men of Science and Virtue, they will
extend more and more till the turbulent and destructive Spirit of War
shall cease?--The proud oppressors over the Earth shall be totally broken
down and those classes of Men who have hitherto been the victims of
their rage and cruelty shall perpetually enjoy perfect Peace and Safety
till time shall be no more.
I am
Your cordial friend
1802
TO THOMAS PAINE
[W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol iii , pp 372, 373]
BOSTON, November 30, 1802.
SIR,--
I have frequently with pleasure reflected on your services to my native
and your adopted country. Your Common Sense, and your Crisis,
unquestionably awakened the public mind, and led the people loudly to
call for a declaration of our national independence. I therefore
esteemed you as a warm friend to the liberty and lasting welfare of the
human race. But when I heard you had turned your mind to a defence of
infidelity, I felt myself much astonished and more grieved, that you
had attempted a measure so injurious to the feelings and so repugnant
to the true interest of so great a part of the citizens of the United
States. The people of New England, if you will allow me to use a
Scripture phrase, are fast returning to their first love. Will you
excite among them the spirit of angry controversy at a time when they
are hastening to amity and peace? I am told that some of our newspapers
have announced your intention to publish an additional pamphlet upon
the principles of your Age of Reason. Do you think that your pen, or
the pen of any other man, can unchristianize the mass of our citizens,
or have you hopes of converting a few of them to assist you in so bad a
cause? We ought to think ourselves happy in the enjoyment of opinion,
without the danger of persecution by civil or ecclesiastical law. Our
friend, the President of the United States, has been calumniated for
his liberal sentiments by men who have attributed that liberality to a
latent design to promote the cause of infidelity. This, and all other
slanders, have been made without the least shadow of proof. Neither
religion nor liberty can long subsist in the tumult of altercation, and
amidst the noise and violence of faction. Felix qui cautus. Adieu.