dissolating contest in Europe. Permit me just to observe, that the
first and main principle which urged the Combined Powers to enter into
the contest, is in my own opinion unsupportable by reason and nature,
and in violation of the most essential right of nations and of men. The
repeated acts of violence which have been committed on the property of
American citizens, might in the opinion of some, have justified
reprisals; but the policy of the Federal Government has directed to
other measures. The wisdom of our own Councils, with the unexampled
successes of our magnanimous Ally, the Republic of France, afford the
strongest ground of hope, that under the continued smiles of Divine
Providence, peace and tranquility, so interesting to a rising Republic,
will in the end be firmly established.
The business of fortifying certain harbors within this Commonwealth,
according to an act of Congress, was left unfinished in your last
session. It is indeed probable, that the danger which produced that
measure, has nearly subsided; but the law still exists, and in my
opinion it cannot be carried into constitutional effect in this
Commonwealth, without the aid of the Legislature of the same. I am led
to this opinion by contemplating the first article of the Constitution
of the United States, which establishes the powers of Congress and
which particularly authorises them to exercise exclusive legislation in
all cases whatever, over all places purchased by the consent of the
Legislature of the States, in which the same shall be for the erection
of Forts Magazines, and other public buildings.
Those who wish to persuade the world to believe, that a free
representative Republic cannot be supported, will no doubt make use of
every art to injure, and by degrees to alter, and finally to eradicate
the principles of our free Constitutions: But the virtuous and
enlightened citizens of this Commonwealth, and of all united America,
have understanding and firmness, sufficient to support those
Constitutions of Civil Government which they have themselves formed,
and which have done them so much honor in the estimation of the world.
It is with pain that I mention the insurrection which has lately taken
place in a sister state.1 It was pointed more immediately at an act of
the Federal Government. An act of that government, as well as of the
governments in the Union, is constitutionally an act of the people, and
our Constitutions provide a safe and easy method to redress any real
grievances. No people can be more free under a Constitution established
by their own voluntary compact, and exercised by men appointed by their
own frequent suffrages. What excuse then can there be for forcible
opposition to the laws? If any law shall prove oppressive in its
operation, the future deliberations of a freely elective
Representative, will afford a constitutional remedy. But the measures
adopted by The President of the United States, supported by the virtue
of citizens of every description, in that, and the adjacent states,
have prevailed, and there is an end of the insurrection. Let the glory
be given to Him, who alone governs all events, while we express the
just feelings of respect and gratitude due to all those, whom He
honours as instruments to carry into effect his gracious designs.
I congratulate you on the success which the forces of the United
States, have lately had against the hostile Indians. It is my hearty
wish that by the blessing of Heaven, an end may be put to this
expensive war, by an agreement between the parties, upon the permanent
principles of justice, honor, good neighborhood, & true friendship.
The Constitution of this Commonwealth, having provided that the General
Court which shall be in the year of our Lord, one thousand seven
hundred and ninety five, shall issue precepts for collecting the
sentiments of the people in regard to its revision.-- And as this Court is
within the year mentioned, you will be pleased to decide, whether it
was intended by the people that this business should be done by the
General Court which shall be elected within that year, or whether it is
your duty to attend to it.
I will lay before you several papers transmitted to me by the Treasurer
and other matters which may occur during the Session by subsequent
messages.
SAMUEL ADAMS.
1 The "whisky insurrection," in Pennsylvania.
TO JEREMY BELKNAP.
[Collections of Massachusetts Historical Society, 1st ser., vol. iv.,
p. 83; a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON, March 30, 1795.
SIR,
I received your note, stating what Dr. Kippis had asserted, respecting
a recommendation of Dr. Franklin, minister from America in France, in
the year 1779, to the American cruisers, to treat Capt. Cook, on his
expected return from a voyage of discoveries, as a friend, and not an
enemy; assuring them, that in so doing, they would obtain the
approbation of Congress. But that the Doctor was mistaken, for that
assembly, at least the greater part of them, instantly reversed the
order of Dr. Franklin, and directed, that a special order should be
taken, to seize Capt. Cook, if an opportunity for doing it occurred.
You request me to give you a certificate respecting the matter, and to
express the years when I was in Congress.--I was a member from the first
sitting of Congress, in the year 1774, until the Spring of the year
1781. It was my constant practice, once in twelve or fifteen months, to
make a short visit to my constituents. In the year 1779, I was detained
in Boston a much longer time than usual, by a fit of sickness; in which
time, I constantly received from Mr. Lowell, and my other colleagues,
information of the most material transactions of Congress. I do now
declare to you, that I do not recollect, either while I was present in
Congress, or from any of my colleagues, while I was absent, that the
orders he (Dr. Franklin) had given to the American cruisers were
instantly or ever reversed, or that it was directed by Congress, that a
special order should be taken to seize Capt. Cook, if an opportunity
for so doing it occurred.
It appears to me that Dr. Kippis must have been misinformed. I am, with
respect, your friend and humble servant,
TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS.
JUNE 3, 1795.
[Independent Chronicle, June4, 1795; a text is in the Massachusetts
Archives.]
FELLOW CITIZENS,
The honor which the people have again conferred on me, by a majority of
their votes for a Governor of this respectable Commonwealth, while it
excites the warm feelings of gratitude in my heart, it reminds me of
the arduous task I am called to undertake, and the many attentions
which are requisite for a performance of the great duties of the
station. Having already been qualified agreeable to the Constitution
and Laws, next to a dependence upon Him who is the Fountain of all
Wisdom, I must rely upon your candor, and that of my Fellow Citizens at
large.
The sovereignty of a nation, always of right, resides in the body of
the People; and while they have delegated to their freely elected
Legislative, the power of exercising that sovereignty in their behalf,
the Executive department, as well as the Magistrates who are appointed
to render the Constitution efficient by carrying the laws into effect,
are no less important to the people. For what avails the making of good
and wholesome laws, unless they are duly executed. As the happiness of
civil society may in a great measure depend upon a wise and a
consistent harmony between the various branches of the Government; a
free communication may have a tendency to cultivate and extend the
blessings of friendship and good humor. Indeed our constituents, under
whose authority and for whose benefit we are to exercise the functions
of our different departments, have a right to expect from us, as their
public agents, to avow our principles and intentions, and make them
acquainted with the true situation of their public affairs.
In the addresses from the Chair, while it was filled by Royal
appointment, uniform attempts were made to strengthen the prerogatives
of the Crown, and to bring the people obsequiously at the foot of the
Throne, for privileges holden by sufferance: Surely it becomes us, in
our happy state of Independence, to turn our attentive minds to the
great objects of securing the equal rights of the citizens, and
rendering those constitutions which they have voluntarily established,
respectable and efficacious.
Our ancestors, when under the greatest hardships and perils, they
opened to us the wilderness, they took possession of, and left for us
an inheritance, one of the best countries under the sun. Amidst their
toil, and fatigue they extended their views, and early laid the
foundation of Civil Liberty. Although they had in prospect, the
instruction of future youth in all literary science, they considered
morality and real goodness of heart, as the great basis upon which the
best interests of a nation could be safely laid. Under this idea, they
also provided for the institutions of Public Worship, and the support
of teachers in Piety, Religion and Morality. The great increase of our
numbers & happiness, is a standing witness to the world, of the wisdom
of their measures. Oppressed as they were by the supercilious
haughtiness of royal prerogative, and considered as a contemptible
people at a distance from the favors of the Crown, and the flattering
smiles of courtiers, their perseverance has in effect raised us, by the
blessing of Providence, to an exalted degree of prosperity and glory.
Fellow Citizens, we have a regular exercise of our Federal and State
Governments; and we owe our unceasing gratitude to the Supreme Ruler of
the Universe, who safely carried us through our arduous struggle for
freedom, for which other nations are now contending, at the expence of
their blood and treasure. We cannot but rejoice that the principles for
which we contended, and which are constitutionally established in
United America, are irresistibly spreading themselves through two
mighty nations in Europe. We are now able to embrace those powerful
sister Republics; and what adds much to our joy on this occasion is,
that those nations became allied to us in an hour, when we were engaged
in our hard conflict with an oppressive tyranny.
We ardently wish that the nations of the earth may sheath the sword of
war, and we as ardently pray, that the equal rights of men may go hand
in hand with peace. If our Federal Government shall with magnanimity
and firmness, support the principles of a free elective Representative
Government, and our honour and faith with our allies, and yet maintain
peace with all nations upon the principles of sound policy, and terms
honourable and safe to our country, it will be an acknowledged
approximation to that perfection in practical politics, which all
people should most earnestly covet.
It is with satisfaction that I have observed the patriotic exertions of
worthy citizens, to establish Academies in various parts of this
Commonwealth. It discovers a zeal highly to be commended. But while it
is acknowledged, that great advantages have been derived from these
institutions, perhaps it may be justly apprehended, that multiplying
them, may have a tendency to injure the ancient and beneficial mode of
Education in Town Grammar Schools. The peculiar advantage of such
schools is, that the poor and the rich may derive equal benefit from
them; but none excepting the more wealthy, generally speaking, can
avail themselves of the benefits of the Academies. Should these
institutions detach the attention and influence of the wealthy, from
the generous support of town Schools, is it not to be feared that
useful learning, instruction and social feelings in the early parts of
life, may cease to be so equally and universally disseminated, as it
has heretofore been. I have thrown out these hints with a degree of
diffidence in my own mind. You will take them into your candid
consideration, if you shall think them worthy of it. In support of the
public Schools, from whence have flowed so many great benefits, our
University has from its infancy furnished them with well educated and
fit persons to fill the places of Instructors; and they, in return,
have yearly brought forward fit pupils for the further instruction of
the University.--The University therefore claims a place among the first
attentions of the public.
The citizens of the Commonwealth have lately had before them a question
of the expediency of revising, at this period, the form of our present
Constitution. The conduct of the citizens on this occasion, has given
full proof, that an enlightened, free and virtuous people, can as a
body, be the keepers of their own Liberties, and the guardians of their
own rights. On which side soever the question may have been decided, I
have the pleasure of being informed that it has been discussed with
propriety, calmness and deliberation. If the event should be in favour
of a Convention, a future revision may be made at such period as may be
most fit and convenient, and there may be opportunity, in the mean
time, for the citizens at their leisure, to make their own remarks upon
the Constitution, in its operation, and thus prepare themselves for
cool deliberation, at another revision. Should the determination be
otherwise, I think it will clearly follow, that the citizens are happy
under the present Constitution, and that they feel themselves well
assured, that if there should be a future necessity for it, they can,
in a peaceable and orderly manner, revise, alter and amend it at their
pleasure.
A compleat, perfect and permanent system of jurisprudence, is one of
the greatest blessings which our country can possess. To have justice
administered promptly and without delay, is to gather the best fruits
of a free and regular Government. Uncorrupted Juries are an effectual
guard against the violations of our rights and property. Having an
Executive annually elected, and the Legislative elected as often, the
one branch of which is the grand inquest of the Commonwealth, and the
other branch to be constituted a Court, as there may be occasion, to
try and determine upon impeachments, we may be secured against
impartiality in the fountain, and corruption in the streams of justice.
The Legislative will examine all the machinery by which the Government
acts: TOO frequent speculative experiments may tend to render the
motions unsteady, and to annex insecurity to property. Where there are
no radical defects, a long exercise of Judicial Authority, in any
particular mode, brings the feelings of the people in unison with it,
and fixes habits to which they have been accustomed.
While we expect from our Judges and Magistrates and other civil
officers that justice be administered with alacrity and impartiality,
should we not be careful that ample justice be done to them. The
administration of justice should indeed be without oppressive or
unnecessary expences on the people; but the Ministers of justice should
have an equitable reward for their services. If therefore from accident
or peculiar or temporary circumstances, the established rewards are
inadequate, I doubt not but you will determine, that what is fit and
proper, will be done. The Executive should be enabled to find men of
superior knowledge and integrity, who may be inclined to fill the
important places in the Civil Departments, as they shall become vacant.
On such appointments, the dignity and just authority of the Government
very materially depends.
The Legislative will no doubt continue to guard the public credit, by
adequate provisions for discharging the interest and finally sinking
the principal of our public debt. The sale of our vacant Lands, and the
debts due to the Treasury, will contribute to ease the people from too
great a burthen of direct taxes. The Treasurer's statements will
ascertain the demands necessary for the ensuing year.
I must intreat you to give me opportunity to revise such Bills and
Resolves as you may think proper to lay before me, to which I shall
cheerfully attend, and do all within my power to dispatch the public
business, and render the session agreeable to you, and beneficial to
the Commonwealth.
Let us, Fellow Citizens, cultivate a due observance of the Laws which
are constitutionally made by the authority of this Government, as well
as those of the Federal Government, agreeable to the Constitution of
the United States. Let us transmit our Liberties, our Equal Rights, our
Laws and our free Republican Constitutions, with their various
concomitant blessings, to those who are coming upon the stage of
action, and hope in God, that they will be handed down, in purity and
energy, to the latest posterity.
SAMUEL ADAMS.
ADDRESS
JULY 4, 1795.
[Independent Chronicle, July 6, 1795.]
FELLOW CITIZENS,
The Representatives of the people in the General Court assembled did
solemnly Resolve, that an Edifice be erected upon this spot of ground
for the purpose of holding the Public Council of the Commonwealth of
Massachusetts. By the request of their Agents and Commissioners, I do
now lay the Corner Stone.
May the Superstructure be raised even to the top Stone without any
untoward accident, and remain permanent as the everlasting mountains.--May
the principles of our excellent Constitution, founded in nature and in
the Rights of Man be ably defended here: And may the same principles be
deeply engraven on the hearts of all citizens, and thereby fixed
unimpaired and in full vigor till time shall be no more.
PROCLAMATION.
OCTOBER 14, 1795.
[Independent Chronicle, October 19, 1795.]
Published by Authority [Seal] Commonwealth of Massachusetts,
BY THE GOVERNOR.
A PROCLAMATION FOR A DAY OF PUBLIC THANKSGIVING AND PRAISE.
FORASMUCH as the occasional meeting of a People for the exercise of
Piety and Devotion towards God, more especially of those who enjoy the
Light of Divine Revelation, has a strong tendency to impress their
minds with a sense of Dependence upon HIM and their Obligations to HIM.
I have thought fit, according to the ancient and laudable Practice of
our renowned ancestors, to appoint a day of Public Thanksgiving to God,
for the great benefits which HE has been pleased to bestow upon us, in
the Year past. And I do by advice and consent of the Council, appoint
THURSDAY the Nineteenth day of November next, to be observed as a DAY
of PUBLIC THANKSGIVING and PRAISE throughout this Commonwealth: Calling
upon the Ministers of the Gospel of all Denominations, with their
respective Congregations to assemble on that Day to offer to God, their
unfained Gratitude, for his great Goodness to the People of the United
States in general, and of this Commonwealth in particular.
More especially in that he hath in his Good Providence united the
several States under a National Compact formed by themselves, whereby
they may defend themselves against external Enemies, and maintain Peace
and Harmony with each other.
That internal tranquillity has been continued within this Commonwealth;
and that the voice of Health is so generally heard in the habitations
of the People.
That the Earth has yielded her increase, so that the labours of our
industrious Husbandmen have been abundantly crowned with Plenty.
That our Fisheries have been so far prospered.--Our Trade notwithstanding
obstructions it has met with, has yet been profitable to us, and the
works of our Hands have been established.
That while other nations have been involved in War, attended with an
uncommon profusion of Human Blood, we in the course of Divine
Providence, have been preserved from so grievous a Calamity, and have
enjoyed so great a measure of the Blessing of Peace.
And I do recommend that together with our Thanksgiving, humble Prayer
may be offered to God, that we may be enabled, by the subsequent
obedience of our Hearts and Manners, to testify the sincerity of our
professions of Gratitude, in the sight of God and Man; and thus be
prepared for the Reception of future Divine Blessings.
That GOD would be pleased to Guide and Direct the Administration of the
Federal Government, and those of the several States, in Union, so that
the whole People may continue to be safe and happy in the
Constitutional enjoyment of their Rights, Liberties and Privileges, and
our Governments be greatly respected at Home and Abroad.
And while we rejoice in the Blessing of Health bestowed upon us, we
would sympathize with those of our Sister States, who are visited with
a Contagious and Mortal Disease; and fervently supplicate the FATHER of
Mercies that they may speedily be restored to a state of Health and
Prosperity.
That HE would in HIS abundant Mercy regard our fellow Citizens and
others, who are groaning under abject Slavery, in Algiers, and direct
the most effectual measures for their speedy Relief.
That HE would graciously be pleased to put an end to all Tyranny and
Usurpation, that the People who are under the Yoke of Oppression, may
be made free; and that the Nations who are contending for freedom may
still be secured by HIS Almighty Aid, and enabled under His influence
to complete wise systems of Civil Government, founded in the equal
Rights of Men and calculated to establish their permanent Security and
Welfare.
And Finally, that the Peaceful and Glorious Reign of our Divine
Redeemer may be known and enjoyed throughout the whole Family of
Mankind.
And I do recommend to the People of this Commonwealth, to abstain from
all such Labour and Recreation, as may not be consistent with the
Solemnity of the said Day.
Given at the Council-Chamber, in Boston, the fourteenth Day of October
in the Year of our LORD, One Thousand seven Hundred and Ninety-five,
and in the Twentieth Year of the Independence of the United States of
America.
SAMUEL ADAMS.
True Copy--Attest,
JOHN AVERY, jun. Sec'ry.
God save the Commonwealth of Massachusetts!
1796
TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS.
JANUARY 19, 1796.
[Independent Chronicle, January 21, 1796, two texts are in the
Massachusetts Archives.]
FELLOW CITIZENS,
I CANNOT but congratulate you upon the many blessings which the
bountiful hand of Providence has bestowed upon us since your
adjournment.
We with our Fellow Citizens at large have observed a day solemnly to
recognize these blessings; and if sincere obedience to our gracious
Benefactor, shall accompany the gratitude which we then professed, we
may humbly rely upon him that he will continue his divine favors to the
citizens at large, and direct the public councils of our Nation and
Commonwealth to such measures as shall be productive of the safety and
welfare of all.
In my former address to this General Court I mentioned the duty
required by the Constitution, frequently to revise the laws, and amend
such of them as may still be necessary to secure the lives, liberty and
property of the citizens--The importance of civil commutative justice and
the good policy of making adequate compensations to those who
administer well --and the great advantages of cherishing the interests of
literature and the sciences, and all seminaries of them among the body
of the people. Upon these I shall not now enlarge.
Agriculture and Commerce mutually depend upon each other. As foreign
markets are supplied from our fields, it is an object of importance,
that the transportation of heavy articles, and means of communication
from one part of the State to another, may be rendered as easy and
cheap as the nature of the country will admit. By the spirit of
enterprize, which so remarkably animates the citizens, countenanced by
the Legislature, much has been done and is still doing in various parts
of the Commonwealth.