"The Deposistion of James Carr. who testifieth and saith that about 20

years agoe one day as I was accidently att the house of mr wheleright

and his daughter the widdow maverick then liued there: and she then did

most curtuously invite me to com oftener to the house and wondered I

was grown such a stranger. and with in a few days affter one evening I

went thether againe: and when I came thether againe: william Bradbery

was yr who was then a suter to the said widdow but I did not know it

tell affterwards: affter I came in the widdow did so corsely treat the

sd william Bradbery that he went away semeing to be angury:[ii.233]

presently affter this I was taken affter a strange maner as if liueing

creaturs did run about euery part of my body redy to tare me to peaces

and so I continewed for about 3 qurters of a year by times & I applyed

myself to doctor Crosbe who gave me a grate deal of visek but could

make non work tho he steept tobacco in bosit drink he could make non to

work where upon he tould me that he beleved I was behaged: and I tould

him I had thought so a good while: and he asked me by hom I tould him I

did not care for spaking for one was counted an honest woman: but he

uging I tould him and he said he did beleve that mis Bradbery was a

grat deal worss then goody martin: then presently affter this one night

I being a bed & brod awake there came sumthing to me which I thought

was a catt and went to strick it ofe the bed and was sezed fast that I

could not stir hedd nor foot. but by and coming to my strenth I herd

sumthing a coming to me againe and I prepared my self to strick it: and

it coming upon the bed I did strick at it and I beleve I hit it: and

after that visek would work on me and I beleve in my hart that mis

Bradbery the prisoner att the barr has often afflected me by acts of

wicthcraft.

"_Jurat in Curia_ Sep.mr. 9. 92."[B]

[ii.234]

But the whole of George Carr's family did not sympathize in this morbid

state of prejudice, or cherish such foolish and malignant fancies,

against Mrs. Bradbury. One of the sons, William, had married, Aug. 20,

1672, Elizabeth, daughter of Robert Pike. It appears, by the following

deposition, which is in the handwriting of Major Pike, that there had

been another love affair between the families, leading to a melancholy

result, inflaming still more the morbid and malign prejudice against

Mrs. Bradbury; but William repudiated it utterly:—

"The Testimony of William Carr, aged forty-one, or thereabouts, is that

my brother John Carr, when he was young, was a man of as good capacity

as most men of his age; but falling in love with Jane True (now wife of

Captain[ii.235] John March), and my father being persuaded by [——] of

the family (which I shall not name) not to let him marry so young, my

father would not give him a portion, whereupon the match broke off,

which my brother laid so much to heart that he grew melancholy, and by

degrees much crazed, not being the man, that he was before, to his

dying day.

"I do further testify that my said brother was sick about a fortnight

or three weeks, and then died; and I was present with him when he died.

And I do affirm that he died peaceably and quietly, never manifesting

the least trouble in the world about anybody, nor did not say any thing

of Mrs. Bradbury nor anybody else doing him hurt; and yet I was with

him till the breath and life were out of his body."

The usual form, _jurat in curia_, is written at the foot of this

deposition, but evidently by a much later hand; and this leads me to

mention the improbability that any testimony in favor of the accused

ever reached the Court at the trials. They had no counsel: the

attorney-general had prejudged all the cases; and his mind and those of

the judges repudiated utterly any thing like an investigation. Every

friendly voice was silenced. The doors were closed against the defence.

Robert Pike, an assistant under the old and a councillor under the new

government, endeavored in vain to enter them.

William Carr was a person of great respectability, and bore the

appointment, by the General Court, of land-surveyor for the towns in

the northern part of the present county of Essex.

The member of the family who—as stated in the[ii.236] foregoing

deposition—prevented the match, all the circumstances seem to indicate,

was Mrs. Ann Putnam. She perhaps had experienced the effects of a too

early marriage, bringing the burden of life upon the constitution and

the character before they are mature enough to bear it. She may have

attributed to this cause the troubles and trials with which her cup had

been so bitterly filled, and the blasting of the happiness of her

youth. Half deranged, as perpetual excitement from the parish quarrels

in reference to Mr. Bayley had made her, she may have become morbidly

opposed to the equally early marriage of a brother. Added to this was

the fact that Henry True had married one of Mrs. Bradbury's daughters,

and that Jane True was his sister. It cannot be doubted that she

entertained the same ideas about Mrs. Bradbury as her father and

brothers, James and Richard; and, for this reason, also opposed the

match of her brother John. Wishing to be relieved from the

self-reproach of having caused his derangement and death, when the

witchcraft delusion broke out at Salem Village and she became wholly

absorbed by it, as all other deaths and misfortunes were ascribed to

it, she avowed and maintained the belief, as some had suspected at the

time, that the happiness, health, reason, and life of her brother had

been destroyed by diabolical agency, practised by Mrs. Bradbury.

In the state of things long subsisting between the Bradbury and Carr

families, we find an explanation of the movement made against Mrs.

Bradbury. Young[ii.237] Ann Putnam may have often heard her

unpleasantly spoken of by her mother, and it was natural that she

should have "cried out against her."

The family of Mrs. Ann Putnam seem to have had constitutional traits

that illustrate and explain her own character and conduct. They were

excitable and sensitive to an extraordinary degree. Their judgment,

reason, and physical systems, were subject to the power of their

fancies and affections. One of her brothers, in consequence of being

badly coquetted with and jilted by a young widow, was thrown into an

awful condition of body and mind "for about three-quarters of a year."

The reason, health, and heart of another were broken; and he sunk into

an early grave, in consequence of having been crossed in love. The

death of her sister Bayley may have been caused by the unhappy

controversies in the village parish. We have seen, and shall see, the

all but maniac condition to which excitement brought her own mind. At

last, the heaviest blow that can fall upon a fond wife suddenly snapped

the brittle cord of her life. These considerations must be borne in

mind, while we attempt to explain her conduct, and should throw the

weight of pity and charity into the scales, if mortal judgment ventures

to estimate her guilt. They are known to the Infinite Mind, and never

overlooked by divine mercy.

I have introduced these singular private details to illustrate what the

documents all along show,—that the proceedings against persons charged

with witch[ii.238]craft, in 1692, were instigated by all sorts of

personal grudges and private piques, many of them of long standing,

fomented and kept alive by an unhappy indulgence of unworthy feelings,

always ready to mix themselves with popular excitements, and leading

all concerned headlong to the utmost extent of mischief and wrong.

The case of Mary Bradbury has been allowed to occupy so large a space,

because I desire to disabuse the public mind of a great error on this

subject. It has been too much supposed, that the sufferers in the

witchcraft delusion were generally of the inferior classes of society,

and particularly ignorant and benighted. They were the very reverse.

They mostly belonged to families in the better conditions of life, and,

many of them, to the highest social level. They were all persons of

great moral firmness and rectitude, as was demonstrated by their

bearing under persecutions and outrage, and when confronting the

terrors of death. Their names do not deserve reproach, and their

memories ought to be held in honor.

The following account of the examination of Elizabeth Cary of

Charlestown, given by her husband, Captain Cary, a shipmaster, has the

highest interest, as written at the time by one who was an eye-witness,

and participated in the sufferings of the occasion:—

"May 24.—I having heard, some days, that my wife was accused of

witchcraft; being much disturbed at it, by advice went to Salem

Village, to see if the afflicted knew her: we arrived there on the 24th

of May. It happened[ii.239] to be a day appointed for examination;

accordingly, soon after our arrival, Mr. Hathorne and Mr. Corwin, &c.,

went to the meeting-house, which was the place appointed for that work.

The minister began with prayer; and, having taken care to get a

convenient place, I observed that the afflicted were two girls of about

ten years old, and about two or three others of about eighteen: one of

the girls talked most, and could discern more than the rest.

"The prisoners were called in one by one, and, as they came in, were

cried out at, &c. The prisoners were placed about seven or eight feet

from the justices, and the accusers between the justices and them. The

prisoners were ordered to stand right before the justices, with an

officer appointed to hold each hand, lest they should therewith afflict

them: and the prisoners' eyes must be constantly on the justices; for,

if they looked on the afflicted, they would either fall into fits, or

cry out of being hurt by them. After an examination of the prisoners,

who it was afflicted these girls, &c., they were put upon saying the

Lord's Prayer, as a trial of their guilt. After the afflicted seemed to

be out of their fits, they would look steadfastly on some one person,

and frequently not speak; and then the justices said they were struck

dumb, and after a little time would speak again: then the justices said

to the accusers, 'Which of you will go and touch the prisoner at the

bar?' Then the most courageous would adventure, but, before they had

made three steps, would ordinarily fall down as in a fit: the justices

ordered that they should be taken up and carried to the prisoner, that

she might touch them; and as soon as they were touched by the accused,

the justices would say, 'They are well,' before I could discern any

alteration,—by which I observed that the justices understood the manner

of it.[ii.240] Thus far I was only as a spectator: my wife also was

there part of the time, but no notice was taken of her by the

afflicted, except once or twice they came to her, and asked her name.

But I, having an opportunity to discourse Mr. Hale (with whom I had

formerly acquaintance), I took his advice what I had best do, and

desired of him that I might have an opportunity to speak with her that

accused my wife; which he promised should be, I acquainting him that I

reposed my trust in him. Accordingly, he came to me after the

examination was over, and told me I had now an opportunity to speak

with the said accuser, Abigail Williams, a girl eleven or twelve years

old; but that we could not be in private at Mr. Parris's house, as he

had promised me: we went therefore into the alehouse, where an Indian

man attended us, who, it seems, was one of the afflicted; to him we

gave some cider: he showed several scars, that seemed as if they had

been long there, and showed them as done by witchcraft, and acquainted

us that his wife, who also was a slave, was imprisoned for witchcraft.

And now, instead of one accuser, they all came in, and began to tumble

down like swine; and then three women were called in to attend them. We

in the room were all at a stand to see who they would cry out of; but

in a short time they cried out 'Cary;' and, immediately after, a

warrant was sent from the justices to bring my wife before them, who

were sitting in a chamber near by, waiting for this. Being brought

before the justices, her chief accusers were two girls. My wife

declared to the justices, that she never had any knowledge of them

before that day. She was forced to stand with her arms stretched out. I

requested that I might hold one of her hands, but it was denied me:

then she desired me to wipe the tears from her eyes, and the sweat from

her[ii.241] face, which I did; then she desired she might lean herself

on me, saying she should faint. Justice Hathorne replied she had

strength enough to torment these persons, and she should have strength

enough to stand. I speaking something against their cruel proceedings,

they commanded me to be silent, or else I should be turned out of the

room. The Indian before mentioned was also brought in, to be one of her

accusers; being come in, he now (when before the justices) fell down,

and tumbled about like a hog, but said nothing. The justices asked the

girls who afflicted the Indian: they answered she (meaning my wife),

and that she now lay upon him. The justices ordered her to touch him,

in order to his cure, but her head must be turned another way, lest,

instead of curing, she should make him worse by her looking on him, her

hand being guided to take hold of his; but the Indian took hold of her

hand, and pulled her down on the floor in a barbarous manner: then his

hand was taken off, and her hand put on his, and the cure was quickly

wrought. I being extremely troubled at their inhuman dealings, uttered

a hasty speech, 'That God would take vengeance on them, and desired

that God would deliver us out of the hands of unmerciful men.' Then her

_mittimus_ was writ. I did with difficulty and charge obtain the

liberty of a room, but no beds in it; if there had been, could have

taken but little rest that night. She was committed to Boston prison;

but I obtained a _habeas corpus_ to remove her to Cambridge prison,

which is in our county of Middlesex. Having been there one night, next

morning the jailer put irons on her legs (having received such a

command); the weight of them was about eight pounds: these irons and

her other afflictions soon brought her into con[ii.242]vulsion fits, so

that I thought she would have died that night. I sent to entreat that

the irons might be taken off; but all entreaties were in vain, if it

would have saved her life, so that in this condition she must continue.

The trials at Salem coming on, I went thither to see how things were

managed: and finding that the spectre evidence was there received,

together with idle, if not malicious stories, against people's lives, I

did easily perceive which way the rest would go; for the same evidence

that served for one would serve for all the rest. I acquainted her with

her danger; and that, if she were carried to Salem to be tried, I

feared she would never return. I did my utmost that she might have her

trial in our own county; I with several others petitioning the judge

for it, and were put in hopes of it: but I soon saw so much, that I

understood thereby it was not intended; which put me upon consulting

the means of her escape, which, through the goodness of God, was

effected, and she got to Rhode Island, but soon found herself not safe

when there, by reason of the pursuit after her; from thence she went to

New York, along with some others that had escaped their cruel hands,

where we found his Excellency Benjamin Fletcher, Esq., Governor, who

was very courteous to us. After this, some of my goods were seized in a

friend's hands, with whom I had left them, and myself imprisoned by the

sheriff, and kept in custody half a day, and then dismissed; but to

speak of their usage of the prisoners, and the inhumanity shown to them

at the time of their execution, no sober Christian could bear. They had

also trials of cruel mockings, which is the more, considering what a

people for religion, I mean the profession of it, we have been; those

that suffered being many of[ii.243] them church members, and most of

them unspotted in their conversation, till their adversary the Devil

took up this method for accusing them.

Jonathan Cary."

The only account we have, written by one who had actually experienced,

in his own person, what it was to fall into the hands of those who got

up and carried on the prosecutions, is the following. Captain Alden had

probably been from an early stage in their operations in the eye of the

accusing girls. He was meant, perhaps, by what often fell from them

about "the tall man in Boston." We are left entirely to conjecture as

to the reason why they singled him out, as not one of them, we may be

quite sure, had ever seen him. It may be that some person who had

experienced discipline under his orders as a naval commander bore him a

grudge, and took pains to suggest his name to the girls, and provided

them with the coarse, vulgar, and ridiculous scandal they so recklessly

poured out upon him:—

"_An Account how John Alden, Sr., was dealt with at Salem Village._

"John Alden, Sr., of Boston, in the county of Suffolk, mariner, on the

twenty-eighth day of May, 1692, was sent for by the magistrates of

Salem, in the county of Essex, upon the accusation of a company of poor

distracted or possessed creatures or witches; and, being sent by Mr.

Stoughton, arrived there on the 31st of May, and appeared at Salem

Village before Mr. Gedney, Mr. Hathorne, and Mr. Corwin.

"Those wenches being present who played their jug[ii.244]gling tricks,

falling down, crying out, and staring in people's faces, the

magistrates demanded of them several times, who it was, of all the

people in the room, that hurt them. One of these accusers pointed

several times at one Captain Hill, there present, but spake nothing.

The same accuser had a man standing at her back to hold her up. He

stooped down to her ear: then she cried out, 'Alden, Alden afflicted

her.' One of the magistrates asked her if she had ever seen Alden. She

answered, 'No.' He asked her how she knew it was Alden. She said the

man told her so.

"Then all were ordered to go down into the street, where a ring was

made; and the same accuser cried out, 'There stands Alden, a bold

fellow, with his hat on before the judges: he sells powder and shot to

the Indians and French, and lies with the Indian squaws, and has Indian

papooses.' Then was Alden committed to the marshal's custody, and his

sword taken from him; for they said he afflicted them with his sword.

After some hours, Alden was sent for to the meeting-house in the

Village, before the magistrates, who required Alden to stand upon a

chair, to the open view of all the people.

"The accusers cried out that Alden pinched them then, when he stood

upon the chair, in the sight of all the people, a good way distant from

them. One of the magistrates bid the marshal to hold open Alden's

hands, that he might not pinch those creatures. Alden asked them why

they should think that he should come to that village to afflict those

persons that he never knew or saw before. Mr. Gedney bid Alden to

confess, and give glory to God. Alden said he hoped he should give

glory to God, and hoped he should never gratify the Devil: but appealed

to all that ever knew him, if they ever suspected him to be such a

person;[ii.245] and challenged any one that could bring in any thing on

their own knowledge, that might give suspicion of his being such an

one. Mr. Gedney said he had known Alden many years, and had been at sea

with him, and always looked upon him to be an honest man; but now he

saw cause to alter his judgment. Alden answered, he was sorry for that,

but he hoped God would clear up his innocency, that he would recall

that judgment again; and added, that he hoped that he should, with Job,

maintain his integrity till he died. They bid Alden look upon the

accusers, which he did, and then they fell down. Alden asked Mr. Gedney

what reason there could be given why Alden's looking upon _him_ did not

strike _him_ down as well; but no reason was given that I heard. But

the accusers were brought to Alden to touch them; and this touch, they

said, made them well. Alden began to speak of the providence of God in

suffering these creatures to accuse innocent persons. Mr. Noyes asked

Alden why he should offer to speak of the providence of God: God, by

his providence (said Mr. Noyes), governs the world, and keeps it in

peace; and so went on with discourse, and stopped Alden's mouth as to

that. Alden told Mr. Gedney that he could assure him that there was a

lying spirit in them; for I can assure you that there is not a word of

truth in all these say of me. But Alden was again committed to the

marshal, and his _mittimus_ written.

"To Boston Alden was carried by a constable: no bail would be taken for

him, but was delivered to the prison-keeper, where he remained fifteen

weeks; and then, observing the manner of trials, and evidence then

taken, was at length prevailed with to make his escape.

"Per John Alden." [ii.246]

Alden made his escape about the middle of September, at the bloodiest

crisis of the tragedy, and just before the execution of nine of the

victims, including that of Giles Corey. He is understood to have fled

to Duxbury, where his relatives secreted him. He made his appearance

among them late at night; and, on their asking an explanation of his

unexpected visit at that hour, replied that he was flying from the

Devil, and the Devil was after him. After a while, when the delusion

had abated, and people were coming to their senses, he delivered

himself up, and was bound over to the Superior Court at Boston, the

last Tuesday in April, 1693, when, no one appearing to prosecute, he,

with some hundred and fifty others, was discharged by proclamation, and

all judicial proceedings brought to a close. It is to be feared, that

ever after, to his dying day, when the subject of his experience on the

31st of May, 1692, was referred to, the old sailor indulged in rather

strong expressions in relating his reminiscences of Rev. "Mr. Nicholas

Noyes," "Mr. Bartholomew Gedney," and the "wenches" of Salem Village.

Captain John Alden was a son of John Alden, ever memorable as one of

the first founders of Plymouth Colony. He had been for more than thirty

years a resident of Boston, a member of the church, and in all respects

a leading and distinguished man. For some time, he had been commander

of the armed vessel belonging to the colony, and was a brave and

efficient officer and an able and experienced mari[ii.247]ner. He had

seen service in French and Indian wars, had acted two years before,

that is in 1690, as commissioner in conducting negotiations with the

native tribes, and, at a later period, was charged with important

trusts as a naval commander. He was a man of large property, and

seventy years of age. He was, as well he might be, utterly confounded

and amazed in finding himself charged as a principal culprit in the

Salem witchcraft. The accusing girls were evidently delighted to get

hold of such a notable and doughty character; and their tongues were

released, on the occasion, from all restraints of decorum and decency.

When the ring was formed around him "in the street," in front of Deacon

Ingersoll's door, his sword unbuckled from his side, and such foul and

vulgar aspersions cast upon his good name, he felt, no doubt, that it

would have been better to have fallen into the hands of savages of the

wilderness or pirates on the sea, than of the crowd of audacious girls

that hustled him about in Salem Village. It was a relief to his wounded

honor, and gave leisure for the workings of his indignant resentment,

to escape from them into Boston jail. Not only his old shipmate,

Bartholomew Gedney, but, as will be seen, the learned attorney-general,

who was present, and witnessed the whole affair, was fully convinced of

his guilt.

Salem Witchcraft, Volumes I and II With an Account of Salem Village and a History of Opinions on Witchcraft and Kindred Subjects · 第 47 / 72 段