the word of God in Rowley, who saith that Mr. Payson (minister of God's
word also in Rowley) and myself went, being desired, to Samuel Perly,
of Ipswich, to see their young daughter, who was visited with strange
fits; and, in her fits (as her father and mother affirmed), did mention
Goodwife How, the wife of James How, Jr., of Ipswich, as if she was in
the house, and did afflict her. When we were in the house, the child
had one of her fits, but made no mention of Goodwife How; and, when the
fit was over, and she came to herself, Goodwife How went to the child,
and took her by the hand, and asked her whether she had ever done her
any hurt; and she answered, 'No, never; and, if I did complain of you
in my fits, I knew not that I did so.' I further can affirm, upon oath,
that young Samuel Perley, brother to the afflicted girl, looked out of
a chamber window (I and the afflicted child being without doors
together), and said to his sister, 'Say Goodwife How is a witch,—say
she is a witch;' and the child spake not a word that way. But I looked
up to the window where the youth stood, and rebuked him for his
boldness to stir up his sister to accuse the said Goodwife How; whereas
she had cleared her from doing any hurt to his sister in both our
hearing; and I added, 'No wonder that the child, in her fits, did
mention Goodwife How, when her nearest relations were so frequent in
expressing their suspicions, in the child's hearing, when she was out
of her fits, that the said Goodwife How was an instrument of mischief
to the child.'"
Mr. Payson, in reference to the same occasion, deposed as
follows:[ii.219]—
"Being in Perley's house some considerable time before the said
Goodwife How came in, their afflicted daughter, upon something that her
mother spake to her with tartness, presently fell into one of her usual
strange fits, during which she made no mention (as I observed) of the
abovesaid How her name, or any thing relating to her. Some time after,
the said How came in, when said girl had recovered her capacity, her
fit being over. Said How took said girl by the hand, and asked her
whether she had ever done her any hurt. The child answered, 'No;
never,' with several expressions to that purpose."
The bearing of Elizabeth How, under accusations so cruelly and
shamefully fabricated and circulated against her, exhibits one of the
most beautiful pictures of a truly forgiving spirit and of Christlike
love anywhere to be found. Several witnesses say, "We often spoke to
her of some things that were reported of her, that gave some suspicion
of that she is now charged with; and she, always professing her
innocency, often desired our prayers to God for her, that God would
keep her in his fear, and support her under her burden. We have often
heard her speaking of those persons that raised those reports of her,
and we never heard her speak badly of them for the same; but, in our
hearing, hath often said that she desired God that he would sanctify
that affliction, as well as others, for her spiritual good." Others
testified to the same effect. Simon Chapman, and Mary, his wife, say
that "they had been acquainted with the wife of James How, Jr., as a
neighbor, for this nine or[ii.220] ten years;" that they had resided in
the same house with her "by the fortnight together;" that they never
knew any thing but what was good in her. They "found, at all times, by
her discourse, she was a woman of affliction, and mourning for sin in
herself and others; and, when she met with any affliction, she seemed
to justify God and say that it was all better than she deserved, though
it was by false accusations from men. She used to bless God that she
got good by affliction; for it made her examine her own heart. We never
heard her revile any person that hath accused her with witchcraft, but
pitied them, and said, 'I pray God forgive them; for they harm
themselves more than me. Though I am a great sinner, I am clear of
that; and such kind of affliction doth but set me to examining my own
heart, and I find God wonderfully supporting me and comforting me by
his word and promises.'"
Joseph Knowlton and his wife Mary, who had lived near her, and
sometimes in the same family with her, testified, that, having heard
the stories told about her, they were led to—
"take special notice of her life and conversation ever since. And I
have asked her if she could freely forgive them that raised such
reports of her. She told me yes, with all her heart, desiring that God
would give her a heart to be more humble under such a providence; and,
further, she said she was willing to do any good she could to those who
had done unneighborly by her. Also this I have taken notice, that she
would deny herself to do a neighbor a good turn." [ii.221]
The father of her husband,—James How, Sr., aged about ninety-four
years,—in a communication addressed to the Court, declared that—
"he, living by her for about thirty years, hath taken notice that she
hath carried it well becoming her place, as a daughter, as a wife, in
all relations, setting aside human infirmities, as becometh a
Christian; with respect to myself as a father, very dutifully; and as a
wife to my son, very careful, loving, obedient, and kind,—considering
his want of eyesight, tenderly leading him about by the hand. Desiring
God may guide your honors, ... I rest yours to serve."
The only evidence against this good woman—beyond the outcries and fits
of the "afflicted children," enacted in their usual skilful and artful
style—consisted of the most wretched gossip ever circulated in an
ignorant and benighted community. It came from people in the back
settlements of Ipswich and Topsfield, and disclosed a depth of absurd
and brutal superstition, which it is difficult to believe ever existed
in New England. So far as those living in secluded and remote
localities are regarded, this was the most benighted period of our
history. Except where, as in Salem Village, special circumstances had
kept up the general intelligence, there was much darkness on the
popular mind. The education that came over with the first emigrants
from the mother-country had gone with them to their graves. The system
of common schools had not begun to produce its fruit in the thinly
peopled outer settlements. There is no more disgraceful page in our
annals than that which[ii.222] details the testimony given at the
trial, and records the conviction and execution, of Elizabeth How.
But the dark shadows of that day of folly, cruelty, and crime, served
to bring into a brighter and purer light virtues exhibited by many
persons. We meet affecting instances, all along, of family fidelity and
true Christian benevolence. James How, as has been stated, was stricken
with blindness. He had two daughters, Mary and Abigail. Although their
farm was out of the line of the public-roads, travel very difficult,
and they must have encountered many hardships, annoyances, and, it is
to be feared, sometimes unfeeling treatment by the way, one of them
accompanied their father, twice every week, to visit their mother in
her prison-walls. They came on horseback; she managing the bridle, and
guiding him by the hand after alighting. Their humble means were
exhausted in these offices of reverence and affection. One of the noble
girls made her way to Boston, sought out the Governor, and implored a
reprieve for her mother; but in vain. The sight of these young women,
leading their blind father to comfort and provide for their "honored
mother,—as innocent," as they declared her to be, "of the crime
charged, as any person in the world,"—so faithful and constant in their
filial love and duty, relieved the horrors of the scene; and it ought
to be held in perpetual remembrance. The shame of that day is not, and
will not be, forgotten; neither should its beauty and glory.
The name of Elizabeth How, before marriage, was[ii.223] Jackson. Among
the accounts rendered against the country for expenses incurred in the
witchcraft prosecutions are these two items: "For John Jackson, Sr.,
one pair of fetters, five shillings; for John Jackson, Jr., one pair of
fetters, five shillings." There is also an item for carrying "the two
Jacksons" from one jail to another, and back again. No other reference
to them is found among the papers. They were, perhaps, a brother and
nephew of Elizabeth How. There is reason to suppose that her husband,
James How, Jr., was a nephew of the Rev. Francis Dane, of Andover.
The examination of Job Tookey, of Beverly, presents some points worthy
of notice. He is described as a "laborer," but was evidently a person,
although perhaps inconsiderate of speech, of more than common
discrimination, and not wholly deluded by the fanaticism of the times.
He is charged with having said that he "would take Mr. Burroughs's
part;" "that he was not the Devil's servant, but the Devil was his."
When the girls testified that they saw his shape afflicting persons, he
answered, like a sensible man, if they really saw any such thing, "it
was not he, but the Devil in his shape, that hurts the people." Susanna
Sheldon, Mary Warren, and Ann Putnam, all declared, that, at that very
moment while the examination was going on, two men and two women and
one child "rose from the dead, and cried, 'Vengeance! vengeance!'"
Nobody else saw or heard any thing: but the girls suddenly became dumb;
their eyes were[ii.224] fixed on vacancy, all looking towards the same
spot; and their whole appearance gave assurance of the truth of what
they said. In a short time, Mary Warren recovered the use of her vocal
organs, and exclaimed, "There are three men, and three women, and two
children. They are all in their winding-sheets: they look pale upon us,
but red upon Tookey,—red as blood." Again, she exclaimed, in a startled
and affrighted manner, "There is a young child under the table, crying
out for vengeance." Elizabeth Booth, pointing to the same place, was
struck speechless. In this way, the murder of about every one who had
died at Royal Side, for a year or two past, was put upon Tookey. Some
of them were called by name; the others, the girls pretended not to
recognize. The wrath and horror of the whole community were excited
against him, and he was committed to jail, by the order of the
magistrates,—Bartholomew Gedney, Jonathan Corwin, and John Hathorne.
No character, indeed, however blameless lovely or venerable, was safe.
The malignant accusers struck at the highest marks, and the consuming
fire of popular frenzy was kindled and attracted towards the most
commanding objects. Mary Bradbury is described, in the indictment
against her, as the "wife of Captain Thomas Bradbury, of Salisbury, in
the county of Essex, gentleman." A few of the documents that are
preserved, belonging to her case, will give some idea what sort of a
person she was:[ii.225]—
"_The Answer of Mary Bradbury to the Charge of Witchcraft, or
Familiarity with the Devil._
"I do plead 'Not guilty.' I am wholly innocent of any such wickedness,
through the goodness of God that have kept me hitherto. I am the
servant of Jesus Christ, and have given myself up to him as my only
Lord and Saviour, and to the diligent attendance upon him in all his
holy ordinances, in utter contempt and defiance of the Devil and all
his works, as horrid and detestable, and, accordingly, have endeavored
to frame my life and conversation according to the rules of his holy
word; and, in that faith and practice, resolve, by the help and
assistance of God, to continue to my life's end.
"For the truth of what I say, as to matter of practice, I humbly refer
myself to my brethren and neighbors that know me, and unto the Searcher
of all hearts, for the truth and uprightness of my heart therein (human
frailties and unavoidable infirmities excepted, of which I bitterly
complain every day).
Mary Bradbury."
"July 28, 1692.—Concerning my beloved wife, Mary Bradbury, this is what
I have to say: We have been married fifty-five years, and she hath been
a loving and faithful wife to me. Unto this day, she hath been
wonderful laborious, diligent, and industrious, in her place and
employment, about the bringing-up of our family (which have been eleven
children of our own, and four grandchildren). She was both prudent and
provident, of a cheerful spirit, liberal and charitable. She being now
very aged and weak, and grieved under her affliction, may not be able
to speak much for herself, not being so free of speech as some others
may be. I hope her life and conversation have been such amongst
her[ii.226] neighbors as gives a better and more real testimony of her
than can be expressed by words.
"Owned by me,
Tho. Bradbury."
The Rev. James Allin made oath before Robert Pike, an assistant and
magistrate, as follows:—
"I, having lived nine years at Salisbury in the work of the ministry,
and now four years in the office of a pastor, to my best notice and
observation of Mrs. Bradbury, she hath lived according to the rules of
the gospel amongst us; was a constant attender upon the ministry of the
word, and all the ordinances of the gospel; full of works of charity
and mercy to the sick and poor: neither have I seen or heard any thing
of her unbecoming the profession of the gospel."
Robert Pike also affirmed to the truth of Mr. Allin's statement, from
"upwards of fifty years' experience," as did John Pike also: they both
declared themselves ready and desirous to give their testimony before
the Court.
One hundred and seventeen of her neighbors—the larger part of them
heads of families, and embracing the most respectable people of that
vicinity—signed their names to a paper, of which the following is a
copy:—
"Concerning Mrs. Bradbury's life and conversation, we, the subscribers,
do testify, that it was such as became the gospel: she was a lover of
the ministry, in all appearance, and a diligent attender upon God's
holy ordinances, being of a courteous and peaceable disposition and
carriage. Neither did any of us (some of whom have lived in the town
with her[ii.227] above fifty years) ever hear or ever know that she
ever had any difference or falling-out with any of her neighbors,—man,
woman, or child,—but was always ready and willing to do for them what
lay in her power night and day, though with hazard of her health, or
other danger. More might be spoken in her commendation, but this for
the present."
Although this aged matron and excellent Christian lady was convicted
and sentenced to death, it is most satisfactory to find that she
escaped from prison, and her life was saved.
The following facts show the weight which ought to have been attached
to these statements. The position, as well as character and age, of
Mary [Perkins] Bradbury entitled her to the highest consideration, in
the structure of society at that time. This is recognized in the title
"Mrs.," uniformly given her. She had been noted, through life, for
business capacity, energy, and influence; and, in 1692, was probably
seventy-five years of age, and somewhat infirm in health. Her husband,
Thomas Bradbury, had been a prominent character in the colony for more
than fifty years. In 1641, he was appointed, by the General Court,
Clerk of the Writs for Salisbury, with the functions of a magistrate,
to execute all sorts of legal processes in that place. He was a deputy
in 1651 and many subsequent years; a commissioner for Salisbury in
1657, empowered to act in all criminal cases, and bind over offenders,
where it was proper, to higher courts, to take testimonies upon oath,
and to join persons in marriage. He was required to keep a record of
all his[ii.228] doings. If the parties agreed to that effect, he was
authorized to hear and determine cases of every kind and degree,
without the intervention of a jury. The towns north of the Merrimac,
and all beyond now within the limits of New Hampshire, constituted the
County of Norfolk; and Thomas Bradbury, for a long series of years, was
one of its commissioners and associate judges. From the first, he was
conspicuous in military matters; having been commissioned by the
General Court, in 1648, Ensign of the trainband in Salisbury. He rose
to its command; and, in the latter portion of his life, was universally
spoken of as "Captain Bradbury." All along, the records of the General
Court, for half a century, demonstrate the estimation in which he was
held; various important trusts and special services requiring integrity
and ability being from time to time committed to him. His family was
influentially connected. His son William married the widow of Samuel
Maverick, Jr., who was the son of one of the King's Commissioners in
1664: she was the daughter of the Rev. John Wheelwright, a man of great
note, intimately related to the celebrated Anne Hutchinson, and united
with her by sympathy in sentiment and participation in exile.
Robert Pike, born in 1616, was a magistrate in 1644. He was deputy from
Salisbury in 1648, and many times after; Associate Justice for Norfolk
in 1650; and Assistant in 1682, holding that high station, by annual
elections, to the close of the first charter, and during the whole
period of the intervening and insur[ii.229]gent government. He was
named as one of the council that succeeded to the House of Assistants,
when, under the new charter, Massachusetts became a royal province. He
was always at the head of military affairs, having been commissioned,
by the General Court, Lieutenant of the Salisbury trainband in 1648;
and, in the later years of his life, he held the rank and title of
major. John Pike, probably his son, resided in Hampton in 1691, and was
minister of Dover at his death in 1710.
Surely, the attestations of such men as the Pikes, father and son, and
the Rev. James Allin, to the Christian excellence of Mary Bradbury,
must be allowed to corroborate fully the declarations of her neighbors,
her husband, and herself.
The motives and influences that led to her arrest and condemnation in
1692 demand an explanation. The question arises, Why should the
attention of the accusing girls have been led to this aged and most
respectable woman, living at such a distance, beyond the Merrimac? A
critical scrutiny of the papers in the case affords a clew leading to
the true answer.
The wife of Sergeant Thomas Putnam, as has been stated (vol. i. p.
253), was Ann Carr of Salisbury. Her father, George Carr, was an early
settler in that place, and appears to have been an enterprising and
prosperous person. The ferry for the main travel of the country across
the Merrimac was from points of land owned by him, and always under his
charge. He was engaged in ship-building,—employing, and[ii.230] having
in his family, young men; among them a son of Zerubabel Endicott,
bearing the same name.
Among the papers in the case is the following:—
"The Deposition of Richard Carr, who testifieth and saith, that, about
thirteen years ago, presently after some difference that happened to be
between my honored father, Mr. George Carr, and Mrs. Bradbury, the
prisoner at the bar, upon a sabbath at noon, as we were riding home, by
the house of Captain Tho: Bradbury, I saw Mrs. Bradbury go into her
gate, turn the corner of, and immediately there darted out of her gate
a blue boar, and darted at my father's horse's legs, which made him
stumble; but I saw it no more. And my father said, 'Boys, what do you
see?' We both answered, 'A blue boar.'
"Zerubabel Endicott testifieth and saith, that I lived at Mr. George
Carr, now deceased, at the time above mentioned, and was present with
Mr. George Carr and Mr. Richard Carr. And I also saw a blue boar dart
out of Mr. Bradbury's gate to Mr. George Carr's horse's legs, which
made him stumble after a strange manner. And I also saw the blue boar
dart from Mr. Carr's horse's legs in at Mrs. Bradbury's window. And Mr.
Carr immediately said, 'Boys, what did you see?' And we both said, 'A
blue boar.' Then said he, 'From whence came it?' And we said, 'Out of
Mr. Bradbury's gate.' Then said he, 'I am glad you see it as well as
I.' _Jurat in Curia_, Sept. 9, '92."
Stephen Sewall, the clerk of the courts, with his usual eagerness to
make the most of the testimony against persons accused, adds to the
deposition the following:[ii.231]—
"And they both further say, on their oaths, that Mr. Carr discoursed
with them, as they went home, about what had happened, and they all
concluded that it was Mrs. Bradbury that so appeared as a blue boar."
At the date of this occurrence, Richard Carr was twenty years of age,
and Zerubabel Endicott a lad of of fifteen.
It is not to be wondered at that there was "some difference between"
George Carr and Mrs. Bradbury, if he was in the habit of indulging in
such talk about her as he took the leading part in on this occasion. He
evidently encouraged in his "boys" the absurd imaginations with which
their credulity had been stimulated. They were prepared by preconceived
notions to witness something preternatural about the premises of Mrs.
Bradbury; and, in their jaundiced vision, any animal, moving in and out
of the gate, might naturally assume the likeness of a "blue boar." Such
ideas circulating in the family, and among the apprentices of Carr,
would soon be widely spread. No doubt, Zerubabel, on his visits to his
home, told wondrous stories about Mrs. Bradbury. His brother Samuel,
then a youth of eighteen, had his imagination filled with them; and
some time after, on a voyage to "Barbadoes and Saltitudos," in which
severe storms and various disasters were experienced, attributed them
all to Mrs. Bradbury; and, "in a bright moonshining night, sitting upon
the windlass, to which he had been sent forward to look out for land,"
the wild fancies of his excited imagination took effect. He heard
"a[ii.232] rumbling noise," and thought he saw the legs of some person.
"Presently he was shook, and looked over his shoulder, and saw the
appearance of a woman, from her middle upwards, having a white cap and
white neckcloth on her, which then affrighted him very much; and, as he
was turning of the windlass, he saw the aforesaid two legs." Such
superstitious phantasms seem to be natural to the experiences of
sailor-life, and perhaps still linger in the forecastle and at the
night-watch.
The habit of maligning Mrs. Bradbury as a witch dated back in the Carr
family more than thirteen years, as the following deposition proves. I
give it precisely as it is in the original. As in a few other instances
in this work, the spelling and punctuation are preserved as
curiosities. Like all the papers in the case, with one exception,
presented in court against Mrs. Bradbury, it is in the handwriting of
Sergeant Thomas Putnam:—
[Transcriber's Note: Spelling and punctuation in the passage below are
as in the original.]