THE SOMME FRONT FROM APRIL 1 ONWARDS
The last waves of the storm--The Twelfth Division at Albert--The
Forty-seventh Division at Aveluy Wood--The Australians in the
south--Capture of Villers-Bretonneux by the Germans--Recapture by
Australians and Eighth Division--Fierce fighting--The first turn of
the tide.
[Sidenote: April 1918.]
The limit and results of the second battle of the Somme had been
defined when the Australians, New Zealanders, Second Canadians, and
fresh British divisions took the place of their exhausted comrades
towards the end of March. The German reserves, great as they were,
were nearly exhausted, and they had no more men to put into the
fight. The final line began to clearly define itself, running from a
few miles east of Arras where the Seventh and Sixth Corps had struck
back so heavily at the German pursuit, through Neuville Vitasse,
Boyelles, Ayette, Bucquoy, Hebuterne, Auchonvillers, Aveluy, just
west of Albert, Denancourt, Warfusee, and Marcelcave. The worst
storm was over, but even as the sinking sea will still send up one
great wave which sweeps the deck, so the German battle front would
break from time to time into a spasm of energy, which could effect no
great purpose and yet would lead to a considerable local engagement.
These episodes must at least be indicated in the order of their
occurrence.
{205}
One great centre of activity was the ruined town of Albert, for the
Germans were able to use it as a covered approach, and thus mass
their troops and attempt to break through to the westward. The order
of divisions in this sector showed that the Sixty-third and
Forty-seventh, still fighting in spite of their wounds, were to the
immediate north-west. The Twelfth Division was due west. South-west
was the Third Division of Australians and south of these the Fourth.
On each of these, and sometimes upon all of them, the strain was very
great, as the Germans struggled convulsively to burst the bonds of
Albert. It should be noted that the Fifth Army had for the time
passed out of being, and that all the southern end of the line was
now held by the Fourth Army under General Rawlinson.
[Sidenote: April 4.]
The main attack upon the Albert sector was on April 4, when the
Germans made a violent effort, and the affair reached the proportions
of a considerable battle. About eight in the morning the action
began by a severe and sudden attack upon the Australian Division 1000
yards south of Albert, and also on the railway near Denancourt. The
Australians fought as Australians have always fought in this war, but
the onset was very heavy, supported by a shattering fire, and they
were forced to yield some ground.
[Sidenote: April 5.]
North of the Australians was the Twelfth Division with the 35th and
36th Brigades in the line, in that order from the south. The
temporary recoil of the Australians rendered the 35th Brigade
vulnerable, and the Germans with their usual quick military
perception at once dashed at it. About 1 o'clock they rushed forward
in two waves, having built up {206} their formation under cover of
the ruined houses of Albert. The attack struck in between the 7th
Suffolks and 9th Essex, but the East Anglians stood fast and blew it
back with their rifle-fire, much helped by the machine-guns of the
5th Berks. Farther north the attack beat up against the left of the
Forty-seventh and the right of the Sixty-third Divisions, but neither
the Londoners nor the naval men weakened. The pressure was
particularly heavy upon the Forty-seventh, and some details of the
fighting will presently be given. The next morning, April 5, saw the
battle still raging along the face of these four divisions. The
Germans attempted to establish their indispensable machine-guns upon
the ridge which they had taken on the south, but they were driven off
by the Australians. The 36th Brigade in the north of the Albert
sector had lost some ground at Aveluy, but about noon on April 5 the
9th Royal Fusiliers with the help of the 7th Sussex re-established
the front, though the latter battalion endured very heavy losses from
an enfilade fire from a brickfield. The 5th Berks also lost heavily
on this day. So weighty was the German attack that at one time the
4th Australians had been pushed from the high ground, just west of
the Amiens-Albert railway, and the 35th Brigade had to throw back a
defensive wing. The position was soon re-established, however,
though at all points the British losses were considerable, while
those of the Germans must have been very heavy indeed.
It has been stated that to the north of the Twelfth Division,
covering Bouzincourt and partly occupying Aveluy Wood, was the
Forty-seventh Division (Gorringe), which had been drawn out of the
line, {207} much exhausted by its prolonged efforts, some days
before, but was now brought back into the battle. It stood with the
15th and 20th London of the 140th Brigade on the right, while the
23rd and 24th of the 142nd Brigade were on the left. Units were
depleted and the men very weary, but they rose to the crisis, and
their efforts were essential at a time of such stress, for it was
felt that this was probably the last convulsive heave of the dying
German offensive. It was on April 5 that the German attack from the
direction of Albert spread to the front of the Forty-seventh
Division. The bombardment about 8 A.M. reached a terrific pitch of
intensity and was followed by an infantry advance through clouds of
gas and smoke. The main attack fell upon the left of the divisional
line, and was met by a sustained rifle, Lewis gun, and artillery
fire, which could not be faced by the stormers. At one time the left
of the 23rd London was penetrated, but a rally re-established the
position. The enemy were rushing forward in mass formations, and
their desperate tactics offered targets which ensured very heavy
losses.
About 9 o'clock the right brigade was also involved in the fighting,
the enemy advancing in force towards Aveluy Wood. Here also the
assault was very desperate and the defence equally determined. The
15th (Civil Service Rifles) was heavily attacked, and shortly
afterwards the Blackheath and Woolwich men of the 20th Battalion saw
the enemy in great numbers upon their front. The whole line of the
division was now strongly engaged. About 10 A.M. a company of the
24th London was driven from its position by concentrated
rifle-grenade {208} fire, but a support company sprang to the front
and the line was unbroken. At 10.30, however, things took a grave
turn, for a sudden rush brought the assailants into the line between
the two left flank battalions, outflanking and destroying the
outlying company of the 23rd London. These men fought bravely to the
end and took heavy toll of the enemy. At the same time the 20th
London came under a shattering shell-fire which put every Lewis gun
out of action. It was also enfiladed by machine-guns from the corner
of Aveluy Wood, where the Germans had penetrated the line. The 20th
threw out a defensive flank and held on. The 15th on their right
were still in their original positions.
At 11.40 the 23rd London, which had suffered from the German
penetration of its left company, was exposed all along its line to
machine-gun fire from its left rear, where the enemy had established
three posts. The result was that the position in Aveluy Wood had to
be abandoned. The 22nd London from the reserve brigade was now
pushed up into the firing-line where the pressure was very great.
The weight of the attack was now mainly upon the 20th, who held their
posts with grim determination in spite of very heavy losses, chiefly
from trench mortars and heavy machine-guns. It was a bitter ordeal,
but the enemy was never able to get nearer than 300 yards to the line
of the 20th, and if they caused heavy losses they endured as much
from the British fire. About 12.40 the enemy seemed to be mustering
at the south end of the wood for a grand final attack, but the
gathering was dispersed by the machine-guns of the Londoners.
At four in the afternoon, after a truly terrible day, the
Forty-seventh Division determined to counter-attack, {209} and the
22nd Battalion was used for this purpose. They had already endured
heavy losses and had not sufficient weight for the purpose, though
eight officers and many men had fallen before they were forced to
recognise their own inability. The failure of this attack led to a
further contraction of the line of defence. The Sixty-third Division
on the left had endured a similar day of hard hammering, and it was
now very exhausted and holding its line with difficulty. For a time
there was a dangerous gap, but the exhausted Germans did not exploit
their success, and reserves were hurried up from the Marines on the
one side and from the 142nd Brigade on the other to fill the vacant
position.
When night fell after this day of incessant and desperate fighting
the line was unbroken, but it had receded in the area of Aveluy Wood
and was bent and twisted along the whole front. General Gorringe,
with true British tenacity, determined that it should be
re-established next morning if his reserves could possibly do it.
Only one battalion, however, was available, the pioneer 4th Welsh
Fusiliers, who had already done conspicuous service more than once
during the retreat. An official document referring to this attack
states that "no troops could have deployed better or advanced more
steadily under such intense fire, and the leadership of the officers
could not have been excelled." The casualties, however, were so
heavy from the blasts of machine-gun fire that the front of the
advance was continually blown away and no progress could be made.
Two platoons upon the left made some permanent gain of ground, but as
a whole this very gallant counter-attack was unavailing.
{210}
This attack near Albert on April 4 and 5 was the main German effort,
but it synchronised with several other considerable attacks at
different points of the line. One was just north of Warfusee in the
southern sector, where once again the Australians were heavily
engaged and prevented what at one time seemed likely to be a local
break-through. As it was the line came back from Warfusee to Vaire,
where the Australian supports held it fast. Farther north the Fourth
Australian Division was sharply attacked opposite Denancourt, and had
a very brisk fight in which the 13th Brigade, and more particularly
the 52nd Regiment, greatly distinguished itself. The object of the
fight was to hold the railway line and the position of the Ancre.
The tenacity of the Australian infantry in the face of incessant
attacks was most admirable, and their artillery, ranging upon the
enemy at 1500 yards, as they came over the higher ground behind
Denancourt, inflicted very heavy losses. One gun fired 1250 rounds
without a stop.
The village of Hangard and Hangard Wood were at that time the points
of junction between the French and British armies. The extreme right
unit of the British was Smith's 5th Brigade of the Second Australian
Division (Rosenthal). The 20th Battalion on the southern flank was
involved on this and the following days in a very severe and
fluctuating fight in which Hangard Wood was taken and lost several
times. Colonel Bennett, an Australian veteran whose imperial
services go back as far as the Suakin expedition, had to cover 3500
yards with 600 men, knowing well that there were no reserves behind
him and that the point was vital. With heavy losses he managed, with
the 19th Battalion beside him, to {211} dam the German flood until
help could arrive. So fierce was the fighting that 750 dead Germans
were picked up in the Hangard Wood. On April 7 the wood was
abandoned, but under no compulsion and in accordance with the general
movement of the line.
[Sidenote: April 5 and 6.]
About 10 A.M. on April 6 the enemy renewed his attack upon the
junction between the Forty-seventh and Sixty-third Divisions, but it
was the British turn to mow down advancing lines with machine-gun
fire. No progress was made, and there were such signs of German
weakening that the British made a sudden local advance, capturing two
machine-guns and some prisoners. In this affair it is characteristic
of the spirit which still remained in the weary British troops, that
Corporal March of the 24th London went forward and shot the opposing
German officer, bringing back his maps and papers.
The German commanders were well aware that if the line was to be
broken it must be soon, and all these operations were in the hope of
finding a fatal flaw. Hence it was that the attacks which began and
failed upon April 4 extended all along the northern line on April 5.
Thus the New Zealand Division on the left of the points already
mentioned was involved in the fighting, the right brigade, consisting
of the New Zealand Rifle Brigade, being fiercely attacked by some
2000 storm troops who advanced with great hardihood, and at the
second attempt recaptured the farm of La Signy. The German officers
seem upon this occasion to have given an example to their men which
has often been conspicuously lacking. "A tall Wurtemburger," says
the New Zealand recorder, "ran towards our line with nine of his men.
In one hand he carried a cane and over his arm a {212} light
waterproof coat. He was a fine big fellow over six feet high....
Just at the critical moment some Lewis-gunners took a hand in the
business, the officer was shot dead, and most of the others were
killed or wounded."
On the left of the New Zealanders the attack was extended to the road
between Ayette and Bucquoy. Here a brigade of the Thirty-seventh
Division in the south and of the Forty-second in the north were
heavily attacked and Bucquoy was taken, but before the evening the
defenders returned and most of the lost ground was regained. The
right of the Thirty-seventh Division had advanced in the morning upon
Rossignol Wood, that old bone of contention, and had in a long day's
struggle got possession of most of it. Three machine-guns and 130
men were the spoils.
[Sidenote: April 21, 22.]
From this time onwards there were no very notable events for some
weeks in the Somme line, save for some sharp fighting in the Aveluy
Wood sector on April 21 and 22, in which the Seventeenth,
Thirty-fifth, and Thirty-eighth Divisions were all involved. The
enemy tried hard to improve his position and did succeed in gaining
some ground. The attacks were costly to both sides but the results
were futile. The British outposts, and particularly those of the
Australians, maintained an aggressive attitude throughout, and it was
more and more impressed upon the German mind that in spite of his
considerable advance and large captures, it was an unbeaten army
which lay before him.
[Sidenote: April 24.]
On the morning of April 24 a very determined attack was made by the
Germans upon the front of Butler's Third Corps in the area of
Villers-Bretonneux. {213} This small town is of great importance, as
it stands on a curve of the rolling downs from which a very
commanding view of Amiens is obtained, the cathedral especially
standing out with great clearness. Already the city had suffered
great damage, but the permanent loss of Villers-Bretonneux would mean
its certain destruction. The attack was urged by four German
divisions and was supported by tanks which did good service to the
enemy and broke in the British line, held mainly at this point by
Heneker's Eighth Division which had hardly recovered from its heroic
services upon the Somme.
It is suggestive of the value of the tanks whether in German or in
British hands that where the attack was unsupported by these machines
it broke down under the British fire, as on the right of Cator's
Fifty-eighth Division to the south and on the left of the Eighth
Division. There were fifteen German tanks in all, so their array was
a formidable one, the more so in a mist which was impenetrable at
fifty yards. It was for the British now to experience the thrill of
helpless horror which these things can cause even in brave hearts
when they loom up out of the haze in all their hideous power. The
2/4th Londons on the south of the village were driven back to the
line Cachy-Hangard Wood, so that their neighbours of the 2/2nd London
had to conform. The 2/10th London counter-attacked at once, however,
and penetrated Hangard Wood, doing something to ease the situation.
The 2nd Middlesex and 2nd West Yorks were overrun by the tanks, much
as the Roman legionaries were by the elephants of Pyrrhus, and even
the historical and self-immolating stab in the belly was useless
against these monsters. The 2nd Rifle {214} Brigade were also
dislodged from their position and had to close up on the 2nd
Berkshires on their left. The 2nd East Lancashires had also to fall
back, but coming in touch with a section of the 20th Battery of
divisional artillery they were able to rally and hold their ground
all day with the backing of the guns.
The 2nd Devons in reserve upon the right were also attacked by tanks,
the first of which appeared suddenly before Battalion Headquarters
and blew away the parapet. Others attacked the battalion, which was
forced to move into the Bois d'Aquenne. There chanced to be three
heavy British tanks in this quarter, and they were at once ordered
forward to restore the situation. Seven light whippet tanks were
also given to the Fifty-eighth Division. These tanks then engaged
the enemy's fleet, and though two of the heavier and four of the
light were put out of action they silenced the Germans and drove them
back. With these powerful allies the infantry began to move forward
again, and the 1st Sherwood Foresters carried out a particularly
valuable advance.
Shortly after noon the 173rd Brigade of the Fifty-eighth Division saw
the Germans massing behind tanks about 500 yards east of Cachy, with
a view to attacking. There were three whippets still available, and
they rushed out and did great work, catching two German battalions as
they deployed.
The Fifty-eighth had good neighbours upon their right in the shape of
the Moroccan corps, a unit which is second to none in the French Army
for attack. These were not engaged, but under the orders of General
Debeney they closed up on the left so as to shorten the front of
General Cator's division, a great assistance with ranks so depleted.
His {215} troops were largely lads of eighteen sent out to fill the
gaps made in the great battle, but nothing could exceed their spirit,
though their endurance was not equal to their courage.
On the evening of April 24 General Butler could say with Desaix, "The
battle is lost. There is time to win another one." The Germans not
only held Villers-Bretonneux, but they had taken Hangard from the
French, and held all but the western edge of Hangard Wood. The
farthest western point ever reached by the Germans on the Somme was
on this day when they occupied for a time the Bois l'Abbé, from which
they were driven in the afternoon by the 1st Sherwoods and 2nd West
Yorks. They had not attained Cachy, which was their final objective,
but none the less it was very necessary that Villers-Bretonneux and
the ground around it should be regained instantly before the Germans
took root.
For this purpose a night attack was planned on the evening of April
24, and was carried out with great success. The operation was
important in itself, but even more so as the first sign of the turn
of the tide which had run so long from east to west, and was soon to
return with such resistless force from west to east.
For the purposes of the attack the fresh 13th Australian Brigade
(Glasgow) was placed under the General of the Eighth Division, and
was ordered to attack to the south of Villers, while the 15th
Australian Brigade made a similar advance upon the north. Each of
these was directed to pass beyond the little town, which was to be
cleared by an independent force. On the right of the Australians was
the {216} balance of the Eighth Division, which had to clear up the
Bois d'Aquenne.
[Illustration: Rough Sketch of the General Position of Troops at the
Battle of Villers-Bretonneux, April 24-25]
The attack was carried out at 10 P.M., the infantry having white
arm-bands for identification in the darkness. There was no artillery
preparation, and the advance was across unknown country, so that it
may be placed among the most hazardous operations in the war. In the
case of the 13th Australian Brigade, the 52nd Battalion was on the
right in touch with the British, while the 51st was on the left, with
the 50th in support. From the onset the machine-gun fire was very
severe, especially against the 51st Regiment, but the admirable
individuality of the Australian soldiers was of great service to
them, every man getting forward through the darkness as best he
could. The weather was ideal, for there was sufficient moon to give
direction, but not enough to expose the troops to distant fire. The
German flares were rather a help to the attack by defining the
position. The Australian front got as far forward as Monument Wood,
level with the village, but the 173rd Brigade on their right was in
some difficulty, and they themselves were badly enfiladed from the
town, so they could not maintain their more advanced position. The
2nd Northamptons, attached to the 13th Australian Brigade, had been
told off to take the town itself, but both their colonel and their
adjutant were killed during the assembly, and some confusion of
orders caused the plans to miscarry. On the north of the town the
15th Australian Brigade, with the 22nd Durhams attached, had been an
hour late in starting, but the 60th and 59th Regiments got up, after
some confused fighting, to a point north of the town, which was
entered after dawn and {218} cleared up by the 2nd Berkshires, aided
by a company of the Australian 58th Battalion.
The German tanks had done good work in the attack, and some of the
British tanks were very useful in the counter-attacks, especially
three which operated in the Bois d'Aquenne and broke down the
obstinate German resistance in front of the Eighth Division.
Daylight on April 25 found the British and Australian lines well up
to the village on both sides, and a good deal of hard fighting, in
which the troops got considerably mixed, took place. One unusual
incident occurred as two blindfolded Germans under a flag of truce
appeared in the British line, and were brought to Colonel Whitham of
the 52nd Australian Regiment. They carried a note which ran: "My
Commanding Officer has sent me to tell you that you are confronted by
superior forces and surrounded on three sides. He desires to know
whether you will surrender and avoid loss of life. If you do not he
will blow you to pieces by turning his heavy artillery on to your
trenches." No answer was returned to this barefaced bluff, but the
messengers were detained, as there was considerable doubt as to the
efficiency of the bandages which covered their eyes.
By 4 P.M. on April 25 the village had been cleared, and the troops
were approximately in the old front line. The 22nd Durham Light
Infantry had mopped up the south side of the village. About a
thousand prisoners had been secured. The 54th Brigade of Lee's
Eighteenth Division, which had been in support, joined in the
fighting during the day, and helped to push the line forward, winning
their way almost to their final objective south of the village and
then having to yield 200 yards to a counter-attack. {219} The fast
whippet tanks were used during this action, and justified themselves
well, though, as in the case of all tanks, the value of the
instrument depends mainly upon the courage of the crew who handle it.
One British tank, under the command of a leader named Craig, seems to
have been all over the field wherever it was most needed, so that
some weeks after the fight the present chronicler in visiting the
field of battle still heard the legend of his prowess. As to the
German resistance a skilled observer remarks: "The enemy handled his
machine-guns with great boldness. The manner in which he pushes
forward numbers of guns, relying upon the daring and initiative of
the crews to use them to best advantage, may lead to a greater number
being lost, but he certainly inflicts enormous casualties in this
way."
[Sidenote: April 26.]
There was an aftermath of the battle on April 26 which led to some
very barren and sanguinary fighting in which the losses were mainly
incurred by our gallant Allies upon the right. There was a position
called The Monument, immediately south of Villers, which had not yet
been made good. The Moroccan Division had been slipped in on the
British right, and their task was to assault the German line from
this point to the north edge of Hangard Wood. Part of the
Fifty-eighth Division was to attack the wood itself, while on the
left the Eighth Division was to complete the clearance of Villers and
to join up with the left of the Moroccans. The Eighth Division had
already broken up three strong counter-attacks on the evening of
April 25, and by the morning of April 26 their part of the programme
was complete. The only six tanks available were given to the {220}
Moroccans. At 5.15 on the morning of April 26 the attack opened. It
progressed well near the town, but on the right the Foreign Legion,
the very cream of the fighting men of the French Army, were held by
the murderous fire from the north edge of Hangard Wood. The 10th
Essex and 7th West Kents, who had been lent to the Fifty-eighth
Division by the 53rd Brigade, were held by the same fire, and were
all mixed up with the adventurers of the Legion, the losses of both
battalions, especially the West Kents, being terribly heavy. The
Moroccan Tirailleurs in the centre were driven back by a German
counter-attack, but were reinforced and came on again. Hangard
village, however, held up the flank of the French. In the evening
about half the wood was in the hands of the Allies, but it was an
inconclusive and very expensive day.
The battle of Villers-Bretonneux was a very important engagement, as
it clearly defined the _ne plus ultra_ of the German advance in the
Somme valley, and marked a stable equilibrium which was soon to turn
into an eastward movement. It was in itself a most interesting
fight, as the numbers were not very unequal. The Germans had five
divisions engaged, the Fourth Guards, Two hundred and twenty-eighth,
Two hundred and forty-third, Seventy-seventh Reserve, and Two hundred
and eighth. The British had the Eighth, Fifty-eighth, Eighteenth,
and Fifth Australian, all of them very worn, but the Germans may also
have been below strength. The tanks were equally divided. The
result was not a decided success for any one, since the line ended
much as it had begun, but it showed the Germans that, putting out all
their effort, they could get no {221} farther. How desperate was the
fight may be judged by the losses which, apart from the Australians,
amounted to more than 9000 men in the three British divisions, the
Fifty-eighth and Eighth being the chief sufferers.
As this was the first occasion upon which the Germans seem to have
brought their tanks into the line of battle, some remarks as to the
progress of this British innovation may not be out of place--the more
so as it became more and more one of the deciding factors in the war.
On this particular date the German tanks were found to be slow and
cumbrous, but were heavily armed and seemed to possess novel
features, as one of them advanced in the original attack upon April
24 squirting out jets of lachrymatory gas on each side. The result
of the fighting next day was that two weak (female) British tanks
were knocked out by the Germans while one German tank was destroyed
and three scattered by a male British tank. The swift British
whippet tanks were used for the first time upon April 24, and seem to
have acted much like Boadicea's chariots, cutting a swathe in the
enemy ranks and returning crimson with blood.
Treating the subject more generally, it may be said that the limited
success attained by tanks in the shell-pocked ground of the Somme and
the mud of Flanders had caused the Germans and also some of our own
high authorities to underrate their power and their possibilities of
development. All this was suddenly changed by the battle of Cambrai,
when the Germans were terrified at the easy conquest of the
Hindenburg Line. They then began to build. It may be said, however,
that they never really gauged {222} the value of the idea, being
obsessed by the thought that no good military thing could come out of
England. Thus when in the great final advance the tanks began to
play an absolutely vital part they paid the usual price of blindness
and arrogance, finding a weapon turned upon them for which they had
no adequate shield. If any particular set of men can be said more
than another to have ruined the German Empire and changed the history
of the world, it is those who perfected the tank in England, and also
those at the German headquarters who lacked the imagination to see
its possibilities. So terrified were the Germans of tanks at the end
of the war that their whole artillery was directed to knocking them
out, to the very great relief of the long-suffering infantry.
From this time onwards this front was the scene of continuous
aggressive action on the part of the Australians, which gradually
nibbled away portions of the German line, until the day came for the
grand advance of August 8. One of the most successful of these was
on May 19, when the village of Ville-sur-Ancre was taken by a sudden
assault with 20 machine-guns and 360 prisoners. A second very sharp
fight, which may be mentioned here, though it is just beyond the
scope of this volume, was on July 1 and following days in the Aveluy
sector, near the Ancre, where the Twelfth and Eighteenth Divisions
had three bouts of attack and counter-attack, in which the 37th and
54th Brigades were heavily engaged, the honours of the action being
about equally divided between the British and the Germans.
{223}