[Footnote 407: [The usual Budduma canoe is made from reeds, the ‘fole’,

a large reed with a triangular stalk and a head like guinea-corn, and

the ‘ngalle’, a smaller reed and flat. The canoes have long curved prows

like a gondola, only turned backwards. For illustration vid. Tilho,

_Royal Geographical Society’s Journal_ for September, 1910, and Tilho,

_Doc. sc._, ii. 335 and 338; cf. Benton, _Notes on Some Languages_, p.

50. Canoes of the same kind are also made from ‘ambach’ branches. Cf.

Tilho, _Doc. sc._, i. 29.]]

[Footnote 408: [For illustration vid. Macleod, p. 232.]]

[Footnote 409: The Kuri also trap the crocodile for the sake of its

meat, Nachtigal, ii. 374. The same food is also relished by the dwellers

on the Shari, Barth, iii. 324.]

[Footnote 410: [They, however, maintained more or less friendly

relations with the sovereign of Bornu. The principal Budduma chiefs used

to go every two or three years to pay him a visit of courtesy, and

brought him presents which were evidence of goodwill rather than

tribute, consisting of a few cows and a little butter. In return they

received embroidered gowns. Shehu Ashimi offered Kachella Koremi, chief

of the Gurias, authority over all the west bank of Chad, if he would

stop the Budduma raids on the Kanuris of the mainland. The Kachella

accepted the country lying south of Kauwa and Ngornu, but in the

following year Bornu was invaded by Rabeh, vid. Tilho, _Doc. sc._, ii.

332 and 318.]]

[Footnote 411: Denham, ii. 65; Barth, iii. 405 and 408 (German edition);

Rohlfs, i. 291 ff.; Nachtigal, ii. 371, 485, 487, 489.]

[Footnote 412: Barth, iii. 192; Nachtigal, ii. 531; Kund, _loc. cit._,

p. 24. Cf. also Passarge, p. 440 ff. [The ‘ngalio’.]]

[Footnote 413: Among the Kamerun Protectorate troops the Musgu are

nicknamed the Calabashes.]

[Footnote 414: Denham, i. 361; Barth, iii. 237; Rohlfs, i. 344; Lenfant,

p. 145; Bauer, p. 114; Stieber, _loc. cit._, p. 82. Cf. also Harry Alis,

_Nos Africains_, p. 111 ff.; Foureau, _Documents scientifiques_, ii.

992.]

[Footnote 415: Barth, iii. 201; Stieber, _loc. cit._, p. 85 ff.]

[Footnote 416: According to Stieber the sores are not produced

artificially but are caused by the friction of the rider’s bare limbs,

Stieber, _loc. cit._, p. 82.]

[Footnote 417: Barth, iii. 198; cf. also iv. 35 and Nachtigal, ii. 584.]

[Footnote 418: Here and there the chiefs wear Mohammedan clothing.]

[Footnote 419: Barth, iii. 174 and 249, and illustrations on p. 208;

Lenfant, p. 149; Stieber, _loc. cit._, p. 82.]

[Footnote 420: Stieber, _loc. cit._, p. 83 ff.; Map, _Der deutsche

Logone_, in _Mitteil. a. d. deutsch. Schutzgeb._, vol. xviii.]

[Footnote 421: Barth, iii. 211-12 and 229; Stieber, _loc. cit._, p. 84;

Kund, _loc. cit._, p. 29.]

[Footnote 422: Barth, iii. 190, 240, 274; Stieber, _loc. cit._, p. 85.]

[Footnote 423: Barth, ii. 383.]

[Footnote 424: Barth, ii. 468 and 646 (German edition). [Cf. Benton,

_Notes on Some Languages_, where Barth’s Vocabulary is printed.]]

[Footnote 425: The use of poisoned arrows is very widespread. Besides

the Fulani and most of the pagan hill-tribes, the travelling Hausas also

use them as a means of defence. Nachtigal found them even in Southern

Kanem (ii. 260), and Foureau in Zinder (_D’Alger au Congo_, p. 561). It

is especially as a protection against them that the cotton-wadded armour

is intended. For the terrible effects of the arrow poison cf. Denham, i.

182 ff. [Cf. article on arrow-poison in _Journal of the African Society_

for October, 1905, by L. W. La Chard.]]

[Footnote 426: According to Barth these ornaments come from Mandara (ii.

534).]

[Footnote 427: Cf. Barth, ii. 384.]

[Footnote 428: Cf. Barth, ii. 380, 391, 535.]

[Footnote 429: Nachtigal, ii. 431.]

[Footnote 430: Foureau, _Documents scientifiques_, ii. 943 ff.]

[Footnote 431: Foureau, _Documents scientifiques_, ii. 910 ff., and

_D’Alger au Congo_, p. 516.]

[Footnote 432: [Passarge calls them ‘the African Parsees’.]]

[Footnote 433: [Incorrect. With the exception of the three Government

stations of Maiduguri, Geidam, and Gujba, and the Customs post of

Mongonu, there are practically no Hausas in Bornu Proper.]]

[Footnote 434: Barth, ii. 272; iv. 4.]

[Footnote 435: Barth, ii. 203, 220, 234; iii. 42 and 48 (German

edition); Nachtigal, i. 564, 572; Monteil, p. 298 ff. [The Tuareg raids

have now ceased.]]

[Footnote 436: Barth estimated the Shuwa Arabs in Bornu at

200,000-250,000 souls (ii. 356).]

[Footnote 437: Barth, ii. 355.]

[Footnote 438: Barth, ii. 356; Nachtigal, i. 687, ii. 436; Rohlfs, ii.

30. [Cf. Appendix XIV and XIV A.]]

[Footnote 439: Nachtigal, i. 686; ii. 439.]

[Footnote 440: Barth, iii. 284; Nachtigal, ii. 439, 511.]

[Footnote 441: [The Shuwas roof their huts with corn-stalks, apparently

thrown on haphazard; the Kanuris use grass.]]

[Footnote 442: Cf. Nachtigal, i. 651, ii. 491; Lenfant, p. 153; Dominik,

p. 197.]

[Footnote 443: This has since been adopted by the other tribes of the

Sudan.]

[Footnote 444: Barth, iv. 143.]

[Footnote 445: Rohlfs, ii. 132.]

[Footnote 446: [Called in Bornu ‘Abore Fellata’.] It is a proof of the

intelligence of the Borroro that it is owing to this seclusion that they

are able to protect their cattle against contagious disorders. Their

herds provide the Borroro with everything. The milk, which amongst them

is not mixed with cow’s urine, is their chief food.]

[Footnote 447: Cf. Barth, ii. 229, iii. 257, iv. 143; Passarge, pp. 69,

167 ff., 424 ff., 509; Harry Alis, _Nos Africains_, p. 311; Bauer, p.

133; Chudeau, _loc. cit._, p. 331; Dominik, _loc. cit._, p. 87. [Cf.

Appendix XIV.]]

VIII

COMMERCIAL CONDITIONS AND PROSPECTS

Bauer says very appropriately in his book, when treating of commerce,

that ‘the treasures of the Northern Kameruns consist in fertility and

capacity for labour’.[448] This statement holds good in a still higher

degree for German Bornu, the northernmost part of the Northern Kameruns,

and for the whole of Bornu in general; for there does not seem to be the

slightest prospect of finding useful minerals here, as far as one can

judge from geological conditions. All the more urgent, therefore, is the

duty of the Colonial Power interested in the commercial opening-up of

the country to devote the most assiduous attention to the numerous and

comparatively civilized population. In a climate like this, quite

unsuited to Europeans, the natives alone can extract the full market

value from the natural fertility of the soil, and they are already to a

large extent prepared to receive the products of European industry.

How prodigiously full of vitality the population of Bornu is, is proved

by the high figure at which it has been able to maintain itself, in

spite of the fact that before the beginning of the anti-slavery movement

it was yearly decimated over wide districts. How destructive were the

military expeditions, which generally started from Kukawa and penetrated

into the heart of Adamawa,[449] expeditions which were only undertaken

because ‘the treasure-chests and slave-huts were empty and must be

filled’,[450] we know well enough from the descriptions of Denham,

Barth, Vogel, Rohlfs, and Nachtigal. Not only the Shehus, but all their

vassal chiefs also, undertook razzias on their own account into the

thickly populated districts. Everything that the slave-raiders had no

use for—and this was the larger part—was destroyed on the spot; in spite

of this, slave caravans of over 4.000 slaves were dispatched from

Kukawa, of whom naturally only a very small proportion lived to reach

their final goal, Murzuk and Tripoli.[451] This inhuman, senseless, and

aimless traffic, dealing in the most valuable goods which the Central

Sudan possesses, viz. its numerous and industrious population, has now

ceased, since the Colonial Powers have paved the way for an orderly

state of affairs. But it would not be less wrong, and like throwing the

helve after the hatchet, were one now, considering the present state of

the Sudan peoples, to forcibly free all so-called slaves, especially as

the marriages of free-born women in the Sudan are often nothing more

than a purchase on the part of the man and an entry into a kind of

slavery on the part of the woman; yet this is the object actually aimed

at by a false philanthropy, utterly unacquainted with the conditions

prevailing in these regions. One must entirely approve, therefore, when

Passarge, at present the best authority on, and the most faithful

delineator of, conditions in the Central Sudan, states that: ‘The

abolition of slavery, even supposing it were generally successful, would

mean the ruin of agriculture and the creation of a state of chaos.’[452]

People at home often take offence at the mere word ‘slave’, and connect

it in their thoughts with such a state of things as was described in

_Uncle Tom’s Cabin_. The entire opposite was rather the case. The

‘slave’ experiences, once he has found a master, an almost invariably

mild treatment on the part of his owner, who is dependent on him in many

respects. The ‘slaves’ often enjoy a comparatively large amount of

personal freedom, dwell in their own villages, and live under far better

conditions than many free men, whilst in general the difference between

free men and slaves is by no means obvious. Generally speaking, the term

‘serfdom’, as proposed by Passarge, would be much more suitable to this

condition than ‘slavery’; but even this term is not altogether accurate

for the Chad countries, seeing that in Germany, for example, the serfs,

not so very long ago, could seldom emerge from their subordinate

condition. Very different was the case in the Sudan. Many slaves have

risen here to wealth and great influence—such as one or other of the

eunuchs of the court of Bornu or this or that kachella, who was

originally a slave—and, indeed, as a foreign and therefore invigorating

element, have played a not unimportant rôle in politics.[453]

The last great events which had a definite bearing on the social

condition of the population, were the conquest of Bornu by Rabeh and his

final overthrow; these occurred only a decade ago. The result of these

events was, owing to the facile character of the Kanuri, less a

destructive than a transforming, perhaps even a stimulating one—thanks

to the new elements introduced into the country. A few years after these

events, the thickly inhabited districts of Bornu—if one excepts Kukawa

or Dikoa—nowhere give the impression of being countries which a short

time ago were ravaged by the furies of war. Besides, one should take

into consideration that the traces of devastation and destruction are

soon effaced in these latitudes. What is more important is the fact that

very soon after the overthrow of Rabeh, the chief hindrance to the

development of prosperity in this part of the Sudan—that is to say,

slave-raiding—also ceased to exist.

The districts from which originated practically all the slaves who in

former days reached the markets of Mourzuk or Tripoli—that is to say,

the rich Musgu country—are still at the present day the best populated

part of Bornu, nay, even of the Interior of Africa, and may indeed

compare in this respect with the centres of population of many European

industrial districts.[454] But many other tracts of Bornu, with its

fertile lowlands, afford the same delightful prospect. Under this

category, for example, falls village after village on the right bank of

the Yedseram between Isga and Malematari. In all this district there is

no poverty or difficulty in supporting life; everywhere there is

prosperity and the unmistakable traces of a comfortable existence. Even

the hills on the border are everywhere thickly inhabited, however

inhospitable and inaccessible they may appear.[455]

Nachtigal attempted to ascertain the population of Bornu on the same

basis as Barth’s estimate, and, like his predecessor, fixed the numbers

at 5,000,000 for the whole of Bornu.[456] It is evident, however, that

in this estimate the majority of the Musgu were not included in the

reckoning, for the traveller’s route only allowed him to perceive the

small part which at that time had yet been explored. Bearing this fact

in mind and, further, taking into consideration the peaceful development

of the country during the last ten years, one may certainly add to-day

half a million to the figures of Barth and Nachtigal. Of the numbers

thus obtained, at least one-third come from the specially thickly

populated portion of Bornu that belongs to Germany.[457]

To watch over the peaceful development of the country, to keep an eye on

anything that affects it, and to suggest the policy to be followed, is

the business of the Residents appointed by the Colonial Powers; they are

merely the advisers of the native chiefs, to whom must be left the

direct jurisdiction over these territories according to the degree of

civilization prevailing in each. It should be the prime duty of the

European officials under all circumstances to prevent a return to the

former state of affairs, i.e. mutual hostility between the pagans and

Mohammedans—which would immediately degenerate again into slave-

raiding—to make skilful use of existing divisions, but wherever possible

to bridge them over. But this is all the more difficult since the pagan

natives, remembering the former slave-raids, regard as an enemy any one

of a different colour to themselves. Only a many years’ acquaintance

with the peculiarities of the country can supply a key to a political

system which is full of pitfalls. Though one cannot suppose that the

Europeans responsible for the administration will possess the same

intimate knowledge of native languages and customs as was displayed by

Barth and Nachtigal, nevertheless the mastery of at least one of the

locally spoken idioms, whether Arabic, Kanuri, Hausa, or Fulani, is

absolutely necessary if their efforts are to be really useful. If

anywhere, this holds good of the Central Sudan, where so many threads of

North African tribal life are interwoven, and where all conditions and

events are under the fixed control of the particularly well-organized

sect of the Senussi,[458] which, though they hardly reach so far, are

the moving spirit of the Pan-Islamic movement in North-East Africa, and

whose activity was already noticed by Nachtigal.[459] It is this last

circumstance especially that prescribes rules for the other colonizing

factor which brings the native into touch with European culture, i.e.

for the missionaries, rules which must differ from those which hold good

for the rest of Africa. In spite of unmistakable religious tolerance, at

least on the part of the Kanuri, the dominant race, it must not be

forgotten that Islam, to which the country owes its ancient pre-eminence

in the Sudan, has lost no ground to speak of, but on the contrary is

engaged in steadily advancing. Only the very greatest patience on the

part of Christian missionaries, careful conduct and a systematic advance

from an assured base on the coast, can enable them to conquer this

country. The slightest precipitancy would not only for ever put in

question the results of missionary labour, but would have a most fatal

effect on the whole political state of the country. This is especially

true to-day of places where lack of suitable international arrangements

has given the European Powers no opportunity of showing the great

development of authority lately established in these distant

regions.[460]

The chief industry of Bornu is agriculture, for which the necessary

conditions exist to a degree they scarcely do elsewhere in tropical

countries. The unstinted praise which Barth assigns to the Southern

Musgu country as ‘the most fruitful and most richly watered tract in the

world’,[461] holds equally true of many other districts of the

Sultanate. No district is really bad, for even the ‘firki’ regions

which, owing to the quickness with which they dry up, are to-day almost

useless,[462] could certainly be made productive by the employment of a

more highly developed system of husbandry. There are wide tracts in the

lowlands of Bornu that present a field for agriculture of unparalleled

extent. What an abundance of all the necessaries of life are to-day

wrung from the soil by means of the primitive hoe, and what might not be

produced by the mere introduction of the plough! It cannot be doubted

that the intelligent and industrious natives, who exhibit such an

exemplary system of horticulture with the most primitive implements, and

who have long been aware of the value of artificial manuring, would soon

grasp the advantages of the plough.[463] A suitable draught animal, the

humped ox, is everywhere available, and that it is suited to use with

the plough has been sufficiently proved by experiments undertaken in the

Southern Kameruns.[464]

Pretty well every agricultural product of the Sudan is produced in Bornu

in abundance, and certainly far cheaper than almost anywhere else in

Central Africa, a circumstance to which Barth drew especial

attention.[465] Of greater significance is the fact that the plant which

at the present day has the greatest importance in world-commerce, i.e.

cotton, has for ages been cultivated in Bornu. The good cotton produced

in the country, which is manufactured in large quantities by the natives

of the Sudan, proves as a matter of fact to be far superior to the cheap

cotton goods imported from Europe.[466] And yet it is all produced by

the primitive means of a native loom. Barth repeatedly emphasizes the

fact that far from all of the soil of Bornu suited to the production of

cotton is thus utilized.[467] What possibilities, therefore, are

disclosed for this branch of agriculture by the utilization of all

cotton soils after the introduction of better quality seed, and, above

all, of a more intensive method of cultivation. Bornu, with its regular

climate, is in a far more favourable position than many other cotton

centres—such, for example, as the Southern States of North America, with

their weather conditions which are never to be depended upon—and

doubtless has a future before it so far as this product is

concerned.[468]

Although the other vegetable products of Bornu cannot compete in

importance with cotton, still the cultivation of many valuable

agricultural products, which to-day play an important part in the export

statistics of other African countries, could likewise experience an

important increase. To this category belong especially ground-nuts and

sesame.

Stock-raising has always received the same attention in Bornu as

agriculture. The principal branch of this is cattle-breeding. One gets

an idea of the enormous wealth of Bornu in cattle when one reads the

descriptions of the Musgu country. Kund estimates that in these

districts, where village joins village, a single place of some 100 farms

possesses from 200 to 250 head of cattle.[469] Even if one takes into

consideration that all districts are not suited for stock-raising,

especially those where large stretches of forest make cattle-keeping

difficult, still one may assume that Bornu is one of the richest

countries in cattle of the whole of the Dark Continent. Flocks of sheep

and goats are in places by no means inconsiderable, but they are

generally met with in districts of Bornu less favoured by nature.[470]

From the proximity of the Sahara it is only natural that camel- and

horse-breeding should have been undertaken in Bornu from early times.

Although the prospects of camel-breeding have proved to be poor owing to

reasons already mentioned, horse-breeding still flourishes, encouraged

as it is by the possibility of always importing fresh stock from the

North to reinvigorate the breed.[471] Nevertheless, it appears that this

branch of industry has not attained the development since Denham and

Barth’s times that one might have expected from the descriptions of

these travellers. At a review Barth saw 10,000 horses at one spot—this,

indeed, comprised the entire mounted force of the country—but it is

doubtful whether at the present day this number could be again

assembled, though one must also take into consideration that the

occasion for such an assembly has disappeared for ever.

The existence of such a high development of agriculture, including the

important occupations of cotton-growing and stock-raising, is bound to

entail among a numerous population many forms of industry. It is not

necessary to recapitulate here the industrial productions of the

country; they have already been mentioned in the description of the

various tribes. This much is certain, that everything which the

industries of Bornu have accomplished—not only in the production of

textile and leather goods—shows that the task of the European merchant

here of creating wants and finding markets for native manufactures has

already to a great extent been fulfilled. In this connexion it is to be

remembered that Bornu was perhaps the first of the Mohammedan countries

of Central Africa to enter into commercial relations with foreign

nations, and thus came early into touch with Western products.[472]

A further proof of the commercial spirit of the population of Bornu is

the comparatively highly developed form of currency which Barth found

already in existence. Besides the very common system of barter,

purchases for cash were at that time usual everywhere. The oldest medium

for reckoning was a fixed weight of copper, the ‘Rottl’, a term which

has remained even to-day as the unit of computation even after the

introduction of other and commoner forms of currency. To these forms of

currency belong the cotton-strips called ‘gabaga’, four of which go to

one ‘Rottl’. At that time and until quite lately the Maria Theresa

dollar,[473] a medium of reckoning which is very widely distributed in

the Mohammedan world, was also current as well as that peculiar

substitute for coin, the cowry-shell; in Barth’s and Nachtigal’s time

the exchange was 3,000 to 4,000 cowries to the dollar and 32 to the

‘Rottl’.[474] Although the rate of exchange was fixed, still important

fluctuations took place and always made cash transactions somewhat

complicated.[475] It is only quite recently that European currency has

been officially introduced and made available by the Colonial Powers,

but naturally it is only able to supersede very gradually the medium of

reckoning hitherto customary.

According to Rohlfs, the reason of the high development of trade in

Bornu is the ‘absolute freedom of trade and industry’ and the freedom of

all goods from tolls.[476] Nachtigal, however, mentions a kind of river-

toll on the Logone, and similar arrangements of a more local nature may

even still be found.[477]

How these trade relations—which naturally depend on the interchange of

goods by the Sudan peoples among themselves—will shape in the future it

is not yet possible to foresee. But this much is certain, that the chief

objects of export and the lines which they take will have quite changed

within a few years. Both certainly depend on the same causes.

The Sultanate of Bornu · 第 13 / 26 段